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f

HARVARD
COLLEGE
LIBRARY

THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

VOLUME X

;flS?>^o.

THE WRITINGS

OP

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

COLLECTED AND EDITED
WITH A LIFE AND INTRODUCTION

BY

ALBERT HENRY SMYTH

VOLUME X
1789-1790

WITH A LIFE AND INDEX

Ncfao JSoiit
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

LONDON : MACMILLAN AND CO.. LTD.

1907

AH rights rtttrvtd

U^ HC^-'.. »\>j.

ti/ti^r^v t' 'LuACj^

COFVSIGHT, Z907,

By the MACMILLAN COMPANY.

Set up and electrotyped. Published February, 1907. Reprinted
October, 1907.

J. 8. Gushing Oo. — Berwick & Smith Co*
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.

PREFACE

Since the appearance of the first volume of this edition so
many new dociunents have been discovered by the diligent
investigations of scholars, and generously furnished from
private collections, that it has become an embarrassing
problem to include both the new and the old within the limits
of the work as originally proposed. I have been forced
reluctantly to abandon my cherished plan of a comprehensive
biography of Franklin, and to content myself with a more
meagre outline of the story of his life. The publication of
his works in their original integrity is the object of first
importance, and to that end all other causes must give way.
Moreover, Franklin's writings are his best biography, a fact
recognized by Mr. Bigelow, who, in his "Life of Franklin,"
has allowed the great man through his Memoirs and his
correspondence — "almost miraculously preserved from in-
calculable perils" — to tell his own story. In the sketch of
personal and political history contained in the present
volume, I have been as brief as was consistent with clearness,
because I have had small space at my command, and because
it has seemed imnecessary to quote from documents which
exist in the previous volumes of this work.

In the writing of the biography I have been chiefly indebted
to the late lamented Henri Doniol, whose monumental work,
"Histoire de la Participation de la France k PEtablissement
des Etats-Unis d'Am^rique," is one of the triumphs of histori-

vi PREFACE

cal research. "The Life of Franklin," by James Parton, is a
work of much labour and learning which has fallen into un-
merited neglect. I have found the Vicomte de Noailles' " Ma-
rins et Soldats Franjais en Am^rique " frequently helpful.

The second centenary of the birth of Franklin was made in
1906 the occasion of extraordinary honours and unprecedented
commemorations. Anniversary feasts and elaborate cele-
brations continued in ever increasing interest in many parts of
America, from their beginning in the first week of the year until
their stately culmination in the august proceedings of the
month of April in Paris and the splendid ceremonials of the
same time in Philadelphia. The State of Pennsylvania made
a liberal appropriation to The American Philosophical Society
to defray the cost of the latter celebration, at which one hun-
dred and twenty-seven societies and institutions of learning
in Europe and America were represented. A gold medal,
designed by Louis and Augustus St. Gaudens, was struck
by order of Congress and presented, under the direction of
the President of the United States, to the Republic of France.

In Paris a statue of Franklin, the gift of Mr. John H. Harjes,
was im veiled at the entrance into the Place du Trocad^ro of
the rue Franklin, on which the philosopher and statesman
dwelt during his stay at Passy. Two ex-presidents of the
French Republic and one of the United States, distinguished
officials and diplomatists of world-wide fame, constituted a
Committee of Honour to add brilliancy to the f6te. The cele-
bration took place in the salle des files of the Palace of the
Trocad^ro in the presence of nearly five thousand persons
and almost all the high officials of the French government and
the ministers and ambassadors of foreign powers. A dis-
tincruished French orator and cabinet minister was chosen

PREFACE va

by the French government to deliver a eulogy, and the editor
of this work was appointed by President Roosevelt as the
spokesman of the United States. I have drawn occasionally
in the course of this volume upon my oration delivered upon
that occasion, and I have sometimes quoted from a series of
articles upon "Franklin's Social Life in France," contributed
by me to Putnam's Monthly, for, as the old Greek proverb
runs, Sk hk ovk ivSdj^erai,

In the preface to the first volume I announced the publica-
tion of a manuscript by Franklin relating to the early Ameri-
can plantations. It is a document of the year 1731, and is,
next to the Autobiography, the most extensive yet foimd in
Franklin's handwriting. It was discovered ampng the papers
recently acquired by the University of Pennsylvania. Fur-
ther research has resulted in the discovery that it was really
written by James Logan and was a memorial sent by him to
Robert Walpole. It is a document of much interest and sin-
gularly wise and prophetic, but as it is demonstrably not by
Franklin it does not appear in this work. Another promise,
I regret to say, remains unfulfilled. The most diligent search
has failed to find the letter in Cremona written by Franklin to
Lorenzo Manini (Vol. I, p. 12). My friend Signor Novati,
the distinguished scholar of Milan, a native of Cremona,
personally assisted the librarian in the search ; but they have
been obliged to conclude that the precious document has been
lost or stolen from the library.

One instance of the dupUcation of an article appears in
Volume IX; number 1482 and number 1491 (pp. 174 and
189) are identical. The first of these had already been
printed from Mr. Bigelow's edition when the original letter
was foimd in the British Museum and it is here faithfully

vffl PREFACE

cx)pied. It will be noticed that the letter was actually writ-
ten three weeks later than the date hitherto ascribed to it.

Certain spurious letters of Franklin exist, and have occa-
sionally, as in the Vraine-Lucas forgeries, deceived the edi-
tors of his works. Such a letter is found in "Joseph and
Benjamin, a Conversation, translated from a French Manu-
script" (printed at the logographic press for J. Murray,
No. 32, Fleet Street, 1787), in which, writing from Boston,
under date of May 27, 1786, to the Emperor Joseph, Frank-
lin proposes to invite one of the sons of the king of England
to be king of America. Two fictitious letters are in "La
Cassette Verte de M. Sartine, trouv^e chez Mademoiselle
du Th^" (k la Haye, 1779). One of these is in French
(p. 33) ; the other, likewise addressed to M. de Sartine, is in
English and concludes: "I am insulted in all the languages
of Europe. My religion is satirized in Italian. My politics
in Spanish and Dutch. I hear Washington ridiculed in
Russian, and myself in aU the jargon of Germany. I cannot
bear it. Make Europe civil to America, or I'U follow SUas
Deane"

It is often said that the famous song, ga ira, of the French
Revolution had its origin with Benjamin Franklin, and the
statement has been as often denied (see Vol. X, pp. 362-363).
In a little book entitled " Inauguration de la Maison commime
d'Auteuil, Paris, Imprimerie du Cercle Social" (1792), it is
told that upon the opening of the new mairie^ or maison com-
mune of Auteuil, in August, 1792, the effigies of great men
were carried in procession from the old house to the new, and
that a band of music accompanied the bust of Franklin,
playing, by order of the municipal agent, M. Pierre Antoine
oit, the air of ga it a.

PREFACE is

A debated incident in the later life of Franklin I have not
mentioned. A college in Pennsylvania, having taken his name,
received a munificent gift from him, and it is said that he
actually made the journey to Lancaster to attend the laying
of the comer stone. No record of that visit exists at what
is now Franklin and Marshall College. The ceremonies
attending the inauguration were in 1787, and Franklin was
then suflFering so severely from gout and stone that an ex-
pedition to the State House, an eighth of a mile from his
home, was a formidable enterprise. He could not ride in a
carriage even before his return from Paris, and he was carried
from that city to Havre upon a litter. He was borne about
in Philadelphia in 1788 in a sedan chair, and he regretted
that he had not brought with him to America a balloon which,
held captive in a servant's hand, would have furnished him
with the easiest locomotion. No jot of evidence exists that
he was ever out of Philadelphia after he entered the city amid
the acclamations of his feUow-townsmen upon his return
from France, nor does it seem within the bounds of possi-
bility that he could have endured a journey of seventy miles
in a carriage over the rough roads of Pennsylvania. Never-
theless, Crfevecoeur relates in his "Voyage dans la haute
Pensylvanie" (Vol. I, p. 26), that he accompanied Franklin
upon his visit to Lancaster, and that upon the day of the
ceremony one of the principal inhabitants of the town in-
quired concerning the origin of the Indian tribes and asked
whether they were really autochthonous, whereupon Frank-
lin discoursed upon the mounds and fortifications of the an-
cient people of the country. It is at least a curious coincidence
that in a letter written February 2, 1788, the due de la Roche-
foucauld told Franklin that he had received from Cr^vecceur

z PREFACE

an account of ancient fortifications discovered at the con-
fluence of the Muskingum and the Ohio. AbW MoreUet,
in a letter dated July 31, 1787, refers to the Lancaster cere-
monies, but it appears that Franklin had sent to him a
pamphlet printed upon the occasion and descriptive of the
event.

"In the dedication of your college in the Coimty of Lan-
caster," writes Morellet, "and the fine procession, and the
religious ceremony, where were met together Presbyterians,
Episcopalians, Lutherans, Catholics, Moravians, e tuUi
quanti, there was toleration in practice. I have translated
the whole of the pamphlet which you sent me and had it
inserted in our Mercury.^^

Crfevecoeur was a truthful man, and it is to be hoped that
some lucky find will clear away the doubt and obscurity
that gather about the journey to Lancaster.

It will be noticed that I have adopted throughout these
volumes the Austrian way of spelling the name of Ingen-
Housz. In the published works of that distinguished philos-
opher, and in the authorized translations of them, the name
is spelled Ingen-Housz. He signed himself IngenHousz,
and sometimes in familiar letters J. Housz. A descendant of
this illustrious man, Dr. Oskar, Freiherr von Mitis, an oflficial
of the K. und K, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv^ with great and
generous kindness, sent me a strange manuscript volume en-
titled "Consultatio Medica super proprium morbum auto-
grapha Benjamini Franklin ad joannem Ingenhousz.'* The
volume contains two manuscripts, the first consisting of
seventy-six pages and containing about seventeen thousand
words. The second is an amplification and extension of the
'* ' and written in an almost microscopic hand, its severity

PREFACE xi

pages containing not less than seventy-eight thousand words.
The first part — CapiU /. De Nalura Morbi — is in the hand-
writing of the elder Jacquin, Nikolaus Josef, the celebrated
botanist. The second part, beginning PalhologuB Pars
prima^ is believed in Germany to have been written either by
Ingenhonszy the uncle of Jacquin, or by Franklin. Upon the
paper cover is written "Has immortalis viri reliquias sociis
et amicis religiose asservandas tradit" (signed) Jacquin.
Freiherr von Mitis assures me that this is unquestionably
in the handwriting of Jacquin, and that there can be no doubt
of his love of truth. The cover is slightly scorched, for
the maniiscript was rescued from the fire, together with a
few other papers, in 1848 by Karl von Schreiber, son-in-law
of Jacquin. Since 1852 this mysterious volume has been in
the possession of the family of Von Mitis, and although
it has been frequently examined no information has been
obtained concerning its origin. It corresponds with no
known writing of Ingenhousz or Franklin. It is identical
with no other manuscript. And yet the testimony of Jac-
quin is precise and reverent, and the document has never
departed from the descendants of Ingenhousz.

Information concerning the identity of the Bishop of Tri-
comia, to whom Franklin addressed a letter dated April 22,
1777, reached me too late to be printed in its proper place
(Vol. VII, p. 43). The information kindly supplied by
Monsignor Veccia, secretary of the Congregation of the
Propaganda at Rome, was obtained from the Archives of the
Propaganda. The Bishop is there named "Revmus Pater
Dominus Petnis Joseph Perreau Bisuntinae [Besanjon]
Bioccesios dectus Episcopus Tricomien : in Consistorio diei
17 Juliis 1775 — da Pio VI Braschi."

In the Appendix to Volume V fp. 553), I have'
Franklin's "Observations on Maize or Indian Co!

a footnote I stated that the date of its composition
known. I have since learned from a letter in the o
of The American Philosophical Society that it was w;
the spring of 1785, and sent to the famous French 1
Caddt de Vaux, for publication in the Journal de I
"I send herewith some Observations on the Use'
Grain, of which you are at Liberty to make such Ua
may think proper" (April 28, 1785).

I have not attempted to prepare a list of misprints, q
of those that I have noted are so obvious that they
need correction. But the mind plays us sometimi
tricks. In the carefully and frequently read proc
of Mrs. Cowden-Clarke's "Concordance to Shakes
a notable error escaped the watchful eyes of all the p
readers: "I Pandulph of fair Milan Cardinal"
and remained by the power of pictorial suggestion
in the name of the fair Italian city, ~ "of fair Mila
dral." By a like tyranny of historic suggestion the l
Nemours called to mind memories of that lofty line of
nobles, and in the preface to my first volume Du]
Nemours, "physiocrat" and accomplished gentlemi
invested with the titular dignity of the dukes of N
an honour which neither his high abilities or his ]
worth required to secure for him a high and an abid
tion in the file of mankind.

And now when I should take leave of my task I If
luctant to speak a final farewell imtil I shall have 1
word of comment upon the character of the man whoa
ment has here been built. His praise has indeed been

PREFACE Jdii

widely and wannly in the twelvemonth just completed, but
the voice of detraction and of harsh censure has not been
altogether silenced. The fulness of praise is still in many
places and in many ways withheld from him. In Phila-
delphia, the city of his second birth, an hereditary hostility,
derived unconsciously from the ancient proprietary feud,
still exists, and opposes to the fame of Franklin an attitude
of serious censure or contemptuous indifference. In Eng-
land he is classified with those politicians who are merely
"smart" — obtuse of conscience and wily to the verge of
chicane. His moral lapses have been eagerly exaggerated
and relentlessly condemned, though they were freely confessed
and fully regretted by him. His autobiography has been
styled the history of a rogue. Lewdness, irreligion, and
sophistry are imsparingly ascribed to him. His faults were
with few exceptions such as are "companions noted and most
known to youth and liberty." He frankly acknowledged them
and set forth a deep repentance. He begot one illegitimate
child, whom he acknowledged and educated, and for whom
he did everjrthing that love and duty could perform. When
that son repeated the parental fault and begat a bastard son
in England, Franklin obliged him to rear his child with the
same wise care and affection, nor would he tolerate his
introduction in America under a false or foreign name.

In a letter to Ezra Stiles, another to Madame Brillon, and
a third to Joseph Huey, he has professed with characteristic
clearness beliefs that could only belong to a reverent and
religious mind. His creed was simple and steadfast. He
believed in God and that he should be worshipped ; he held
imf altering faith in immortality; and in the conduct of life
he advised the imitation of Jesus and Socrates. "I look

xiv PREFACE

upon death," he wrote to George Whatley, "to be as neces-
sary to our constitution as sleep. We shall rise refreshed in
the morning."

Throughout his life his burdens were heavy, his anxieties
often distressing, and he suffered much pain. He retained,
however, a cheerful temper, for his habitual mood was kindly
and tolerant. Bad temper, he was wont to say, is the unclean-
liness of the mind. He had a talent for happiness, and he
told Nicholas Collin that all the griefs and sufferings of this
world are but as the momentary pricking of a pin in com-
parison with the total happiness of our existence.

He was not one of the pure and high spirits who lead the
life of the soul and by lustrous example allure mankind to
lofty lives. He pursued the objects of ambition upon a
lower level. He was a companionable philosopher whose
feet were always well poised upon the substantial earth, and
whose eyes rested upon practical material advantages. His
ideal was a life of thrift, husbandry, comfort, worldly cau-
tion and rational enjoyment. Yet he had his large visions,
too, of growth and expansion and power. He zealously fed
and trimmed the guiding lamps that shed their beams upon
the dark and dangerous ways upon which the young Repub-
lic began its tremendous career. He listened to the tread
of the coming generations, and rejoiced to see "how grows
the day of human power." No disaster or depression could
shake his firm faith in the vast future of America. The whole
continent was his colonial home. " What is your occupation ? "
was the question asked of him at his examination before the
House of Commons. He replied, "I am deputy postmaster
general of North AmericaJ^ When in desperate straits for
money, alarmed and dismayed by the unceasing drafts of

PREFACE XV

Congress, and the ever present dread of the collapse of all
American credit, he was told that Spain would lend money
on condition that America should agree to remain within
the Alleghany Moimtains, he exclaimed in sudden anger,
and with prophetic fire: "Poor as we are, yet as I know we
shall be rich I would rather agree with them to buy at a great
price the whole of their right in the Mississippi than sell a
drop of its waters. A neighbour might as well ask me to
sell my street door!"

He loved England, and his dearest friends were in Great
Britain, but there seems never to have been absent from his
mind a sense of the latent might of the colonies, and a vision
of the giant things to come at large and the inevitable shift-
ing of the seat and centre of power to the western shore of the
Atlantic. When his life was drawing to its painful end, he
looked upon the portentous events then happening about
him — the framing and adoption of a Constitution and the
creation of the first machinery of government — and uttered
warnings which deserve the serious attention of his country-
men in the second century after his death. More than once
he declared that the chief peril he saw in America arose not
from an excess of authority in the governors, but from a
deficiency of obedience in the governed. He saw also, as he
thought, a disposition to commence an aristocracy, by giving
the rich a predominance in government, and he besought his
countrymen to beware of the perils of luxury and the menace
of inordinate wealth.

In nothing did he show his typical American character
more clearly than in his power of prompt assimilation of new
ideas and ready adaptation to novel circumstances. He was
a man of the frontier, with all the resourcefulness and hardi-

zvi PREFACE

ness of the pioneer. He was free of sectarianism and of
sectionalism. Unfettered by provincial limitations, he was
capable of entering with alacrity into a new orbit. Sainte
Beuve declared him to be the most French of all Americans.
It is a remarkable illustration of his extraordinary mobility of
mind. But while he was sensitive to each breath and wind
of change and progress, he stood firmly by institutions and
methods authenticated by history and whose worth was proved
by ripe and safe experience. He shared Burke's detestation
of innovations that recklessly uprooted what was old, and
wrought destructions in the name of reform. " Purify with-
out destro)dng" was his oft-repeated political maxim, which
might well have been a motto for the library of Edmund
Burke.

A few months before his death he referred to new and
dangerous theories that seemed to be entering the State, and
said, "I hope that our representatives in the Convention
wiU not hastily go into these Innovations, but take the advice
of the Prophet, ' Stand in the old ways, view the ancient Paths,
consider them well, and be not among those that are given to
Change:''

When he was fifty years old he wrote to George Whitefield :
"Life like a dramatic Piece should not only be conducted
with Regularity, but methinks it should finish handsomely.
Being now in the last Act I begin to cast about for
something fit to end with. Or if mine be more properly
compared to an Epigram, as some of its few lines are but
barely tolerable, I am very desirous of concluding with a
bright point." Thirty-four years of busy life were still be-
fore him when he wrote those words. Great honours and
*gs were in store for him. But the "brightest points"

PREFACE xvii

in the brilliant epigram of his life are those that tell of his
supreme devotion to the welfare of his country. He aban-
doned cherished ambitions and sacrificed personal ease to
bear the burdens of a nation. Twice he braved personal ruin
and risked his entire fortune at critical moments of his coun-
try's history. He became personally responsible to the farm-
ers of Pennsylvania and Maryland to recompense them for
their horses and wagons when they declined to accept the
security of Braddock. And in later years he pledged himself
to pay for all the tea destroyed in Boston Harbour if the gov-
ernment of En^and would but subscribe to suitable terms
of reconciliation with the colonies. When he left America to
enter upon his service as commissioner in France,' the rumour
was rife in England that he had deserted a forlorn cause. His
malicious critics had grossly misread the character of the
man whose last act upon quitting the home that he might
never see again was to lend to the Congress his entire avail-
able fortime, between three and four thousand poimds.

It is a pleasure to add to the list of those to whom at the
beginning of this work I confessed my obUgations the name
of M. Lionel de Crfevecceur, who generously brought to me in
Paris a large and interesting collection of private papers be-
longing to his great grandfather Michel Guillaume Jean de
Crfevecceur. I am also deeply indebted to Dr. John L. Haney
and Mr. Howard C. Myers, who have assisted me in the read-
ing of proofs, and to Mr. Raymond M. Fulforth, who has
helped in the preparation of the index*

A. Jn. S«
Jamuast 29, 1907.

CONTENTS

1756.

1757.
1753.

1759-
1760.

1 761.

1762.

1763.

1764.
1765.
1766.
1767.

1768.
1769.
1770.

1 771.

1772.

1773-
1774-

1775-
1776.

1777-
1778.

'779-
1780.

VOLUME X

To Alexander Small. February 17, 1789 . • . . i

To Mrs. Catherine Greene. March 2, 1789 ... 3

To Miss Catherine Louisa Shipley. April 27, 1789 . . 4

To Comte de Moustier. April 27, 1789 .... 5

To Charles Carroll. May 25, 1789 7

To Philip Kinsey. May 25, 1789 7

To Richard Price. May 31, 1789 8

Observations relative to the Intentions of the original

Founders of the Academy in Philadelphia. June, 1789 . 9

To Benjamin Vaughan. June 3, 1789 .... 32

To Mrs. Jane Mecom. August 3, 1789 • • • • 33

To M. Le Veillard. September 5, 1789 .... 34
An Account of the Supremest Court of Judicature in Penn-
sylvania, viz. the Court of the Press. September 12,

1789 36

To George Washington. September 16, 1789 ... 41

To Comte de Montmorin. September 21, 1789 . 42

To Mrs. Jane Mecom. October 19, 1789 .... 43

To "Sylvanus Urban Esq." [D. Henry]. October 20,

1789 43

To Jonathan Williams. October 26, 1789 ... 44

To William Alexander. October 26, 1789 ... 45
To Donatien Le Ray de Chaumont, Fils. October 31, 1789 46
To Robert Morris. November 2, 1789 .... 48
To James Logan. November 2, 1 789 .... 49
To Benjamin Vaughan. November 2, 1789 ... 49
Queries and Remarks respecting Alterations in the Consti-
tution of Pennsylvania. November, 1 789 ... 54
To John Wright. November 4, 1789 .... 60
To Samuel Moore. November 5, 1789 .... 63

XX

CONTENTS

NO.

I78I.
1782.

1783.
1784.
1785.
1786.

1787.
1788.
1789.
1790.
I 791.
1792.

1793-
1794.

1795-
1796.

1797.
1798.

1799.

1800.
1801.
1802.

1803.

1804.
1805.
1806.

To Alexander Small. November 5, 1789^

An Address to the Public ; from the Pennsylvania Society
for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and the Relief of
Free Negroes unlawfully held in Bondage. November
9, 1789 ..•...*

To Jean Baptiste Le Roy. November 13, 1789

To M. Le Veillard. November 13, 1789 .

To Donatien Le Ray de Chaumont. November 14, 1789

To David Hartley. December 4, 1789

To Mrs. Jane Mecom. December 17, 1789

To . December 19, 1789 .

PACE

64

To Miles Merwin. December 21, 1789 .
To Noah Webster. December 26, 1789 .

To . January 19, 1790

To Ezra Stiles. March 9, 1790

To Francis Childs. March 10, 1790

On the Slave Trade. March 23, 1790

To Mrs. Jane Mecom. March 24, 1790 .

To Thomas Jefferson. April 8, 1790

Remarks concerning the Savages of North America. 1784 ?

The Retort Courteous. April, 1786 ?

The Internal State of America ; being a True Description

of the Interest and Policy of that Vast Continent

Conte

An Arabian Tale

A Petition of the Left Hand, To those who have the Super-

intendency of Education

Hints for Consideration respecting the Orphan School

House in Philadelphia

Plan for improving the Condition of the Free Blacks

Some Good Whig Principles

The Art of Procuring Pleasant Dreams. 1786 ?

66
68
69

70
72

73

74

7^

7S
82

83
86

86

91
92

97
105

116
123
123

125

126
127

130
131

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

I. Origin and Early Struggles I41

II. Postmaster and Assemblyman 17a

III. Acquaintance with England 196

CONTENTS xxi

PACK

IV. The Stamp Act . . 221

V. The Scene in the Cockpit 240

VI. Plans of Conciliation 272

VII. Plenipotentiary to France .... . 300

VIII. Vast European Fame . 328

IX. Financing the Revolution 364

X. The Treaty of Peace 388

XI. Sodal Life in France 405

XII. Return to America . 456

XIII. Last Will and Testament 493

List OF Correspondents 511

Index op Persons . •537

Index of Places and Subjects 585

TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS

A. P. S America.D Philosophical Sodetj.

B. M British Museum.

B. N Bibliolfa^que Nationale.

D. S. W. Deparlmeni of Stale, Washingloa,

H Harvard Uuivcrsity. b^^k

L.C. Library of Congress. ^^^M

L. L. Lenox Library. ^^^H

Laos. Laosdonoe House. ^^^|

M. H. S Massachusetis Historical Sodety^ I

P. C Private Collection.

P. H. S. . Pennsylvania Historical Sodetj.

P. R. O Public Recoid Office.

P. R. O. A. W. I Public Record Office : America and

West Indies.
P. A. E. E. U Paris Dcparlemenl des AfTaires

Elrang&res, — Elals-Unis.

U. of P. University of Pennsylvania.

Y Yale University.

B Bigelow. ^^H

F Benjamin Franklin. ^^^H

S Sparlts. ^^H

V BenjamiD Vaughan. ^^H

W. T. F W. T. Franklin.

Franklin's Mss. exist in several forms. He made a rough draft of

every letter that he wrote ; he then made a dean copy to send away, and

often retained a letter-press copy. To indicate the stale of the docu-

t, the followingabbreviationa are used; d. ^ draft, trans. = lraascript|

-press copy. ^^^^

I7S6. TO ALEXANDER SMALL*

Philadelphia, February 17, 1789.

Dear Frieni),

I have just received your kind letter of November 29th,' and
am much obliged by your friendly attention in sending me the
receipt, which on occasion I may make trial of ; but the stone
I have being a lai^ge one, as I find by the weight it falls with
when I turn in bed, I have no hope of its being dissoluble
by any medicine ; and having been for some time past pretty
free from pain, I am afraid of tampering. I congratulate you
on the escape you had by avoiding the one you mention, that
was as big as a kidney bean ; had it been retained, it might
soon have become too large to pass, and proved the cause of
much pain at times, as mine has been to me.

Having served my time of three years as president, I have
now renounced all public business, and enjoy the otium cum
dignikUe. My friends indulge me with their frequent visits,
which I have now leisure to receive and enjoy. The Philo-
sophical Society, and the Society for Political Inquiries, meet
at my house, which I have enlarged by additional building,
that affords me a large room for those meetings, another over
it for my library now very considerable, and over all some
lodging rooms. I have seven promising grandchildren by my

^ Printed from "The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin" (1818),
VoL I, p. 246. Dated February 19, by Bigelow. — Ed.
"In A. P. S. — Ed.

VOL. X — B I

2 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789

daughter, who play with and amuse me, and she is a kind
attentive nurse to me when I am at any time indisposed ; so
that I pass my time as agreeably as at my age a man may
well expect, and have little to wish for, except a more easy
exit than my malady seems to threaten.

The deafness you complain of gives me concern, as if great
it must diminish considerably your pleasure in conversation.
If moderate, you may remedy it easily and readily, by putting
your thumb and fingers behind your ear, pressing it outwards,
and enlarging it, as it were, with the hollow of your hand.
By an exact experiment I found, that I could hear the tick of a
watch at forty-five feet distance by this means, which was
barely audible at twenty feet without it. The experiment
was made at midnight when the house was still.

I am glad you have sent those directions respecting ven-
tilation to the Edinburgh Society. I hope you have added
an account of the experience you had of it at Minorca. If
they do not print your paper, send it to me, and it shall be
in the third volume, which we are about to publish of our
Transactions.

Mrs. Hewson joins with us in best wishes for your health

and happiness. Her eldest son has gone through his studies

at our college, and taken his degree. The youngest is still

Ihere, and will be graduated this summer. My grandson

presents his respects ; and I am ever, my dear friend, yours

most affectionately,

B. Franklin.

P. S. You never mention the receipt of any letters from
me. I wish to know if they come to hand, particularly my
last enclosing the Apologue. You mention some of my old
'^ being dead, but not their names.

1789] '^O MRS. CATHERINE GREENE

1757. TO MRS. CATHERINE GREENE"

Philadelphia, March 2, 1789.

Dear Friend,

Having now done with public affairs, which have hitherto
taken up so much of my time, I shall endeavour to enjoy,
during the small remainder of life that is left to me, some of
the pleasures of conversing with my old friends by writing,
since their distance prevents my hope of seeing them again.

I received one of the bags of sweet com you were so good
as to send me a long time since, but the other never came to
hand. Even the letter mentioning it, though dated December
loth, 1787,' has been above a year on its way; for I received
it but about two weeks since from Baltimore in Maryland.
The com I did receive was excellent, and gave me great pleas-
ure. Accept my hearty thanks.

I am, as you suppose in the abovementioned old letter,
much pleased to hear, that my young friend Ray is ** smart
in the farming way," and makes such substantial fences.
I think agriculture the most honourable of all employments,
being the most independent. The farmer has no need of
popular favour, nor the favour of the great ; the success of
his crops depending only on the blessing of God upon his
honest industry. I congratulate your good spouse, that he,
as well as myself, is now free from public cares, and that he
can bend his whole attention to his farming, which will afford
him both profit and pleasure ; a business which nobody knows
better how to manage with advantage.

1 From "The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin" (1818),
Vol. I, p. 248. — En.
«In A. P. S. — Ed.

4 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

I am too old to follow printing again myself, but, loving the
business, I have brought up my grandson Benjamin to it,
and have built and furnished a printing-house for him, which
he now manages under my eye. I have great pleasure in the
rest of my grandchildren, who are now in number eight, and
all promising, the youngest only six months old, but shows
signs of great good nature. My friends here are numerous,
and I enjoy as much of their conversation as I can reasonably
wish; and I have as much health and cheerfulness, as can
well be expected at my age, now eighty-three. Hitherto this
long hfe has been tolerably happy ; so that, if I were allowed
to live it ovy again, I should make no objection, only wishii^
for leave to do, what authors do in a second edition of their
works, correct some of my cffoia. Amoi^ the felicities of
my life I reckon your friendship, which I shall remember with
pleasure as long as that life lasts, being ever, my dear friend
youre most affectionately,

B. Franklin.

1758. TO MISS CATHERINE LOUISA SHIPLEY'
Philadelphia, April 27, 1789.

^^^^^L X Ftnm "The Priv«t« CorrespondeDce of Benjamin Franklin" (iSiS),

It is only a few days since the kind letter of my dear young

friend, dated December 24th, came to my hands. I had

before, in the public papers, met with the afflicting news that

letter contained. That excellent man has then left us 1 His

^(.■pa''l'Ji'e is a loss, not to his family and friends only, but to

tjis nation, and to the world ; for he was intent on doing good,

.J wisdom to devise the means, and talents to promote them.

1789] TO COMTE DE MOUSTIER 5

His "Sermon before the Society for Propagating the Gospel,"
and his ** Speech intended to have been spoken," * are proofs
of his ability as weU as his humanity. Had his counsels in
those pieces been attended to by the ministers, how much
bloodshed might have been prevented, and how much expense
and disgrace to the nation avoided !

Your reflections on the constant calmness and composure
attending his death are very sensible. Such instances seem
to show, that the good sometimes enjoy in dying a foretaste of
the happy state they are about to enter.

According to the course of years, I should have quitted

this world long before him. I shall however not be long in

following. I am now in my eighty-fourth year, and the last

year has considerably enfeebled me ; so that I hardly expect

to remain another. You will then, my dear friend, consider

this as probably the last line to be received from me, and as a

taking leave. Present my best and most sincere respects to

your good mother, and love to the rest of the family, to whom

I wish all happiness ; and believe me to be, while I do live,

yours most afiPectionately,

B. Franklin.

1759. TO COMTE DE MOUSTIER' (l.c.)

PhiUd* April 27, 1789.

Sir,
I received the Honour of your Letter dated the 12th of
March, when I lay very ill of my painful Distemper, which
rendered me incapable of writing. The Letter yours enclosed

* Sec Introduction, Vol. I, p. 165. — Ed.

* Elenore Francois Elic, Comte de Moustier, French Minister to the
United States. — Ed.

J

6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

related to an Affair between a Mr. Thomas of Paris, & Mess"
Bache and TWe [?]. I communicated it to Mr. Bache who
promis'd to examine the old Papers of the Partnership, and
write to Mr. Thomas. This took some time, but he has
now done it, and will give you a Letter for that Gentleman
w** I presume will satisfy him, that he has had no just reason
to complain of those Messieurs. I also enclose a Letter for
Mr. Thomas.

I regret with you that the new Congress was so lor^ in As-
sembling- The Season of the Year was not well chosen for
their Meeting, & the uncommon Length of the Winter made
it the more inconvenient. But this could hardly excuse the
extreme Neglect of some of the Members, who not being far
distant might have attended sooner, and whose Absence not
only prevented the public Business from being forwarded,
but put those States, whose Members attended punctually,
to a vast Expence which answered no purpose. I hope
however that now they are assembled the Wisdom of their
Council will repair what has been amiss, promote effectually
our national Interests, and do honour to their own Characters.

My best Wishes also Attend the Deliberation of your great
Council the States General of France, which meets this Day,
God grant them Temper and Harmony ; Wisdom they must
have among them sufficient if Passions will suffer it to operate.
I pray sincerely that by means of that Assembly the pubUc
fnlcrcits may be advanced and succeed, and the future Wel-
fare and Glory of the French Nation be firmly established.

I have the honour to be, with sincere and great Esteem and
jiespect, Sir,

Your Excellency's most obedient & most
humble Scr\-ant,

B. Franklin.

1789] ^^ PHIUP KINSEY 7

1760. TO CHARLES CARROLL*

Philadelphia^ May 25, 1789.

Dear Friend,

I am glad to see by the papers, that our grand machine
has at length begun to work. I pray God to bless and guide
its operations. If any form of government is capable of mak-
ing a nation happy, ours I think bids fair now for producing
that effect. But, after all, much depends upon the people
who are to be governed. We have been guarding against an
evil that old States are most liable to, excess of power in the
rulers ; but our present danger seems to be defect of obedience
in the subjects. There is hope, however, from the enlight-
ened state of this age and country, we may guard effectually
against that evil as well as the rest.

My grandson, William Temple Franklin, will have the
honour of presenting this line. He accompanied me to France,
and remained with me during my mission. I beg leave to
recommend him to your notice, and that you would believe
me, my dear friend, yours most affectionately,

B. Franklin.

1761. TO PfflLIP KINSEY (a. p. s.)

May 25, 1789.

D" Franklin presents his respectful Compliments to W
Kinsey, and is persuaded there is some Mistake in the Sup-

1 Mr. CarroU was at this time a senator in Congress from Maryland. The
6rst Congress under the new Constitution had recently convened in New York.
In March, 1776^ Dr. Franklin and Mr. CarroU had been joint commissioners,
appointed by the Continental Congress with instructions to form a union
between the Canadas and the United Colonies. — S.

This Utter is printed from Sparks, Vol. X, p. 392. — En.

8 THE WRITINGS OP BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

position that the Box in question was ever lent to him, his
Memory being still pretty good, and it afifordirig not the least
Trace of any such Transaction.*

1762. TO RICHARD PRICE* (l. c.)

Philad% May 31, 1789.

My very dear Friend,
I lately received your kind Letter, inclosing one from Miss
Kitty Shipley, informing me of the good Bishop's Decease,
which afficted me greatly. My Friends drop off one after
another, when my Age and Infirmities prevent my making
new Ones; & if I still retained the necessary Activity and
Ability, I hardly see among the existing Generation where I
could make them of equal Goodness : So that the longer I
live I must expect to be very wretched. As we draw nearer
the Conclusion of Life, Nature furnishes with more Helps to
wean us from it, among which one of the most powerful is
the Loss of such dear Friends.

^ Written by Franklin on the back of the following letter from Kinsey :

"Philip Kinseys most respectful Compliments to Doctor Franklin. His
Brother James Kinsey, then in this City, more than thirty Years since, lent the
Doctor a mahogany Box containing sundry geometrical solid Bodies, being
the first six Books of Euclid's Elements formd of Box Wood, which were
never returnd ; P. K. has the other Box containing the Figures of the other
six Books, both which cost twenty four Guineas, lately recovered from another
Person who had had them so long that they were forgot, if that which the
Doctor borrowM can be obtaind in good Order which he hopes may be done
P. K. can dispose of them for perhaps as much Currency as they cost sterling,
or if the Doctor would like to have them the other Box shall be sent him.
Enquiry was made for them at the Doctors House daring his first Absence,
but his Wife & Daughter knew nothing of them

May 25** Monday 4. o'Clock." — Ed.

3 This letter is written in lead pencil, as are most of the later letters written
by Franklin. — Ed.

1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 9

I send you with this the two Volumes of our Transactions,
as I forget whether you had the first before. If you had,
you will please to give this to the French Ambassador, re-
questing his Conveyance of it to the good Duke de la Roche-
foucauld.

My best Wishes attend you, being with sincere and great
Esteem, my dear Friend, yours most affectionately,

B. Fkanklin.

1763. OBSERVATIONS

KELATTVE TO THE INTENTIONS OF THE ORIGINAL FOUNDERS
OF THE ACADEMY IN PHILADELPHIA. JUNE, 1 789 (L. C.)

As the English School in the Academy has been, and still
continues to be, a Subject of Dispute and Discussion among
the Trustees since the Restitution of the Charter, and it has
been proposed that we should have some Regard to the
original Intention of the Founders in establishing that School,
I beg leave for your Information, to lay before you what I
know of that Matter originally, and what I find on the
Minutes relating to it, by which it will appear how far the
Design of that School has been adher'd to or neglected.

Having acquired some little Reputation among my Fellow-
Citizens, by projecting the Public Library in 1732, and ob-
taining the Subscriptions by which it was established, and by
proposing and promoting with Success sundry other Schemes
of Utility, in 1749 I was encouraged to hazard another
Project, that of a Public Education for our Youth. As in
the Scheme of the Library I had provided only for English
Books, so in this new Scheme my Ideas went no farther than to

lo THE WRniNCS OF BEAf/AM/N FRANKUl^ [1789

procure the Means of a good English Education. A Number
of my Friends, to whom I communicated the Proposal, con-
curr'd with me in these Ideas; but Mr. Allen, Mr. Francb,
Mr. Peters, and some other Persons of Wealth and Learning,
whose Subscriptions and Countenance we should need, being
of Opinion that it ought to include the learned Languages, I
submitted my Judgment to theirs, retaining however a strong
Prepossession in favour of my first Plan, and resolving to
preserve as much of it as I could, and to nourish the English
School by every Means in my Power.

Before I went about to procure Subscriptions, I thought
it proper to prepare the Minds of the People by a Pamphlet,
which I wrote, and printed, and distributed with my News-
papers, gratis: The Title was, Proposals relating to the
Education 0} Youth in Pennsylvania. I happen to have
preserv'd one of them ; and by reading a few Passages it will
appear how much the English Learning was insisted upon in
it ; and I had good reason to know that this was a prevailing
Part of the Motives for Subscribing with most of the original
Benefactors.' I met with but few Refusals in soliciting the
Subscriptions ; and the Sum was the more considerable, as
4 put the Contribution on this footing that it was not to
■Dcdiate und the whole paid at once, but in Parts, a
( annually during Five Years. To put the Machine in

ruling, good morals, diligent
cfl in the languages and sciences, and a correct, pure speaker
blnglish luiigue : ti> have such tutors under him as ihall tie

migtil 111.' mughi l>y grammar : in which some of oar
liiiiin, I'lipc, Algernon -Sidney, Olto's L.ettere. &c.
principally to be cultivated heing the t/tjr and
•bo he taught, and prunuuncmg properly, dls-
'Mt an even tone, which uiititr'doti, nor a theairi-

1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMV 1 1

Motion, Twenty-four of the principal Subscribers agreed to
take upon themselves the Trust ; and a Set of Constitutions
for their Government, and for the Regulation of the Schools
were drawn up by Mr. Francis and myself, which were sign'd
by us all, and printed, that the Publick might know what was
to be expected. I wrote also a Paper, entitled. Idea of an
English School, which was printed, and afterwards annex'd
to Mr. Peters' Sermon, preach'd at the opening of the Acad-
emy. This Paper was said to be jor the Consideration 0} the
Trustees; and the Expectation of the Publick, that the Idea
might in good Part be carried into Execution, contributed to
render the Subscriptions more liberal as well as more general.
I mention my Concern in these Transactions, to show the
Opportunity I had of being well informed in the Points I am
relating.

The Constitutions are upon Record in your Minutes;
and, altho' the Latin and Greek is by them to be taught, the
original Idea of a complete English Education was not for-
gotten, as will appear by the following Extracts.

Page I. "The English Tongue is to be taught grammati-
cally, and as a Language."

Page 4. In reciting the Qualification of the Person to be
appointed Rector, it is said, " that great Regard is to be had to
his polite Speaking, Writing, and Understanding the English
Tongue, ^^

The Rector was to have Two Hundred Pounds a Year, for
w** he was to be obliged to " teach 20 Boys, without any
Assistance, and 25 more for every Usher provided for him,
the Latin and Greek Languages; and at the same time in-
struct them in History, Geography, Chronology, Logic,
Rhetoric, and the English Tongue.'*

12 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMm FRANKUN [1789

The Rector was also, "on all Occasions consistent with his
Duty in the Latin School, to asshi ilie English Master in
improving the Youth under his Care,^*

Page 5. "The Trustees shall with all convenient Speed,
contract with any Person that offers who they shall judge
most capable of teaching the English Tongue grammatically
and as a Ijmguage^ History, Geography, Chronology, Logic,
and Oratory; which Person shall be stiled the English
Mastery

The English Master was to have "One Hundred Pounds
a Year, for which he was to teach, without any Assistance,
40 Scholars the English Tongue grammatically and at the
same time instruct them in History, Geography, Chronology,
Logic, and Oratory; and Sixty Scholars more for every
Usher provided for him."

It is to be observed in this Place, that here are two distinct
Courses in the same Study, that is, of the same Branches of
Science, viz. History, Geography, Chronology, Logic, and
Oratory, to be carried on at the same time, but not by the same
Tutor or Master. The English Master is to teach his Schol-
ars all those Branches of Science, and also the English
Tongue grammatically, as a Language. The Latin Master
is to teach the same Sciences to his Boys, besides the Greek
and Latin. He was also to assist the English Master occa-
sionally without which and his general Care in the Govern-
ment of the Schools, the giving him double Salary seems not
well accounted for. But here is plainly two distinct Schook
or Courses of Education provided for. The Latin Master
was not to teach the English Scholars Logic, Rhetoric, &c. ;
that was the Duty of the English Master ; but he was to teach
those Sciences to the Latin Scholars. We shall see hereafter

1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 13

how easily this original Plan was defeated and departed
from.

When the Constitutions were first drawn Blanks were left
for the Salaries, and for the Number of Boys the Latin Master
was to teach. The first Instance of Partiality in fav' of the
Latin Part of the Institution, was in giving the Title of Rector
to the Latin Master, and no Title to the Enghsh one. But
the most striking Instance was when we met to sign, and the
Blanks were first to be fill'd up, the Votes of a Majority
carry'd it, to give twice as much Salary to the Latin Master
as to the English, and yet require twice as much Duty from
the English Master as from the Latin, viz. 200/. to the Latin
Master to teach 20 Boys ; 100/. to the English Master to teach
40 ! However, the Trustees who voted these Salaries being
themselves by far the greatest Subscribers, tho' not the most
numerous, it was thought they had a kind of Right to pre-
dominate in Money Matters ; and those who had wish'd an
equal Regard might have been shown to both Schools, sub-
mitted, tho' not without Regret, and at times some little
Complaining ; which, with their not being able in nine Months
to find a proper Person for English Master , who would under-
take the Office for so low a Salary, induc'd the Trustees at
length, viz. in July 1750, to oflFer 50/. more.

Another Instance of the Partiality above mentioned was in
the March preceding, when loc/. Sterling was voted to buy
Latin and Greek Books, Maps, Drafts, and Instruments for
the Use of the Academy, and nothing for English Books.

The great Part of the Subscribers, who had the English
Education chiefly in view, were however sooth'd into a Sub-
mission to these Partialities, chiefly by the Expectation given
them by the Constitution, viz. that the Trustees would make

14 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789

it their Pleasure, and in some degree their Business, to visit
the Academy often, to encourage and countenance the Youth,
look on the Students as in some Measure their own Children,
treat them with Familiarity and Affection; and when they
have behaved well, gone thro' their Studies, and are to enter
the World, the Trustees shall zealously imite, and make all the
Interest that can be made, to promote and establish them,
whether in Business, Offices, Marriages, or any other thing
for their Advantage, preferable to all other Persons whatso-
ever, even of equal Merit.

These splendid Promises dazzled the Eyes of the Publick.
The Trustees were most of them the principal Gentlemen of
the Province. Children taught in other Schools had no reason
to expect such powerful Patronage, the Subscribers had
plac'd such entire Confidence in them as to leave themselves
no Power of changing them if their Conduct of the Plan should
be disapprov'd ; and so, in hopes of the best, all these Partial-
ities were submitted to.

Near a Year past before a proper Person was found to take
Charge of the English School. At length Mr. Dove, who had
been many years Master of a School in England, and had come

hither with an Apparatus for giving Lectures in Experimen-

«

tal Philosophy, was prevailed with by me, after his Lectures
were finished, to accept that Employment for the Salary of-
fered, tho' he thought it too scanty. He had a good Voice,
read perfectly well, with proper Accent and just Pronuncia-
tion, and his Method of communicating Habits of the same
kind to his Pupils was this. When he gave a Lesson to one
of them, he always first read it to him aloud, with all the
different Modulations of Voice that the Subject and Sense
required. These the scholars, in studying and repeating the

1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 15

Lesson, naturally endeavour'ci to imitate; and it was really
surprizing to see how soon they caught his Manner, which
convinced me and others who frequently attended his School,
that tho' bad Tones and manners in reading are when once
acquir'd rarely, with Difficulty, if ever cur'd, yet, when none
have been already formed, good ones are as easily leam'd as
bad. In a few Weeks after opening his School, the Trus-
tees were invited to hear the Scholars read and recite. The
Parents and Relations of the Boys also attended. The Per-
formances were surprizingly good, and of course were admired
and applauded ; and the English School thereby acquired
such Reputation, that the Number of Mr. Dove's Scholars
soon amounted to upwards of Ninety, which Number did not
diminish as long as he continued Master, viz. upwards of two
Years: But he finding the Salary insufficient, and having
set up a School for Girls in his own House to supply the De-
ficiency, and quitting the Boys' School somewhat before the
Hour to attend the Girls, the Trustees disapproved of his so
doing, and he quitted their Employment, continued his Girls'
School, and opened one for Boys on his own Account. The
Trustees provided another EngUsh Master ; but tho* a good
Man, yet not possessing the Talents of an English School-
master in the same Perfection with Mr. Dove, the School
diminished daily, and soon was found to have but about forty
Scholars left. The Performances of the Boys, in Reading
and Speaking, were no longer so brilliant ; the Trustees of
course had not the same Pleasure in hearing them, and the
Monthly Visitations, which had so long afforded a delightful
Entertainment to large Audiences were gradually badly
attended, and at length discontinued ; and the English School
has never since recovered its original Reputation.

i6 THE WkirmcS of BEI^JAMiN' FkAUlCUU [1789

Thus by our injudiciously starving the English Part of our
Scheme of Education, we only sav'd Fifty Pounds a Year,
which was required as an additional Salary to an acknowledged
excellent English master, which would have equaled his En-
couragement to that of the Latin Master; I say by saving
the Fifty Pounds we lost Fifty Scholars, which would have
been 200I. a Year, and defeated besides one great End of
the Institution.

In the mean time our Favours were shower'd upon the Latin
Part; the Number of Teachers was encreas'd, and their
Salaries from time to time augmented, till if I mistake not,
they amounted in the whole to more than tool. 3, Year, tho*
the Scholars hardly ever exceeded 60; so that each Scholar
Cost the Funds lol. per annum, while he paid but 4/., which
was a Loss of 6/. by every one of them.

The Monthly Visitation too of the Schools, by the Trustees,
having been long neglected, the Omission was complain'd
of by the Parents, as a Breach of original Promise; where-
upon the Trustees, July 11, 1755, made it a Law, that "they
should meet on the second Tuesday in every Month at the
Academy, to visit the Schools, examine the Scholars, hear their
public Exercises, &c." This good Law however, like many
others, was not long observed ; for I find by a Minute of
Dec. 14, 1756, that the Examination of the Schools by the
Trustees had been long neglected, and it was agreed that it
should thereafter be done on the first Monday in every Month.
And, yet notwithstanding this new Rule, the Neglect retum'd,
so that we are informed, by another Minute of Jan. 13, 1761,
"that for 5 Months past there had not been one Meeting of the
Trustees." In the Course of 14 Years several of the original
Trustees, who had been disposed to favour the English

1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 17

School, deceased, and others not so favourable were chosen
to supply their Places; however it appears by the Minutes,
that the Remainder had some times Weight enough to recall
the Attention of their Colleagues to that School, and obtain
Acknowledgments of the imjust Neglect it had been treated
with. Of this the following Extracts from the Minutes are
authentic Proofs, viz. (Minute Book, Vol. I., Feb. 8, 1763;)
" The State of the English School was taken into Considera-
tion, and it was observed that Mr. Kinnersley's Time was
entirely taken up in teaching little Boys the Elements of the
English Language (that is it was dwindled into a School
similar to those kept by old Women, who teach Children their
Letters); and that Speaking and Rehearsing in Publick
were totally disused, to the great Prejudice of the other
Scholars and Students, and contrary to the original design
of the Trustees in the forming of that School ; and as this was
a matter of great Importance, it was particularly recommended
to be fully considered by the Trustees at their next Meeting."
At their next Meeting it was not considered : But This Min-
ute contains full Proof of the Fact that the English Education
had been neglected, and it contains an Acknowledgment
that the Conduct of the English School was contrary to the
original Design of the Trustees in forming it.

Li the same Book of Minutes we find the following, of April
12, 1763. "The State of the English School was again taken
into Consideration, and it was the Opinion of the Trustees
that the original design should be prosecuted, of teach-
ing the Scholars of that (and the other Schools) the Elegance
of the English Language, and giving them a proper Pronun-
ciation ; and that the old Method of hearing them read and
repeat in Publick sh^ be again used : And a Committee was

VOL. x — c

i8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

appointed to confer with Mr. Kinnersley how this might best
be done, as well as what Assistance would be necessary to give
Mr. Kinnersley to enable him to attend this necessary Service^
which was indeed the proper business of his Professorship."

In this Minute we have another Acknowledgment of what
was* the original Design of the English School; but here
are some Words thrown in to countenance an Innovation,
which had been for some time practised. The Words are,
("and the other schools.") Originally by the Constitutions,
the Rector was to teach the Latin Scholars their English.
The Words of the Constitution are, "The Rector shall be
obliged, without the Assistance of any Usher, to teach 20

Scholars the Latin and Greek Languages, and the

English Tongue." To enable him to do this, we have seen
that some of his Qualifications requir'd, were, his polUe Speak-
ing, Writing, and Understanding the English Tongue. Having
these, he was enjoined, on all Occasions consistent with his
other Duties, to assist the English Master in improving the
Boys under his Care ; but there is not a Word obliging the
English Master to teach the Latin Boys English. However,
the Latin Masters, either unable to do it, or unwilling to take
the Trouble, had got him up among them, and employed so
much of his Time, that this Minute owns he could not, with-
out farther Assistance, attend the necessary Service of his
own School, which, as the Minute expressly says, "was
indeed the proper Business of his Professorship."

Notwithstanding this good Resolution of the Trustees,

it seems the Execution of it was neglected ; and, the Publick

not being satisfied, they were again haunted by the Friends of

the Children with the old Complaint that the original Con-

'itutions were not complied with, in regard to the English

1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 19

School. Their Situation was unpleasant. On the one hand
there were still remaining some of the first Trustees, who were
Friends to the Scheme of English Education, and these would
now and then be remarking that it was neglected, and would
be moving for a Reformation. The Constitutions at the same
time, staring the Trustees in the Face, gave weight to these
Remarks. On the other hand the Latinists were combined to
decry the English School as useless. It was without Example,
they said, as indeed they still say, that a School for teaching the
Vulgar Tongue, and the Sciences in that Tongue, was ever
joined with a College, and that the Latin Masters were fully
competent to teach the English.

I will not say that the Latinists looked on every Expence
upon the English School as so far disabling the Trustees from
augmenting their Salaries, and therefore regarded it with an
evil Eye ; but when I find the Minutes constantly filPd with
their Applications for higher Wages, I cannot but see their
great Regard for Money Matters, and suspect a little their
using their Interest and Influence to prevail with the Trus-
tees not to encourage that School. And indeed the following
Minute is so diflFerent in Spirit and Sentiment from that
last recited, that one cannot avoid concluding that some
extraordinary Pains must have been taken with the Trustees
between the two Meetings of April 12 and June 13, to pro-
duce a Resolution so very different, which here follows in
this Minute, viz. " June 13, 1763 ; Some of the Parents of the
Children in the Academy having complained that their
Children were not taught to speak and read in publick and
having requested that this useful Part of Education might
be more attended to, Mr. Kinnersley was called in, and
desired to give an Ace* of what was done in this Branch of his

ao THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

Duty; and he declared that this was well taught, not only in
the English School, w^ was more immediately under his
Care, but in the Philosophy Classes, regularly every Monday
Afternoon, and as ojten at other times <is his other Business
would permit. And it not appearing to the Trustees that any
more could at present be done, without partiality and great
Inconvenience, and that this was all that was ever proposed
to be done, they did not incline to make any Alteration, or to
lay any farther Burthen on Mr. Klinnersley." Note here, that
the English School had not for some Years preceding been
visited by the Trustees. If it had they would have known the
State of it without making this Enquiry of the Master. They
might have judg'd, whether the Children more immediately
imder his Care were in truth well taught, without taking his
Word for it, as it appears they did. But it seems he had a
Merit which, when he pleaded it, effectually excus'd him.
He spent his Time when out of the English School in instruct-
ing the Philosophy Classes who were of the Latin Part of the
Institution. Therefore they did not think proper to lay any
farther Burthen upon him.

It is a little difficult to conceive how these Trustees could
bring themselves to declare, that "No more could be done in
the English School than was then done, and that it was all
that was ever proposed to be done;" when their preceding
Minute declares, that "the original Design was teaching
Scholars the Elegance of the English Language, and giving
them a proper Pronunciation; and that hearing them read
and repeat in Publick was the old Method, and should be again
used." And certainly the Method that had been used might
be again used, if the Trustees had thought fit to order Mr.
Kinnersley to attend his own School, and not spend his Time

1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 21

in the Philosophy Classes, where his Duty did not require his
Attendance. What the apprehended Partiality was, which
the Minute mentions, does not appear, and cannot easily be
imagined; and the great Inconvenience of obliging him to
attend his own School could only be depriving the Latinists
of his Assistance, to which they had no right.

The Trustees may possibly have supposed, that by this

Resolution they had precluded all future Attempts to trouble

them with respect to their Conduct of the English School.

The Parents indeed, despairing of any Reformation, withdrew

their Children, and plac'd them in private Schools, of which

several now appeared in the city, professing to teach what

had been- promised to be taught in the Academy; and they

have since flourished and encreas'd by the Scholars the

Academy might have had if it had performed its Engagements.

But the Publick was not satisfy'd; and we find, five Years

after, the English School appearing again, after 5 Years'

Silence, haunting the Trustees like an evil Conscience, and

reminding them of their Failure in Duty. For of their

meetings Jan. 19 and 26, 1768, we find these Minutes. "Jan.

19, 1768. It having been remarked, that the Schools suffer

in the Publick Esteem by the Discontinuance of public

Speaking, a special meeting is to be called on Tuesday next,

to consider the State of the English School, and to regulate

such Matters as may be necessary." "Jan. 26; A Special

Meeting. It is agreed to give Mr. Jon. Easton and Mr.

Thomas Hall, at the Rate of Twenty-five Pounds per Ann

each, for assisting Mr, Kinnersley in the English School,

and taking Care of the same when he shall be employed in

teaching the Students, in the Philosophy Classes and Gram-

mar School, the Art of public Speaking. [A committee, Mr.

22 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

Peters, Mr. Coxe, and Mr. Duch6, with the masters, was
appointed to fix rules and times for employing the youth in
public speaking.] * Mr. Easton and Mr. Hall are to be paid
out of a Fund to be raised by some public Performance for
the Benefit of the College."

It appears from these Minutes, i. That the Reputation
of the Academy had suffered in the Publick Esteem by the
Trustees' Neglect of that School. 2. That Mr. Kinnersley,
whose sole Business it was to attend it, had been called from
his Duty and employ'd in the Philosophy Classes and Latin
Grammar School, teaching the Scholars there the art of
public Speaking, which the Latinists used to boast they
could teach themselves. 3. That the Neglect for- so many
Years of the English Scholars, by this Subtraction of their
Master, was now acknowledged, and proposed to be reme-
died for the future by engaging two Persons, Mr. Hall and Mr.
Easton, at 25 ;£ each per Ann, to take care of those Scholars,
while Mr. Kinnersley was employ'd among the Latinists.

Care was however taken by the Trustees, not to be at any
Expence for this Assistance to Mr. Kinnersley ; for Hall and
Easton were only to be paid out of the uncertain Fund of
Money to be raised by some public Performance for the
Benefit of the CoUedge.

A committee was however now appointed to fix Rules and
Times for employing the Youth in public Speaking. Whether
any thing was done in consequence of these Minutes does not
appear ; no Report of the Committee respecting their Doings
being to be found on the Records, and the Probability is that
they did, as heretofore, nothing to the purpose. For the
English School continued to decline, and the first subsequent

^ Faragrapl) in brackets is stricken out of Ms. in L. C — Ed.

1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 23

Mention we find made of it, is in the Minute of March 21,
1769, when the Design began to be entertained of abolishing
it altogether, whereby the Latinists would get rid of an Eye-
sore, and the Trustees of what occasioned them such frequent
Trouble. The Minute is this; "The State of the English
School is to be taken into Consideration at next Meeting, and
whether it be proper to continue it on its present Footing or
not." This Consideration was, however not taken at the next
Meeting, at least nothing was concluded so as to be minuted ;
nor do we find any farther Mention of the English School
till the i8th of July, when the following Minute was entered ;
viz. "A Special Meeting is appointed to be held on Monday
next, and Notice to be given that the Design of this Meeting
is to consider whether the English School is to be longer con-
tinued."

This special Meeting was accordingly held on the 23d of
July, 1769, of which Date is the following Minute and Resolu-
tion; viz. "The Trustees at this Meeting, as well as several
former ones, having taken into their serious Consideration the
State of the English School, are unanimously of Opinion,
that as the said School is far from defraying the Expence at
which they now support it, and not thinking that they ought
to lay out any great Part of the Funds entrusted to them on
this Branch of Education, which can so easily be procured at
other Schools in this City, have Resolved, that from and after
the 17th of October next, Mr. Kinnersley's present Salary do
cease, and that from that time the said School, if he shall be
inclined to keep it, shall be on the following Footing ; viz. that
he shall have the free Use of the Room where he now teaches,
and also the whole Tuition- Money arising from the Boys
that may be taught by him, and that he continue Professor

34 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

of English and Oratory, and as such, have the house he lives
in Rent-free, in Consideration of his giving two Afternoons in
the Week as heretofore, for the Instruction of the Students
belonging to the College in public Speaking, agreeable to such
Rules as are or shall be made for that purpose by the Trustees
and Faculty. It is farther ordered by this Regulation, that
the Boys belonging to his School shall be still considered as
Part of the Youth belonging to the College, and under the
same general Government of the Trustees and Faculty ; and
such of his Scholars as may attend the Mathematical or any
other Master having a Salary from the College, for any part
of their Time, shall pay proportionably into the Fund of the
Trustees, to be accounted for by Mr. Kinnersley, and deduct
out of the 20 per quarter now paid by the English Scholars."

The Trustees hope this Regulation may be agreeable to Mr.
Kinnersley, as it proceeds entirely from the Reasons set
forth above, and not from any Abatement of that Esteem
which they have always retained for him, during the whole
Course of his Services in College.

Upon this and some of the preceding Minutes, we may
observe; i. That the English School having been long
neglected, the Scholars were so diminished in Nimiber as to be
far from defraying the Expence in supporting it. 2. That
the Instruction they received there, instead of a compleat
English Education, which had been promised to the Sub-
scribers by the original Constitutions, were only such as might
easily be procured at other Schools in this City. 3. That
this unprofitableness of the English School, owing to Neglect
of Duty in the Trustees, was now offered as a Reason for
demolishing it altogether. For it was easy to see, that, after
depriving the Master of his Salary, he could not long afford

1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 35

to continue it. 4. That if the Insufficiency of the Tuition-
Money in the English School to pay the Expence, and the
Ease with which the Scholars might obtain equal Instruction
in other Schools, were good Reasons for depriving the Master
of his Salary and destroying that School, they were equally
good for dismissing the Latin Masters, and sending their
Scholars to other Schools; since it is notorious that the
Tuition-Money of the Latin School did not pay much above
a fourth Part of the Salaries of the Masters. For such
Reasons the Trustees might equally well have got rid of all
the Scholars and all the Masters, and remain'd in full Pos-
session of all the College Property, without any future Ex-
pence. 5. That by thus refusing any longer to support,
instead of Reforming, as they ought to have done, the English
School, they shamefully broke through and set at nought the
original Constitutions, for the due Execution of which the
Faith of the original Trustees had been solemnly pledged to
the Publick and diverted the Revenues, proceeding from much
of the first Subscriptions, to other Purposes than those which
had been promised. Had the Assembly, when disposed to dis-
franchise the Trustees, set their Foot upon this Ground, their
Proceeding to declare the Forfeiture would have been more
justifiable ; and it may be hop'd Care will now be taken not
to give any future Assembly the same Handle.

It seems, however, that this unrighteous Resolve did not
pass the Trustees without a Qualm in some of them. For
at the next Meeting a Reconsideration was moved, and we
find the following Minute under the Date of August i, 1769;
"The Minute of last Meeting relative to the English School
was read, and after mature Deliberation and reconsidering
the same, it was voUi to stand as it is, provided it should not

26 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789

be found any way repugnant to the first Charter granted to
the Academy, a Copy of which was ordered to be procured
out of the Rolls Office."

One might have thought it natural for the Trustees to have
consulted this Charter before they took the Resolution, and
not only the first Charter, but the original Constitutions;
but, as it seems they had lost the Instrument containing the
Charter, and, tho' it had been printed, not one of them was
furnished with a Copy to which he might refer, it is no
wonder that they had forgot the Constitutions made 20
Years before, to which they do not seem to have in the least
adverted.

Probably, however, the Trustees found, when they came to
examine original Papers, that they could not easily get entirely
rid of the English School, and so concluded to continue it.
For I find in a Law for Premiums, minuted under the Date
of Jan. 29, 1770, that the English and mathematical School
is directed to be examined the 3d Tuesday in July, and a
Premium Book of the Value of One Dollar was to be given
to him that reads best, and understands best the English
Grammar, &c. This is very well; but to keep up the old
Partiality in favour of the Latin School, the Premium to its
Boys was to be of the Value of two Dollars. In the Pre-
miums for best Speaking, they were indeed put upon an
Equality.

After Reading this Law for Premiums, I looked forward
to the third Tuesday in July with some pleasing Expecta-
tion of their Effect on the Examination required for that Day.
But I met with only this farther Record of the Inattention
of the Trustees to their new Resolutions and even Laws,
when they contained any thing favourable to the English

1789] INTENTIONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 27

School. The Minute is only this ; " July, August, September,
October, no Business done."

On the 20th of November, however, I find there was an
Elxamination of the Latin school, and Premiums, with pom-
pous Inscriptions, afterwards adjudged to Latin Scholars;
but I find no Mention of any to the English, or that they were
even examined. Perhaps there might have been none to
examine, or the school discontinued: For it appears by a
Minute of July 21, following, that the Provost was desired
to advertise for a Master able to teach English Grammatically,
which it seems was all the English Master was now required
to teach, the other Branches originally promised being dropt
entirely.

In October 1772 Mr. Kinnersley resigned his Professor-
ship, when Dr. Peters and others were appointed to consider
on what footing the English School shall be put for the future,
that a new Master may be thought of, and Mr. Willing to
take care of the School for the present at 50 Pounds per Ann.
It is observable here that there is no Mention of putting it
on its original Footing, and the Salary is shrunk amazingly ;
but this Resignation of Mr. Kinnersley gave Occasion to
one Testimony of the Utility of the English Professor to the
Institution, notwithstanding all the Partiality, Neglect,
Slights, Discouragements, and Injustice that School had
suflFeied. We find it in the Minutes of a special Meeting on
the 2d of Feb^, 1773, present Dr. Peters, Mr. Chew, Mr.
Lawrence, Mr. Willing, Mr. Trettel, and Mr. Inglis, and
expressed in these strong Terms.

"The college suffers greatly since Mr. Kinnersley left it,
for want of a Person to teach public Speaking, so that the
present Classes have not those Opportunities of learning to

1789] INTEl^IONS OF FOUNDERS OF ACADEMY 29

I am the only one of the original Trustees now living, and
I am just stepping into the Grave myself. I am afraid that
some Part of the Blame incurred by the Trustees may be
laid on me, for having too easily submitted to the Deviations
from the Constitution, and not opposing them with sufficient
Zeal and Earnestness; tho' indeed my Absence in foreign
Coimtries at diflFerent Times for near 30 Years, tended much
to weaken my Influence. To make what Amends are yet
in my Power, I seize this Opportunity, the last I may possibly
have, of bearing Testimony against those Deviations. I seem
here to be surrounded by the Ghosts of my dear departed
Friends, beckoning and urging me to use the only Tongue
now left us, in demanding that Justice to our Grandchildren,
that our Children has been denied. And I hope they will
not be sent away discontented.

The Origin of Latin and Greek Schools among the diflFerent
Nations of Europe is known to have been this, that until
between 3 and 400 Years past there were no Books in any
other Language ; all the Knowledge then contain'd in Books,
viz. the Theology, the Jurisprudence, the Physic, the Art-
military, the Politicks, the Mathematics and Mechanics,
the Natural and moral Philosophy, the Logic and Rhetoric,
the Chemistry, the Pharmacy, the Architecture, and every
other Branch of Science, being in those Languages, it was of
course necessary to learn them, as the Gates through which
Men must pass to get at that Knowledge.

The Books then existing were manuscript, and these con-
sequently so dear, that only the few Wealthy enclin'd to
Learning could afford to purchase them. The common
People were not even at the Pains of learning to read, because,
after taking that Pains, they would have nothing to read

30 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [17S9

that they could understand without learning the ancient
Languages^ nor then without Money to purchase the Manu-
scripts. And so few were the learned Readers 60 Years after
the Invention of Printing, that it appears by Letters still
extant between the Printers in 1499, ^^at they could not
throughout Europe find Purchasers for more than 300 Copies
of any ancient Authors. But Printing beginning now to
make Books cheap, the Readers increased so much as to make
it worth while to write and print Books in the Vulgar Tongues.
At first these were chiefly Books of Devotion and little His-
tories ; gradually several Branches of Science began to appear
in the common Languages, and at this Day the whole Body
of Science, consisting not only of Translations, from all the
valuable ancients, but of all the new modem Discoveries,
is to be met with in those Languages, so that learning the
ancient for the purpose of acquiring Knowledge is become
absolutely unnecessary.

But there is in Mankind an unaccountable Prejudice in
favour of ancient Customs and Habitudes, which inclines to
a Continuance of them after the Circumstances, which
formerly made them useful, cease to exist. A Multitude of
Instances might be given, but it may suffice to mention one.
Hats were once thought an useful Part of Dress ; it was said
they kept the Head warm and screened it from the violent
Impression of the sun's Rays, and from the Rain, Snow,
Hail, &c. Tho' by the Way, this was not the more ancient
Opinion or Practice ; for among all the Remains of Antiquity,
the Bustos, Statues, Coins, medals, &c., which are infinite,
there is no Representation of a human Figure with a Cap or
Hat on, nor any Covering for the Head, unless it be the Head
of a Soldier, who has a Helmet ; but that is evidently not a

1789] INTEtrriONS OF I'OUNDERS OF ACADEMY 31

Part of Dress for Health, but as a Protection from the Strokes
of a Weapon.

At what Time Hats were first introduced we know not,
but in the kst Century they were univei*sally worn thro'out

m

Europe. Gradually, however, as the Wearing of Wigs,
and Hair nicely dress'd prevailed, the putting on of Hats
was disused by genteel People, lest the curious Arrangements
of the Curls and Powdering should be disordered; and
Umbrellas began to supply their Place; yet still our Con-
sidering the Hat as a part of Dress continues so far to prevail,
that a Man of fashion is not thought dressed without having
one, or something like one, about him, which he carries under
his Arm. So that there are a multitude of the politer people
in all the courts and capital cities of Europe, who have never,
nor their fathers before them, worn a hat otherwise than as
a chapeau bras, though the utility of such a mode of wearing
it is by no means apparent, and it is attended not only with
some expense, but with a degree of constant trouble.

The still prevailing custom of having schools for teaching
generally our children, in these days, the Latin and Greek
languages, I consider therefore, in no other light than as
the Chapeau bras of modem Literature.

Thus the Time spent in that Study might, it seems, be
much better employed in the Education for such a Country
as ours; and this was indeed the Opinion of most of the
original Trustees.*

* Mr. Robert Hare wrote to the executors of Benjamin Franklin, Philadel-
phia, May 21, 1790: "This manuscript was put into my hands by Dr. Frank-
lin for my inspection, in the last summer, at which time some alterations in
the System of Education pursued in the English school at the College were
onder consideration. It was at that time the intention of the Doctor that the
Contents should be submitted to the Trustees. He aflerward told me, his ill

32 THE WRirmCS OF BENJAMm FRANKUN [1789

1764. TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN*

Philadelphia, June 3, 1789.

My deabest Friend,

I received your kind letter of March 4th, and wish I may
be able to complete what you so earnestly desire, the Memoirs
of my Life. But of late I am so interrupted by extreme
pain, which obliges me to have recourse to opium, that, be-
tween the effects of both, I have but little time in which I
can write any thing. My grandson, however, is copying
what is done, which will be sent to you for your opinion by
the next vessel; and not merely for your opinion, but for
your advice ; for I find it a difficult task to speak decently
and properly of one's own conduct; and I feel the want of
a judicious friend to encourage me in scratching out.

I have condoled sincerely with the Bishop of St. Asaph's
family. He was an excellent man. Losing our friends
thus one by one, is the tax we pay for long living ; and it is
indeed a heavy one.

I have not seen the King of Prussia's posthumous works ;
what you mention makes me desirous to have them. Please
to mention it to your brother William, and that I request him
to add them to the books I have desired him to buy for me.

Health would not permit him to engage personally in these pursuits but that
these papers would afford Testimony of his Sentiments. In the mean time he
wish'd them to remain in my hands to furnish information in support of the
Changes in view. As these changes are no longer in contemplation I have
not thought myself at liberty to detain the papers. I have not permitted them
to be inspected by other persons nor have taken any copy.

" R. Hare." — Ed.

^ From "The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin " (i8l8)« VoL
I, p. 251. — Ed.

1789] TO MRS. JANE MECOAf 33

Our new government is now in train, and seems to promise

well. But events are in the hand of God. I am ever, my

dear friend, yours most affectionately,

B Franklin.

1765. TO MRS. JANE MECOM (l.c.)

Philad% Aug* 3, 1789.

Dear Sister,

I have received your kind Letter of the 23d past and am
glad to learn, that you have at length got some of the letters
I so long since wrote to you. I think your PostOflSce is
very badly managed. I expect your Bill, and shall pay it
when it appears. I would have you put the Books into
cousin Jonathan's Hands, who will dispose of them for you,
if he can, or return them hither. I am very much pleased
to hear, that you have had no Misunderstanding with his
father. Indeed, if there had been any such, I should have
concluded, it was your fault ; for I think our Family were
always subject to being a little MifFy.

By the way, is our Relationship in Nantucket quite worn-
out? I have met with none from thence of late years, who
were disposed to be acquainted with me, except Captain
Timothy Foulger. They are wonderfully shy. But I ad-
mire their honest plainness of Speech. About a year ago I
invited two of them to dine with me. Their answer was, that
they would, if they could not do better. I suppose they did
better; for I never saw them afterwards, and so had no Op-
portunity of showing my Miff, if I had one.

Give [mutilated] to Cousin Williams's and thank them
from me for all their Kindnesses to you which I have always

VOU X — D

34 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

been acquainted with by you, and take as if done by my-
self. I am sorry to learn from his Son that his Health is
not so firm as formerly. A Journey hither by Land might
do him good, and I should be happy to see him.

I shall make the Addition you desire to my Superscrip-
tions, desiring in return that you would make a subtraction
from yours. The Word Excellency does not belong to me,
and Doctor will be suflScient to distinguish me from my grand-
son.* This family joins in love to you and yours.

Your affectionate Brother

B. Franklin.

1766. TO M. LE VEILLARD (l. c.)

Philadelphia, Sep'5, 1789.

Dear Friend: — I have had Notice of sundry Books
sent out by you, but none of them are come to hand except
the ** Dictionnaire d'Agriculture," by I'Abb^ Rozier. My
Grandson also complains of not receiving a Package or Case
sent by you to him, he knows not by what Conveyance, nor
where to enquire for it.

It is long since I have had the Pleasure of hearing from you,
the last Letter I have received being dated the 21st of Feb-
ruary, but when I have no new Letter from you, I console my-
self by reading over some of the old ones, as I have lately done
those of the ist April, '88, and the loth of OctT and 27th

^ On this point his sister replied : " I was a little suspicious whether
Excellency \t9& according to rule in addressing my brother at this time; but I
did not write the address; and of late, because he lives nearer than cousin
Williams, I have sent my letters to Dr. I^athrop, who is very obliging to me,
and I thought he must know what is right, and I gave no directions about it.
But I shall do it another time." — August 23d, — S.

1789] TO M. LE VEILLARD 35

NovT, *88. Every time I read what you write, I receive
fresh Pleasure, I have already answered those last-mentioned
Letters, and now have before me that of the 21st of Feb^
only. I am sorry my Friend Morris failed in the Attention
he ought to have shown you but I hope you will excuse it
when you consider that an American transported from the
tranquil Villages of his Country and set down in the Tour-
billon of such a great City as Paris must necessarily be for
some Days half out of his Senses.

I hope you have perfectly recovered of the Effects of your
Fall at Madam Helvetius', and that you now enjoy perfect
Health ; as to mine, I can give you no good Account. I have
a long time been afflicted with almost constant and grievous
Pain, to combat which I have been obUged to have recourse
to Opium, which indeed has afforded me some Ease from
time to time, but then it has taken away my Appetite and
so impeded my Digestion that I am become totally emaciated,
and little remains of me but a Skeleton covered with a Skin.
In this Situation I have not been able to continue my Memoirs,
and now I suppose I shall never fim'sh them. Benjamin
has made a Copy of what is done, for you, which shall be sent
by the first safe Opportunity. I make no Remarks to you
concerning your Public Affairs, being too remote to form
just Opinions concerning them ; indeed I wonder that you,
who are at the same Distance from us, make so very few
Mistakes in your Judgment of our Affairs. At present we
think them in a good Way ; the Congress are employed in
amending some of their Faults supposed to be in our Con-
stitution, and it is expected that in a few Weeks the Machine
will be in orderly Motion. The Piece of M. Target, which
you mention as having sent me, is not come to hand. I am

36 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

sorry to hear of the Scarcity which has afflicted your Country,
we have had here a most plentiful Harvest of all the Produc-
tions of the Earth without Exception, and I suppose some
Supplies will be sent to you from hence, tho' the Tenn durii:^
which the Importation was permitted by your Government
was too short considering the Distance.

My Family join in every affectionate Sentiment respecting
you and yours, with your sincere Friend,

[B. Franklin.]

1767. AN ACCOUNT OF THE SUPREMEST COURT
OF JUDICATURE IN PENNSYLVANIA, VIZ. THE
COURT OF THE PRESS (l. c.)

FROM THE FEDERAL GAZETTE, SEPTEMBER I2TH, 1 789

Power 0} this Court.

It may receive and promulgate accusations of all kinds,
against all persons and characters among the citizens of the
State, and even against all inferior courts; and may judge,
sentence, and condemn to infamy, not only private individ-
uals, but pubUc bodies, &c., with or without inquiry or
hearing, at the courCs discretion.

/n whose Favour and for whose Emolument this Court is

established.

In favour of about one citizen in five hundred, who, by
education or practice in scribbling, has acquired a tolerable
style as to grammar and construction, so as to bear printing;
or who is possessed of a press and a few types. This five

1789] THE SUPREMEST COURT IN PENNSYLVANIA yj

hundredth part of the citizens have the privilege of accusing
and abusing the other four hundred and ninety-nine parts
at their pleasure ; or they may hire out their pens and press
to others for that purpose.

Practice of the Court.

It is not governed by any of the rules of common courts of
law. The accused is allowed no grand jury to judge of the
truth of the accusation before it is publicly made, nor is the
Name of the Accuser made known to him, nor has he an
Opportunity of confronting the Witnesses against him; for
they are kept in the dark, as in the Spanish Court of Inquisi-
tion. Nor is there any petty Jury of his Peers, sworn to try
the Truth of the Charges. The Proceedings are also some-
times so rapid, that an honest, good Citizen may find himself
suddenly and unexpectedly accused, and in the same Morn-
ing judg'd and condemned, and sentence pronounced against
him, that he is a Rogue and a Villain. Yet, if an oflBcer of
this court receives the slightest check for misconduct in this
his office, he claims immediately the rights of a free citizen
by the constitution, and demands to know his accuser, to
confront the witnesses, and to have a fair trial by a jury of
his peers.

The Foundation of its Authority.

It is said to be founded on an Article of the Constitution
of the State, which establishes the Liberty of the Press; a
Liberty which every Pennsylvanian would fight and die for;
tho' few of us, I believe, have distinct Ideas of its Nature
and Extent. It seems indeed somewhat like the Liberty of
the Press that Felons have, by the Common Law of England,

38 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANK UN [1789

before Conviction, that is, to be pressed to death or hanged.
If by the Liberty 0} the Press were understood merely the
Liberty of discussing the Propriety of Public Measures and
political opinions, let us have as much of it as you please :
But if it means the Liberty of affronting, calumniating, and
defaming one another, I, for my part, own myself willing to
part with my Share of it when our Legislators shall please
so to alter the Law, and shall cheerfully consent to exchange
my Liberty of Abusing others for the Privilege of not being
abus'd myself.

By wham this Court is commissioned or constituted.

It is not by any Commission from the Supreme Executive
Council, who might previously judge of the Abilities, Integrity,
Knowledge, &c. of the Persons to be appointed to this great
Trust, of deciding upon the Characters and good Fame of
the Citizens ; for this Court is above that Council, and may
accuse, judge, and condemn it, at pleasure. Nor is it hereditary,
as in the Court of dernier Resort, in the Peerage of England.
But any Man who can procure Pen, Ink, and Paper, with a
Press, and a huge pair of Blacking Balls, may commissionate
himself; and his court is immediately established in the
plenary Possession and exercise of its rights. For, if you
make the least complaint of the judge^s conduct, he daubs
his blacking balls in your face wherever he meets you ; and,
besides tearing your private character to flitters, marks you
out for the odium of the public, as an enemy to the liberty of
the press.

Of the natural Support of these Courts,

Their support is founded in the depravity of such minds,
as have not been mended by religion, nor improved by good
education;

1789] THE SUPREMEST COURT IN PENNSYLVANIA 39

"There is a Lust in Man no Charm can tame,
Of loudly publishing his Neighbour's Shame."

Hence ;

" On Eagle's Wings immortal Scandals fly,
While virtuous Actions are but born and die."

Dryden.

Whoever feels pain in hearing a good character of his
neighbour, will feel a pleasure in the reverse. And of those
who, despairing to rise into distinction by their virtues, are
happy if others can be depressed to a level with themselves,
there are a number sufficient in every great town to maintain
one of these courts by their subscriptions. A shrewd ob-
server once said, that, in walking the streets in a slippery
morning, one might see where the good-natured people Hved
by the ashes thrown on the ice before their doors ; probably
he would have formed a different conjecture of the temper
of those whom he might find engaged in such a subscription.

0/ Hit Checks proper to be established against the Abuse 0}

Power in these Courts.

Hitherto there are none. But since so much has been
written and pubUshed on the federal Constitution, and the
necessity of checks in all other parts of good government
has been so clearly and learnedly explained, I find myself
so far enlightened as to suspect some check may be proper in
this part also ; but I have been at a loss to imagine any that
may not be construed an infringement of the sacred liberty
of the press. At length, however, I think I have found one
that, instead of diminishing general liberty, shall augment
it ; which is, by restoring to the people a species of liberty,
of which they have been deprived by our laws, I mean the
liberty 0} the cudgel. In the rude state of society prior to the

40 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789

existence of laws, if one man gave another ill language, the
affronted person would return it by a box on the ear, and, if
repeated, by a good drubbing; and this without offending
against any law. But now the right of making such returns
is denied, and they are punished as breaches of the peace;
while the right of abusing seems to remain in full force, the
laws made against it being rendered ineffectual by the liberty
0} the press.

My proposal then is, to leave the liberty of the press un-
touched, to be exercised in its full extent, force, and vigor;
but to permit the liberty of the cudgel to go with it pari passu.
Thus, my fellow-citizens, if an impudent writer attacks your
reputation, dearer to you perhaps than your life, and puts
his name to the charge, you may go to him as openly and
break his head. If he conceals himself behind the printer,
and you can nevertheless discover who he is, you may in like
manner way-lay him in the night, attack him behind, and give
him a good drubbing. Thus far goes my project as to private
resentment and retribution. But if the public should ever
happen to be affronted, as it aught to be, with the conduct of
such writers, I would not advise proceeding immediately
to these extremities ; but that we should in moderation con-
tent ourselves with tarring and feathering, and tossing them
in a blanket.

If, however, it should be thought that this proposal of mine
may disturb the public peace, I would then humbly recom-
mend to our legislators to take up the consideration of both
liberties, that of the presSy and that of the cudgel, and by an
explicit law. mark their extent and limits; and, at the same
time that they secure the person of a citizen from assaults,
they would likewise provide for the security of his reputation.

I7«9] TO GEORGE WASHINGTON 41

1768. TO GEORGE WASfflNGTON^ (l.c.)

Philad», Sept. 16, 1789

Dear Sir,
My Malady renders my Sitting up to write rather painful
to me ; but I cannot let my Son-in-law Mr. Bache part for
New York, without congratulating you by him on the Re-
covery of your Health, so precious to us all, and on the grow-
ing Strength of our New Government under your Adminis-
tration. For my own personal E^se, I should have died two
Years ago ; but, tho' those Years have been spent in excru-
ciating Pain, I am pleased that I have liv'd them, since they
have brought me to see our present Situation. I am now
finishing my 84th [year], and probably with it my Career
in this Life ; but in whatever State of Existence I am placed
hereafter, if I retain any Memory of what has pass'd here,
I shall with it retain the Esteem, Respect, and Affection,
with which I have long been, my dear Friend, yours most
sincerely, B. Franklin.'

* In Washington Papers, Vol. 74, p. 132. — Ed.
' Washington replied to this letter as follows : —

" New York, September, 23, 1 789. (a. p. s. )
**DiarSir,

"The affectionate congratulations on the recovery of my health, and the
warm expressions of personal friendship, which were contained in your letter
of the 1 6th instant, claim my gratitude. And the consideration, that it was
written when you were afflicted with a painful malady, greatly increases my
obligation for it.

" Would to God, my dear Sir, that I could congratulate you upon the
removal of that excruciating pain, under which you labour, and that your exist-
ence might close with as much ease to yourself, as its continuance has been
beneficial to our country and useful to mankind; or, if the united wishes of a
free people, joined with the earnest prayers of every friend to science and
humanity, could relieve the body from pains or infirmities, that you could

42 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789

1769. TO COMTE DE MONTMORIN* (l. c.)

Philadelphia 21!* Sept. 1789.

Sir : — Tho' I have not the Vanity to suppose that I have
any Influence with your Excellency, yet I cannot at the re-
quest of Mr. Le Ray de Chaumont, Jr., refuse him this Testi-
mony of my Regard. He has resided in this Country near
four Years, during which time he has constantly conducted
himself with so much Probity and Discretion as to gain the
esteem of all Ranks, and by his living in the House of M. de
Marbois, Consul of France at this Port, who has occasionally
employ'd him in the Duties of that office, he has thereby
acquired a Knowledge of that Business, sufficient to enable
him to execute it. Should it please your Excellency to appoint
him in the Room of M. de Marbois, who, as I understand, is
likely to be otherwise provided for. By M. de Chaumont's
Knowledge of the Business, the Language of the Country,
and the high Esteem in which he is held here, I am Confident
that his appointment would be both useful to his Sovereign
and agreable to the Government and Citizens of this State.

claim an exemption on this score. But this cannot be, and you have within
yourself the only resource to which we can confidently apply for relief, a philo-
sophic mind.

"If to be venerated for benevolence, if to be admired for talents, if to be
esteemed for patriotism, if to be beloved for philanthropy, can gratify the human
mind, you must have the pleasing consolation to know, that you have not lived
in vain. And I flatter myself that it will not be ranked among the least grateful
occurrences of your life to he assured, that, so long as I retain my memory, y.u
will be recollected with respect, veneration, and affection by your sincere
friend, " Georoe WASHiNtrroN." — Ed.

> Armand-Marc, Comte de Montmorin — Saint-Herem (1745-1792), was
appointed in 1787 minister of foreign affairs. — Ed.

1789] TO ^SYLVANUS URBAN ESQ:' 43

I hope your Excellency will excuse the Liberty I have taken,
and believe me, with great Respect, sir your Excellency, etc.

B. Franklin.

1770. TO MRS. JANE MECOM (l. c.)

Philada., October 19, 1789.

Dear Sister : — I received your kind Lqtter of September
the loth, by Cousin John Williams. I have also received
and paid your Bill, and am pleased that you added to it on
Accoimt of your Wood. As to my Health, it continues as
usual, — sometimes better, sometimes worse, — and with
respect to the Happiness hereafter which you mention, I
have no Doubts about it, confiding as I do in the goodness
of that Being who, thro' so long a Life, has conducted me
with so many Instances of it. This Family joins in best
wishes of Happiness to you and your^s with your affectionate
Brother, B. Franklin.

1771. TO "SYLVANUS URBAN ESQ." (l. c.)

New York, Oct. 20, 1789

In your valuable Magazine* for July, 1788, 1 find a review
of Dr. Kippis' "Life of Cook," containing the following
Remark, viz.: "The Protection afforded to this Discoverer
by the Court of France redounds highly to Mr. Turgot's
Honour, while the narrow-souled Americans did all they could
to obstruct him." I think the Writer of this Remark will

^ The GentUmatCs Magazine, It was edited in 1788 and 1789 by J.
Nichols and D. Henry. The latter is to be understood as the " Sylvanus
Urban" to whom the letter is addressed. — Ed.

44 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

find it difficult to produce a single Instance^ well authenti-
cated, of any such Endeavour, used by the Americans; but
I happen to have it in my Power to produce a strong con-
trary Instance, which I send you enclosed, and doubt not of
your doing so much Justice to the Americans as to make this
Refutation of the Calumny equally pubUc with the Calunmy
itself, by inserting it also in your Magazine. It is a true
Copy of the circjilar-Letter sent by Dr. Franklin to all of
the Commanders of the American Cruisers, then in the Euro-
pean Seas; which was so well known to and so well taken
by the Government in England that when Cook's Voyage
was printed the Admiralty sent to that Gentleman an elegant
Copy of it, with a very polite Letter from Lord Howe, express-
ing that the Present was made with his Majesty's Approba-
tion. The Royal Society also on the same Occasion pre-
sented him with one of the Gold Medals struck by them of
that illustrious Navigator, accompanied by a Letter from
Sir Joseph Banks, their President, expressing likewise that
it was sent with the Approbation of his Majesty. These
I have seen ; and I wonder much that the Writer, who gives
so particular an Account of the Distribution of those gold
Medals, should be unacquainted with this Circumstance.

I am etc.

An American.

1772. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS* (p.c.)

Philad* Oct. 26, 1789

Dear Cousin
I received your Letter from Boston just as you were about
to depart for Virginia together with your Father's Account

1 From the original in the possession of Mr. Louis A. Biddle.-^ED.

1789] TO WILLIAM ALEXANDER 45

which makes a Balance of upwards of ;£20. due to me.
As he has taken a great deal of Trouble in my Sister's AflFairs
I do not think it right to expect Payment of that Ballance
and have therefore wrote to him by your Brother enclosing a
Receipt in full for the same.

I am glad you have disposed of the little Book for my
Sister tho' at so low a rate. K you go from Virginia to Eng-
land without calling here give my Love to your Wife and
Sisters, and to Mr. Alexander, your Uncle, and let Mrs.
Williams know that I shall be happy to see her and her sweet
Girl arrive here with you. My best Wishes attend you,

being ever,

Your affectionate Uncle

B. FllANKLIN.

1773. TO WILLIAM ALEXANDER (l. c.)

Philadelphia, Oct. 26, 1789

My Dear Friend,
You may remember, that two or three Years ago, I com-
mimicated to you a Claim I had upon the State of Virginia,
on Account of a Purchase it had made of some Types & other
printing Materials belonging to me at the Beginning of the
Troubles; The Value could not at that Time be ascertained.
Mr. Bache, my Attorney, being unacquainted with it ; & my
Papers and Accoimts being lost & destroyed during the
late Confusions. I have now no Means of discovering what
the Quantity was of the Types & what they cost me ; I
only remember that there was a Fount of Law-Character
for which I paid 30^ Sterl? & a large Fount of Greek which
I think was valued at about 49£^StP-rl. besides a veiy con-

46 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANK UN [1789

siderable Fount of Long- Primer, the Weight of which I
forget, but suppose it might be about 500^** which at 1/6 per
lb amounted to 37;^ 10/ Sterl*. There were also some Cases
& other Things of which I cannot speak particularly. You
were so kind as to offer me your Assistance in procuring from
the Government some Satisfaction for this Claim, I now take
the Liberty to request that you would endeavour it as soon as
possible, as I wish to have all my Affairs settled before my
Departure: The Law- Fount & the Greek were probably
of no Use to the Government, & I should be willing to take
them back if they still exist, and are entire. I suppose that
the Value of Goods at that Time will be considered, as well
as the Length of Time during which the Pa)mient has been
delayed. I submit the Whole to the Honour & Equity of
the Government, & shall be thankful for what they will be
pleased to allow me. My best Wishes attend you, being ever

My Dear Friend,

Your's most affectionately

B Franklin.

1774. TO DONATIEN LE RAY DE CHAUMONT,

FILS (l. c.)

Philadelphia, Oct. ai"*, 1789.

Dear Friend: — I was too much indisposed yesterday
to write in answer to your affecting Letter, but I have con-
sidered the Case very attentively and will now give you the
Result. In the first Place, what you demand of me is im-
practicable The Sum I have to draw upon in France being
but little more than half of what you require ; and upon that

1789] TO DON ATI EN LE RAY DE CHAUMONT, FILS 47

small Sum, tho' my late extraordinary Expences in Building
have much straitened me in furnishing my ordinary Ex-
pences, I dare not draw, under the present Circumstances
of Affairs in that Country, lest thro' the Lowness of the Funds
I should lose perhaps half my Property in selling out to pay
the Bills, or in Case of public Bankruptcy, which I find is
apprehended by many as a possible Case, my Bills should be
returned under a Protest which, besides the Damages, would
extremely embarrass me. By the last Accounts I received
I suffered a loss of 15 per cent, in the Sale of my Funds to
produce Money for the Payment of a Bill for 10,000 Livres,
which I sold towards the End of the last Year, and we now
learn from the public Prints that the new proposed Loan of
30 Millions does not fill, and that Mr. Neckar is discouraged
and in bad Health, which together has occasioned the Funds
to fall much lower. In the next Place, it seems to me that
in your present Circumstances (excuse my Freedom in pre-
suming to give you my Advice), it would be more adviseable
for you to remain here a few Months longer, in order to finish
your Affair with the Congress. They meet again in the Be-
ginning of January, and there is no Doubt but the Officers
thro' whose Hands such Affairs must pass, will be present,
and your Accounts having been already examined and passed,
I am of your Opinion, that they will probably be some of the
first paid. Money, I think, will not be wanting, as it is
thought that the immense Importation of Goods lately made
into this Port must produce at least one-fourth of the Import
expected from the whole of the United States. If you should
be absent at the next Meeting of Congress it may occasion a
still further Delay of Payment for want of somebody present
to solicit the Business, which would be a further Prejudice

^ THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMm FRANKUK [1789

to the Creditors. If you should conclude to stay I would write
a letter to your Father, which he might show to them, ex-
pressing that your Stay was by my Counsel, with the Reasons,
and that as soon as the Congress should meet I would sup-
port your Application for immediate Payment with my
strongest Interest. This Delay of two or three Months, I
should think, cannot make much DiflFerence in your Father's
Affairs, the present Disorders of that Country being con-
sidered : Or if you apprehend, as you have mentioned, that
the Creditors may suspect your having an Intention of
assuming to your own Use the Property of your Father,
you may, to prevent such Suspicions, oflFer the Creditors
to deliver up to them or to any Person they shall please
to appoint, all the Papers ascertaining your [imperfect]

1775. TO ROBERT MORRIS (l,c.)

Philada., Nov. 2, 1789

Deak Sir : — I should be glad if it might suit you to spare
half an Hour some Day this Week, to settle between us the
Loss that accrued on the Sale of my Funds in France, for
the Payment of the Bills I furnished you with. The sooner
the better, as I find myself growing weaker daily, and less fit
for Business.

I am your affectionate Friend and humble Servant,

B. Fkankun.

P. S. — I enclose the two last Letters received from Messrs.
Grand & Co., together with their Account, from which you
may, at your Leisure, make the Computation. By the

1789 J TO BENJAMIN \^ AUG HAN 49

Letters you will perceive the care that was taken to choose
the most favourable Time for the Sale of those Funds. As
I reckon it, there is loj per cent, loss on 16,000 livres of the
23,000 sokl on the 23d of March, and 8 per cent, loss on the
80,000 sold April the 8th.

1776. TO JAMES LOGAN (l.c.)

Philada., Nov. 2, 1789.

Dear Sir : — Apprehending there is some Danger of my
slipping through your Fingers if the Business we are engaged
in is longer delayed, I feel uneasy till the vacant Trusteeships
are filled up, and the Deed recorded. I wish therefore it
may be agreable to you that we have a Meeting soon for that
Purpose.

With great Esteem and Respect, I am, sir, your most

obedient himible Servant,

B. Franklin.

1777. TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN*

Philadelphia, November 2, 1789.

My dearest Friend,
I received your kind letter of August 8th. I thank you
much for your intimations of the virtues of hemlock, but I
have tried so many things with so little effect, that I am quite
discouraged, and have no longer any faith in remedies for
the stone. The palliating system is what I am now fixed in.
Opium gives me ease when I am attacked by pain, and by the

* Firet printed by Sparks, Vol. X, p. 397. — Ed.
VOL. X — E

50 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANK UN [1789

use of it I still make life at least tolerable. Not being able,
however, to bear sitting to write, I now make use of the hand
of one of my grandsons, dictating to him from my bed.

I wish, indeed, I had tried this method sooner; for so, I
think, I might by this time have finished my Memoirs, in
which I have made no progress for these six months past.
I have now taken the resolution to endeavour com-
pleting them in this way of dictating to an amanuensis.
What is already done, I now send you, with an earnest re-
quest that you and my good friend Dr. Price would be so
good as to take the trouble of reading it, critically examining
it, and giving me your candid opinion whether I had best
publish or suppress it ; and if the first, then what parts had
better be expunged or altered. I shall rely upon your opin-
ions, for I am now grown so old and feeble in mind, as well
as body, that I cannot place any confidence in my own judg-
ment. In the mean time, I desire and expect that you will
not suffer any copy of it, or of any part of it, to be taken for
any purpose whatever.

You present me with a pleasing idea of the happiness I
might have enjoyed in a certain great house, and in the con-
versation of its excellent owner, and his well chosen guests,
if I could have spent some more time in England. That is
now become impossible. My best wishes, however, attend
him and his amiable son, in whose promising virtues and
abilities I am persuaded the father will find much satisfaction.

The revolution in France is truly surprising. I sincerely
wish it may end in establishing a good constitution for that
country. The mischiefs and troubles it suffers in the opera-
tion, however, give me great concern.

You request advice from me respecting your conduct and

1789] '^O BENJAMIN [^ AUG HAN 51

writijigs, and desire me to tell you their faults. As to your
conduct, I know of nothing that looks like a fault, except your
declining to act in any public station, although you are cer-
tainly qualified to do much public good in many you must
have had it in your power to occupy. In respect to your
writings, your language seems to me to be good and pure, and
your sentiments generally just ; but your style of composition
wants perspicuity, and this I think owing principally to a
neglect of method. What I would therefore recommend to
you is, that, before you sit down to write on any subject, you
would spend some days in considering it, putting down at the
same time, in short hints, every thought which occurs to you
as proper to make a part of your intended piece. When you
have thus obtained a collection of the thoughts, examine
them carefully with this view, to find which of them is proper-
est to be presented f/rsi to the mind of the reader, that he,
being possessed of that, may the more easily understand it,
and be better disposed to receive what you intend for the
second; and thus I would have you put a figure before each
thought, to mark its future place in your composition. For
so, every preceding proposition preparing the mind for that
which is to follow, and the reader often anticipating it, he
proceeds with ease, and pleasure, and approbation, as seeming
continually to meet with his own thoughts. In this mode
you have abetter chance for a perfect production; because,
the mind attending first to the sentiments alone, next to the
method alone, each part is likely to be better performed, and
I think too in less time.

You see I give my counsel rather bluntly, without attempt-
ing to soften my manner of finding fault by any apology,
which would give some people great offence; but in the

53 THE WRITmGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789

present situation of afifairs between us, when I am soliciting
the advantage of your criticisms on a work of mine, it is per-
haps my interest that you should be a little offended, in order
to produce a greater degree of wholesome severity. I think
with you, that, if my Memoirs are to be published, an edition
of them should be printed in England for that country, as
well as here for this, and I shall gladly leave it to your
friendly management.

We have now had one session of Congress imder our new
Constitution, which was conducted with, I think, a greater
degree of temper, prudence, and unanimity, than could well
have been expected, and our future prospects seem very
favourable. The harvests of the last summer have been im-
commonly plentiful and good ; yet the produce bears a high
price, from the great foreign demand. At the same time,
immense quantities of foreign goods are crowded upon us,
so as to overstock the market, and supply us with what we
want at very low prices. A spirit of industry and frugality
is also very generally prevailing, which, being the most prom-
ising sign of future national felicity, gives me infinite satis-
faction.

Remember me most respectfully and affectionately to your
good mother, sisters, and brother, and also to my dear Dr.
Price ; and believe me, my dearest friend, yours most sincerely,

B. Franklin.

P. S. I have not received the Philosophical Transactions

for the two or three last years. They are usually laid by for

me at the Society's house, with my name upon them, and

remain there till called for. I shall be much obliged to you,

^ you can conveniently take them up and send them to me.

1789] '^O BENJAMIN V AUG HAN 53

Your mention of plagiarism puts me in mind of a charge
of the same kind, which I lately saw in the British Repository^
concerning the Chapter of Abraham and the Stranger. Per-
haps this is the attack your letter hints at, in which you
defended me. The truth is, as I think you observe, that I
never published that Chapter, and never claimed more credit
from it, than what related to the style, and the addition of
the concluding threatening and promise. The publishing
of it by Lord Kames, without my consent, deprived me of a
good deal of amusement, which I used to take in reading it
by heart out of my Bible, and obtaining the remarks of the
Scripturians upon it, which were sometimes very diverting;
not but that it is in itself, on account of the importance of
its moral, well worth being made known to all mankind.*
When I wrote that in the form you now have it, I wrote also
another,* the hint of which was also taken from an ancient
Jewish tradition; but, not having the same success with it
as the other, I laid it aside, and have not seen it for thirty
years past, till within these few days a lady of my acquaint-
ance furnished me with a copy, which she had preserved.
I think however it is not a bad one, and send it to you enclosed.

1 Sec the "Parable against Persecution," Introduction, Vol. I, p. 179.—
Ed.

• Probablj the " Fkrable on Brotherly Love." — S.

THE WRlTmGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

1778. QUERIES AND REMARKS

BESPECTING ALTESATIONS IN THE CONSTITUTION OF PENN-
SYLVANIA ' (l. C.)

I. OF THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH.

" YouT executive should consist 0} a single Person. "

On this I would ask, Is he to have no Council ? How is
he to be informed of the State and Circumstances of the
different Counties, their Wants, their Abilities, their Dis-
positions, and the Characters of the principal People, respect-
ing their Integrity, Capacities, and Qualifications for Offices?
Does not the present Construction of our Executive provide
well for these particulars? And, during the Number of
Years it has existed, have its Errors or Failures in answering
the End of its Appointment been more or greater than might
have been expected from a single Person?

"But an Individual is more easily watched and controlled
than any greater Number."

On this I would ask. Who is to watch and controul him ?
anri by what Means is he to be controuled ? Will not those
Means, whatever they arc, and in whatever Body vested,
be subject to the same Inconvcniencies of Expence, Delay,
(.)bstruction of good Intentions, &c., which are objected to
ihf present Executive?

' From a trans, corrected in le»ci pencil by Franklin. The " Queries and
Kemufka " were written in reply to a paper — "Hints for the Members of
0>nvcnli»n" — published in the Ftdtral Ca'-rllt, November 3,1789. — Eii.

1789] THE CONSTITUTION OF PENNSYLVANIA 55

n. THE DURATION OF THE APPOINTMENT.

''This should be governed by the following Principles, the
Independency 0} the Magistrate, and the Stability 0} his Ad-
ministration; neither 0} which can be secured but by putting
both beyond the Reach 0} every annual Gust 0} Folly and 0}
Faction"

On this it may be asked, ought it not also to be put beyond
the Reach of every triennial, quinquennial, or septennial
Gust of Folly and of Faction, and, in short, beyond the Reach
of Folly and of Faction at any Period whatever? Does not
this Reasoning aim at establishing a Monarchy at least for
Life, like that of Poland ? or to prevent the Inconveniencies
such as that Kingdom is subject to in a new Election on every
Decease does it not point to an hereditary succession ? Are
the Freemen of Pennsylvania convinced, from a View of the
History of such Governments, that it will be for their Advan-
tage to submit themselves to a Government of such Construc-
tion?

m. ON THE LEGISLATIVE BRANCH.

"i4 plural Legislature is as necessary to good Government
as a single Executive, It is not enough that your Legislature
should be numerous; it should also be divided. Numbers
alone are not a sufficient Barrier against the Impulses of Pas-
sion, the Combinations of Interest, the Intrigues of Faction,
the Haste of Folly, or the Spirit of Encroachment. One
Division should watch over and controul the other, supply its
Wants, correct its Blunders, and cross its Designs, should they
be criminal or erroneous. Wisdom is the specific Quality of
the Legislature, grows out of the Number of the Body, and is

56 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789

made up 0} the Portions 0} Sense and Knowledge which each
Member brings to it"

On this it may be asked^ May not the Wisdom brought
to the Legislature by each Member be as effectual a Barrier
against the Impulses of Passion, &c., when the Members
are united in one Body, as when they are divided ? If one
Part of the Legislature may controul the Operations of the
other, may not the Impulses of Passion, the Combinations
of Interest, the Intrigues of Faction, the Haste of Folly, or
the Spirit of Encroachment in one of those Bodies obstruct
the good proposed by the other, and frustrate its Advantages
to the Public ? Have we not experienced in this Colony, when
a Province under the Government of the Proprietors, the
Mischiefs of a second Branch existing in the Proprietary
Family, countenanced and aided by an Aristocratic Council ?
How many Delays and what great Expences were occasioned
in carrying on the public Business; and what a Train of
Mischiefs, even to the preventing of the Defence of the Prov-
ince during several Years, when distressed by an Indian war,
by the iniquitous Demand that the Proprietary Property should
be exempt from Taxation ! The Wisdom of a few Members in
one single Legislative Body, may it not frequently stifle bad
Motions in their Infancy, and so prevent their being adopted ?
whereas, if those wise Men, in case of a double Legislature,
should happen to be in that Branch wherein the Motion did
not arise, may it not, after being adopted by the other,
occasion lengthy Disputes and Contentions between the two
Bodies, expensive to the Public, obstructing the public Busi-
ness, and promoting Factions among the People, many Tem-
-turally adhering obstinately to Measures they have

1789] THE* CONSTITUTION OF PENNSYLVANIA 57

once publicly adopted? Have we not seen, in one of our
neighbouring States, a bad Measure, adopted by one Branch
of the Legislature, for Want of the Assistance of some more
intelligent Members who had been packed into the other,
occasion many Debates, conducted with much Asperity,
which could not be settled but by an expensive general Ap-
peal to the People ? And have we not seen, in another neigh-
bouring State, a similar DifiFerence between the two Branches,
occasioning long Debates and Contentions, whereby the
State was prevented for many Months enjoying the Advan-
tage of having Senators in the Congress of the United States?
And has our present Legislative in one Assembly committed
any Errors of Importance, which they have not remedied,
or may not easily remedy; more easily, probably, than if
divided into two Branches? And if the Wisdom brought
by the Members to the Assembly is divided into two Branches,
may it not be too weak in each to support a good Measure,
or obstruct a bad one ? The Division of the Legislature into
two or three Branches in England, was it the Product of Wis-
dom, or the Effect of Necessity, arising from the preexisting
Prevalence of an odious Feudal System ? which Government,
notwithstanding this Division is now become in Fact an
absolute Monarchy; since the King, by bribing the Repre-
sentatives with the People's Money, carries, by his Ministers,
all the Measures that please him; which is equivalent to
governing without a Parliament, and renders the Machine
of Government much more complex and expensive, and,
from its being more complex, more easily put out of Order.
Has not the famous political Fable of the Snake, with two
Heads and one Body, some useful Instruction contained in it ?
She was going to a Brook to drink, and in her Way was to pass

S8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789

thro' a Hedge, a Twig of which opposed her direct Course ;
one Head chose to go on the right side of the Twig, the other
on the left ; so that time was spent in the Contest, and, before
the Decision was completed, the poor Snake died with thirst.

"Hence il is that the two Branches should be elected by Per-
sons difjerently qualijied; and in short, that, as jar as possible,
they should be made to represent different Interests. Under
this Reasoning I would establish a Legislature of two Houses.
The Upper should represent the Property; the Lower the
Population of the Slate. The upper should be chosen by
Freemen possessing in Lands and Houses one thousand
Pounds; the Lower by all such as had resided four Years in
the Country, and paid Taxes. The first should be chosen for
jour, the last for two years. They should in Authority be co-

Several Questions may arise upon this Proposition, ist.

\^'hal is the Proportion of Freemen possessing Lands and

Houses of ODL' tliousand Pounds' value, compared to that of

Freemen whose Possessions arc inferior? Are they as one

to ten? Are tlity even as one to twenty? I should doubt

whether they arc as one to fifty. If this minority is to chuse

« a Body expressly to controul that which is to be chosen by the

k great Majority of the Freemen, what have this great Majority

Ldane to forfeil so great a Portion of their Right in Elections?

f is this Po\\er of Controul, contrary to the spirit of all

nocracies, to be vested in a Minority, instead of a Majority?

^.3^11 is il intended, or is it not, that the Rich should have a

f,yotc in Ihe Ciioice of Members for the lower House, while

feriur Property are deprived of the Right of voting

-s of the upper House? And why should the

1789] THE CONSTITUTION OF PENNSYLVANIA 59

upper House, chosen by a Minority, have equal Power with
the lower chosen by a Majority ? Is it supposed that Wisdom
is the necessary concomitant of Riches, and that one Man
worth a thousand Pounds must have as much Wisdom as
Twenty who have each only 999 ; and why is Property to be
represented at all? Suppose one of our Indian Nations
should now agree to form a civil Society; each Individual
would bring into the Stock of the Society little more Property
than his Gim and his Blanket, for at present he has no other.
We know, that, when one of them has attempted to keep a few
Swine, he has not been able to maintain a Property in them,
his neighbours thinking they have a Right to kill and eat
them whenever they want Provision, it being one of their
\faxims that hunting is free for all ; the accumulation there-
fore of Property in such a Society, and its Security to Individ-
uals in every Society, must be an EflFect of the Protection
afforded to it by the joint Strength of the Society, in the Exe-
cution of its Laws. Private Property therefore is a Creature
of Society, and is subject to the Calls of that Society, when-
ever its Necessities shall require it, even to its last Farthing;
its Contributions therefore to the public Exigencies are not to
be considered as conferring a Benefit on the Publick, entitling
the Contributors to the Distinctions of Honour and Power,
but as the Return of an Obligation previously received, or
the Payment of a just Debt. The Combinations of Civil
Society are not like those of a Set of Merchants, who club
their Property in different Proportions for Building and
Freighting a Ship, and may therefore have some Right to
vote in the Disposition of the Voyage in a greater or less
Degree according to their respective Contributions ; but the
important ends of Civil Society, and the personal Securities

6o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

of Life and Liberty, these remain the same in every Member
of the society; and the poorest continues to have an equal
Claim to them with the most opulent, whatever DiflFerence
Time, Chance, or Industry may occasion in their Circum-
stances. On these Considerations, I am sorry to see the
Signs this Paper I have been considering affords, of a Dis-
position among some of our People to commence an Aris-
tocracy, by giving the Rich a predominancy in Government,
a Choice peculiar to themselves in one half the Legislature to
be proudly called the upper House, and the other Branch,
chosen by the Majority of the People, degraded by the De-
nomination of the LOWER ; and giving to this upper House a
Permanency of four Years, and but two to the lower. I hope,
therefore, that our Representatives in the Convention will
not hastily go into these Innovations, but take the Advice of
the Prophet, ^^ Stand in the old ways^ view the ancient Paths ^
consider them wellj and he not among those that are given to
Change:'

1779. TO JOHN WRIGHT

Philadelphia, November 4, 1789.

Dear Friend,

I received your kind letter of July the 31st, which gave me
great pleasure, as it informed me of the welfare both of your-
self and your good lady, to whom please to present my respects.
I thank you for the epistle of your yearly meeting, and for the
card, a specimen of printing, which was enclosed.

We have now had one session of Congress, which was con-
ducted under our new Constitution, and with as much general
satisfaction as could reasonably be expected. I wish the
struggle in France may end as happily for that nation. We

1789] TO JOHN WRIGHT 61

are now in the full enjoyment of our new government for
eUven of the States, and it is generally thought that North
Carolina is about to join it. Rhode Island will probably
take longer time for consideration.

We have had a most plentiful year for the fruits of the earth,
and our people seem to be recovering fast from the extrava-
gance and idle habits, which the war had introduced ; and
to engage seriously in the country habits of temperance, f ru-
gality, and industry, which give the most pleasing prospect
of future national felicity. Your merchants, however, are,
I think, imprudent in crowding in upon us such quantities of
goods for sale here, which are not written for by ours, and are
beyond the faculties of this country to consume in any reason-
able time. This surplus of goods is, therefore, to raise present
money, sent to the vendues, or auction-houses, of which we
have six or seven in and near this city ; where they are sold
frequently for less than prime cost, to the great loss of the
indiscreet adventurers. Our newspapers are doubtless to be
seen at your coffee-houses near the Exchange. In their
advertisements you may observe the constancy and quantity
of this kind of sales; as well as the quantity of goods im-
ported by our regular traders. I see in your English news-
papers frequent mention of our being out of credit with you ;
to us it appears, that we have abundantly too much, and that
your exporting merchants are rather out of their senses.

I wish success to your endeavours for obtaining an aboli-
tion of the Slave Trade. The epistle from your Yearly
Meeting, for the year 1758, was not the frst sowing of the
good seed you mention ; for I find by an old pamphlet in my
possession, that George Keith, near a hundred years since,
wrote a paper against the practice, said to be "given forth by

62 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN^ [1789

the appointment of the meeting held by him, at Philij)
James's house, in the city of Philadelphia, about the year
1693;'* wherein a strict charge was given to Friends, "that
they should set their negroes at liberty, after some reasonable
time of service, &c. &c.'* And about the year 1728, or 1729,
I myself printed a book for Ralph Sandyford, another of
your Friends in this city, against keeping negroes in slavery ;
two editions of which he distributed gratis. And about the
year 1736, I printed another book on the same subject for
Benjamin Lay, who also professed being one of your Friends,
and he distributed the books chiefly among them. By these
instances it appears, that the seed was indeed sown in the
good ground of your profession, though much earlier than
the time you mention, and its springing up to effect at last,
though so late, is some confirmation of Lord Bacon's obser-
vation, that a good motion never dies; and it may encourage
us in making such, though hopeless of their taking immediate
effect.

I doubt whether I shall be able to finish my Memoirs, and,
if I finish them, whether they will be proper for publication.
You seem to have too high an opinion of them, and to expect
too much from them.

I think you are right in preferring a mixed form of govern-
ment for your country, under its present circumstances ; and
if it were possible for you to reduce the enormous salaries and
emoluments of great officers, which are at bottom the source
of all your violent factions, that form might be conducted more
quietly and happily ; but I am afraid, that none of your fac-
tions, when they get uppermost, will ever have virtue enough
to reduce those salaries and emoluments, but will rather choose
to enjoy them.

1789] TO SAMUEL MOORE 63

I enclose a bill for twenty-five pounds, for which, when

received, please to credit my account, and out of it pay Mr.

Benjamin Vaughan, of Jeffries Square, and Mr. William

Vaughan, his brother, of Mincing Lane, such accounts against

me as they shall present to you for that purpose. I am, my

dear friend, yours very affectionately,

B. Franklin.

1780. TO SAMUEL MOORE*

Philadelphia, November 5, 1789.

Dear Sm,

I received your favour of July 25th, but had no opportunity
of showing any civility to the bearer, whom you mention as
coming under the auspices of William Franklin, as he did not
show himself to me.

I am obliged by your kind inquiries after my health, which
is still tolerably good, the stone excepted ; my constitution
being such, as, if it were not for that malady, might have held
out yet some years longer.

I hope the fire of liberty, which you mention as spreading
itself over Europe, will act upon the inestimable rights of
man, as common fire does up)on gold; purify without de-
stroying them ; so that a lover of liberty may find a country
in any part of Christendom.

I see with pleasure in the public prints, that our Society '
is still kept up and flourishes. I was an early member; for,
when Mr. Shipley sent me a list of the subscribers, they were

* Secretary of the London Society for promoting Arts, Manufactures, and
Commerce. Printed from Sparks, Vol. X, p. 406. — Ed.

•Tlic London Society for promoting Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce,
— Ed.

04 THE WRirmaS of BENJAMm FRAPTKLm [17S9

but seventy; and, though I had no expectation then of going
to England, and acting with them, I sent a contribution of
twenty guineas; in consideration of which the Society were
afterwards pleased to consider me a member.

I wish to the exertions of your manufacturers, who are gen-
erally excellent, and to the spirit and enterprise of your mer-
chants, who are famed for fair and honourable dealing, all the
success they merit in promoting the prosperity of your coun-
try.

I am glad our friend Small enjo)rs so much health, and his
faculties so perfectly, as I perceive he does by his letters.
I know not whether he is yet returned from his visit to Scot-
land, and therefore give you the trouble of the enclosed. My
best wishes attend you, being ever, dear Sir, your most obe-
dient servant,

B. Franklin.

1781. TO ALEXANDER SMALL*

Philadelphia, November 5, 1789.

Dear Sm,

I received your several favours of April 23d, May 9th, and
June 2d, together with the manuscript concerning VenHla-
iioHy which will be inserted in our next volume.

I have long been of your opinion, that your legal provision
for the poor is a very great evil, operating as it does to the
encouragement of idleness. We have followed your example,
and begin now to see our error, and, I hope, shall reform it.
I find by your letters, that every man has patience enough
to bear calmly and coolly the injuries done to other people.

^ From *<The Private Correspondence of Benjamin FrankUn** (1S18),
Vol. I, p. 256. — Ed.

1789] '^O ALEXANDER SMALL 65

You have perfectly forgiven the royalists, and you seem to
wonder, that we should still retain any resentment against
them for their joining with the savages to burn our houses,
and murder and scalp our friends, our wives, and our chil-
dren. I forget who it was that said, "We are commanded to
forgive our enemies, but we are nowhere commanded to for-
give our friends." Certain it is, however, that atrocious in-
juries done to us by our friends are naturally more deeply
resented than the same done by enemies. They have left
us, to live under the government of their King in England
and Nova Scotia. We do not miss them, nor wish their
return; nor do we envy them their present happiness.

The accounts you give me of the great prospects you have
respecting your manufactures, agriculture, and commerce,
are pleasing to me ; for I still love England and wish it pros-
perity. You tell me, that the government of France is abun-
dantly punished for its treachery to England in assisting us.
You might also have remarked, that the government of
England had been punished for its treachery to France in
assisting the Corsicans, and in seizing her ships in time of full
peace, without any previous declaration of war. I believe
govemTients are pretty near equal in honesty, and cannot
with much propriety praise their own in preference to that of
their neighbours.

You do me too much honour in namincr me with Timoleon.
I am like him only in retiring from my public labours ; which
indeed my stone, and other infirmities of age, have made
indispensably necessary.

I hope you are by this time returned from your visit to your
native country, and that the journey has given a firmer con-
sistence to your health. Mr. Penn's property in this country,

VOL.X — F

66 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

which you inquire about, is still immensely great; and I
understand he has received ample compensation in England
for the part he lost.

I think you have made a happy choice of rural amusements ;
the protection of the bees, and the destruction of the hop
insect. I wish success to your experiments, and shall be
glad to hear the result. Your Theory of Insects appears
the most ingenious and plausible of any, that have hitherto
been proposed by philosophers.

Our new Constitution is now established with eleven States,

and the accession of a twelfth is soon expected. We have

had one session of Congress under it, which was conducted

with remarkable prudence, and a good deal of unanimity.

Our late harvests were plentiful, and our produce still fetches

a good price, through an abundant foreign demand and the

flourishing state of our commerce. I am ever, my dear friend,

yours most affectionately,

B. Franbxin.

1782. AN ADDRESS TO THE PUBLIC;

FROM THE PENNSYLVANIA SOdETY FOR PROMOTING THE
ABOLITION OF SLAVERY, AND THE RELIEF OF FREE
NEGROES UNLAWFULLY HELD IN BONDAGE.

It is with peculiar satisfaction we assure the friends of
humanity, that, in prosecuting the design of our association,
our endeavours have proved successful, far beyond our most
sanguine expectations.

Encouraged by this success, and by the daily progress of
that luminous and benign spirit of liberty, which is diffusing

1789] A^ ADDRESS TO THE PUBLIC ON SLAVERY 67

itself throughout the world, and humbly hoping for the con-
tinuance of the divine blessing on our labours, we have ven-
tured to make an important addition to our original plan, and
do therefore earnestly solicit the support and assistance of
all who can feel the tender emotions of sympathy and com-
passion, or relish the exalted pleasure of beneficence.

Slavery is such an atrocious debasement of human nature,
that its very extirpation, if not performed with solicitous care,
may sometimes open a source of serious evils.

The unhappy man, who has long been treated as a brute
animal, too frequently sinks beneath the common standard of
the human species. The galling chains, that bind his body,
do also fetter his intellectual faculties, and impair the social
affections of his heart. Accustomed to move hke a mere
machine, by the will of a master, reflection is suspended;
he has not the power of choice ; and reason and conscience
have but little influence over his conduct, because he is
chiefly governed by the passion of fear. He is poor and
friendless; perhaps worn out by extreme labour, age, and
disease.

Under such circumstances, freedom may often prove a
misfortune to himself, and prejudicial to society.

Attention to emancipated black people, it is therefore to be
hoped, will become a branch of our national policy ; but, as
far as we contribute to promote this emancipation, so far that
attention is evidently a serious duty incumbent on us, and
which we mean to discharge to the best of our judgment and
abilities.

To instruct, to advise, to qualify those, who have been re-
stored to freedom, for the exercise and enjoyment of civil
liberty, to promote in them habits of industry, to furnish

68 THE WRITWGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1789

them with emplo}rments suited to their age, sex, talents, and
other circumstances, and to procure their children an edu-
cation calculated for their future situation in life ; these are
the great outlines of the annexed plan, which we have adopted,
and which we conceive will essentially promote the public
good, and the happiness of these our hitherto too much
neglected fellow-creatures.

A plan so extensive cannot be carried into execution without
considerable pecuniary resources, beyond the present ordi-
nary funds of the Society. We hope much from the generosity
of enlightened and benevolent freemen, and will gratefully
receive any donations or subscriptions for this purpose, which
may be made to our treasurer, James Starr, or to James Pem-
berton, chairman of our committee of correspondence.

Signed, by order of the Society,

B. Franklin, Presideni.

Philadelphia, 9th of
November, 1789.

1783. TO JEAN BAPTISTE LE ROY*

Philadelphia, November 13, 1789

It is now more than a year, since I have heard from my
dear friend Le Roy. What can be the reason? Are you
still living ? Or have the mob of Paris mistaken the head of a
monopolizer of knowledge, for a monopolizer of com, and
paraded it about the streets upon a pole.

Great part of the news we have had from Paris, for near a
year past, has been very afflicting. I sincerely wish and pray

^ From "The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin" (1818),
Vol. I, p. 258. — Ed.

1789] TO M. LE VEILLARD 69

it may all end well and happy, both for the King and the nation.
The voice of Philosophy I apprehend can hardly be heard
among those tumults. If any thing material in that way had
occurred, I am persuaded you would have acquainted me
with it. However, pray let me hear from you a little oftener ;
for, though the distance is great, and the means of conveying
letters not very regular, a year's silence between friends must
needs give imeasiness.

Our new Constitution is now established, and has an ap-
pearance that promises permanency ; but in this world noth-
ing can be said to be certain, except death and taxes.

My health continues much as it has been for some time,
except that I grow thinner and weaker, so that I cannot
expect to hold out much longer.

My respects to your good brother, and to our friends of the

Academy, which always has my best wishes for its prosperity

and glory. Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me ever yours

most affectionately,

B. Franklin.

1784. TO M. LE VEILLARD (l. c.)

Philada., Nov. 13, 1789

Dear Friend : — This must be but a short Letter, for I have
mislaid your last and must postpone answering them till I
have found them ; but to make you some Amends I send you
what is done of the Memoirs, under this express Condition
however, that you do not suffer any Copy to be taken of them,
or of any Part of them, on any Account whatever, and that
you will, with your excellent Friend the Duke de la Roche-
foucaulty read them over carefully, examine them critically,

70 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

and send me your friendly, candid Opinion of the Parts you
would advise me to correct or expunge; this in Case you
should be of Opinion that they are generally proper to be
published ; and if you judge otherwise, that you would send
me that Opinion as soon as possible, and prevent my taking
farther Trouble in endeavouring to finish them. I send you
also the Paper you desire respecting our Payment of old
English Debts.

The Troubles you have had in Paris have afflicted me a
great deal. I hope by this Time they are over, and every-
thing settled as it should be, to the Advantage both of the
King and Nation.

My love to good Mme. Le Veillard and your Children, in

which Sec'y Benjamin joins; and believe me as ever, your

affectionate Friend,

B. Franklin.

1785. TO DONATIEN LE RAY DE CHAUMONT

(l. c.)

Philadelphia, Nov. 14, 1789.

My Good and Dear Old Friend : — Your very valuable
Son came to this Town lately with the full Intention of taking
his Passage for France in Obedience to the Commands of his
much respected Father and Mother, and supposing that his
Presence there would be useful to the Affairs of the Family.
But on his communicating his Purpose to me and acquaint-
ing me at the same Time with the present Situation of his
Demand upon Congress, where your Accounts against them
have been examined and approved, and the Payment only
delayed 'till by the Operation of our New Constitution the
Congress shall be furnished with Money to discharge them,

1789] TO DONATIEN LE RAY DE CHAUMONT 71

I could not help thinking it would be more adviseable for him
to postpone his Voyage two or three Months when he might
hope to see his Business here completed to his and your Satis-
faction, than to leave it in its present State, which might
occasion a much longer Delay ; for the Impost Law, passed
at the last Session of Congress, being now in full Force thro'
all the States of the Union [imperfect] Importation of Goods
on which [imperfect] Duties are paid having lately been im-
mensely great, the flow of Money into the Treasury must be
proportionable, so that when they meet again, which will
be early in January next, they will find themselves in Posses-
sion of a very considerable Sum ; and as their Debt to you
was one of the earliest they contracted, I suppose it will of
Course be one of the first they will think of discharging ; and
I have promised him to use my best Interest and Endeavours
with them for that Purpose. He has accordingly thought fit to
take my Advice, and I hope it will be approved by you and his
good Mother, and that this short Delay will not occasion any
great Inconvenience; whereas if he should be absent when
the first Payments are made, his AflFair might be postponed
for another Year. We hope indeed that when he does visit
you, you will not think of detaining and fixing him in France ;
for we are not willing to part with him ; his Behaviour having
been such, during his Residence among us, as to obtain for
him the Good- Will, Respect and Esteem of all who have had
the Pleasure of knowing him.

Pray make my Respects acceptable to good Madame [im-
perfect].

B. Franklin.

72 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

1786. TO DAVID HARTLEY (l. c.)

Philad% Dec 4, 1789.

My very dear Friend,

I received your Favor of August last. Your kind Con-
dolences on the painful State of my Health are very obliging.
I am thankful to God, however, that, among the numerous
Ills human Life is subject to, one only of any Importance is
fallen to my Lot ; and that so late as ahnost to insure that it
can be but of short Duration.

The Convulsions in France are attended with some dis-
agreable Circumstances ; but if by the Struggle she obtains
and secures for the Nation its future Liberty, and a good
Constitution, a few Years' Enjoyment of those Blessings will
amply repair all the Damages their Acquisition may have
occasioned. God grant, that not only the Love of Liberty,
but a thorough Knowledge of the Rights of Man, may per-
vade all the Nations of the Earth, so that a Philosopher may
set his Foot anywhere on its Surface, and say, "This is my
Country.'*

Your Wishes for a cordial and perpetual Friendship be-
tween Britain and her ancient Colonies are manifested con-
tinually in every one of your Letters to me; something of
my Disposition on the same Subject may appear to you in
casting your Eye over the enclosed Paper. I do not by this
Opportunity send you any of our Gazettes, because the
Postage from Liverpool would be more than they are worth.
I can now only add my best Wishes of every kind of Felicity
for the three amiable Hartleys, to whom I have the honor of
being an affectionate friend and most obedient humble ser-
vant, [B. Franklin.]

1789] TO MRS. JANE MECOM 73

1787. TO MRS. JANE MECOM*

Philadelphia, December 17, 1789.

Dear Sister,

You tell me you are desired by an acquaintance to ask my
opinion, whether the general circumstances mentioned in the
history of Baron Trenck are founded in fact ; to which I can
only answer, that, of the greatest part of those circumstances,
the scene being laid in Germany, I must consequently be very
ignorant; but of what he says as having passed in France,
between the ministers of that country, himself, and me, I can
speak positively, that it is founded in falsehood, and that the
fact can only serve to confound, as I never saw him in that
country, nor ever knew or heard of him anywhere, till I met
with the abovementioned history in print, in the German
language, in which he ventured to relate it as a fact, that I
had, with those ministers, solicited him to enter into the
American service. A translation of that book into French
has since been printed, but the translator has omitted that
pretended fact, probably from an apprehension, that its being
in that country known not to be true might hurt the credit
and sale of the translation.

I thank you for the sermon on Sacred Music. I have read
it with pleasure. I think it a very ingenious composition.
You will say this is natural enough, if you read what I have
formerly written on the same subject in one of my printed
letters, wherein you will find a perfect agreement of sentiment
resj>ecting the complex music, of late, in my opinion, too much
in vogue ; it being only pleasing to learned ears, which can be

* From "The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin" (1 81 8),
VoL I, p. 260. — Eu.

74 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

delighted with the difficulty of execution, instead of har-
mony and melody. Your affectionate brother,

B. Franklin.

1788. TO (L.C.)

Philada.y Dec? 19, 1789.

Dear Friend : — I have received your kind Letter of the
5th Inst., together with your Present of Metheglin, of which
I have already drank almost a Bottle. I find it excellent;
please to accept my thankful Acknowledgments.

The Letter of yours enclosed is from the Widow of a Jew,
who, happening to be one of a Number of Passengers, that
were about 40 Years ago in a Stage-Boat going to New York,
and which, by the unskillful management of the Boatman,
overset the Canoe from whence I was endeavouring to get
on board her, near Staten Island, has ever since worried me
with Demands of a Gratis for having, as he pretended, been
instrumental in saving my Life ; tho' that was in no Danger,
as we were near the Shore, and you know what an expert
Swimmer I am, and he was no more of any Service to me in
stopping the Boat to take me in than every other Passenger ;
to all whom I gave a liberal Entertainment at the Tavern
when we arrived at New York, to their general satisfaction,
at the Time; but this Hayes never saw me afterwards, at
New York, or Brunswick, or Philada. that he did not dun
me for Money on the Pretence of his being poor, and having
been so happy as to be Instrumental in saving my Life,
which was really in no Danger. In this way he got of me
sometimes a double Joannes, sometimes a Spanish Doubloon,
and never less ; how much in the whole I do not know, having

1789J TO NOAH WEBSTER 75

kept no Account of it ; but it must have been a very consider-
able Sum ; and he never incurred any Risque, nor was at any
Trouble in my Behalf, I have long since thought him well
paid for any little Expence of Humanity he might have felt
on the Occasion. He seems, however, to have left me to his
Widow as part of her Dowry.

1789. TO MILES MERWIN (a.p.s.)

Dec. 21. '89.

A PAINFUL illness has hitherto prevented Dr. Franklin's
answering Mr. Merwin's obliging letter. He is extreamly
sensible of the Honour proposed to be done him by the
Dedication, and requests Mr. Merwin to accept his Thanks ;

•

but cannot rive his Consent to the publishing such

^ r- o extensive

Encomiums on his own Conduct, and hopes MT Merwin
will excuse the Refusal.

1790. TO NOAH WEBSTER (l. l.)

(l. c.)

Philad*, Dec' 26, 1789.

Dear Sir,
I received some Time since your Dissertalions on the Eng-
lish Language. The Book was not accompanied by any
Letter or Message, informing me to whom I am obliged for
it, but I suppose it is to yourself. It is an excellent Work,
and will be greatly useful in turning the Thoughts of our
Countrymen to correct Writing. Please to accept my Thanks
for it as well as for the great honour you have done me in

76 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

its Dedication. I ought to have made this Acknowledgment
sooner, but much Indisposition prevented me.

I cannot but applaud your 2feal for preserving the
Purity of our Language, both in its Expressions and Pronun-
ciation, and in correcting the popular Errors several of our
States are continually falling into with respect to both.
Give me leave to mention some of them, though possibly
they may have already occurred to you. I wish, however, in
some future Publication of yours, you would set a discoun-
tenancing Mark upon them. The first I remember is the
word improved. When I left New England, in the year 23,
this Word had never been used among us, as far as I know,
but in the sense of ameliorated or made better^ except once in
a very old Book of Dr. Mather's, entitled Remarkable Provi-
dences. As that eminent Man wrote a very obscure Hand,
I remember that when I read that Word in his Book, used
instead of the Word imployed, I conjectured that it was an
Error of the Printer, who had mistaken a too short / in the
Writing for an r, and a y with too short a Tail f or a v ; whereby
imployed was converted into improved.

But when I returned to Boston, in 1733, I found this
Change had obtained Favour, and was then become common ;
for I met with it often in perusing the Newspapers, where it
frequently made an Appearance rather ridiculous. Such,
for Instance, as the Advertisement of a Coimtry-House to
be sold, which had been many years improved as a Tavern ;
and, in the Character of a deceased Coimtry Gentleman,
that he had been for more than 30 Years improved as a
Justice-of-Peace. This Use of the Word improved is peculiar
to New England, and not to be met with among any other
Speakers of English, either on this or the other Side of the
Water.

1789] TO NOAH WEBSTER 77

During my late Absence in France, I find that several other
new Words have been introduced into our parliamentary
Language; for Example, I find a Verb formed from the
Substantive Notice; I should not have noticed thiSy were U
not thai the Gentleman^ &c. Also another Verb from the
Substantive Advocate; The Gentleman who advocates or
has ADVOCATED that Motion, &c. Another from the Sub-
stantive Progress, the most awkward and abominable of the
three; The committee, having progressed, resolved to ad-
jaum. The Word opposed, tho' not a new Word, I find used
in a new Manner, as, The Gentlemen who are opposed to this
Measure; to which I have also myself always been opposed.
If you should happen to be of my Opinion with respect to
these Innovations, you will use your Authority in reprobating
them.

The Latin Language, long the Vehicle used in distributing
Knowledge among the different Nations of Europe, is daily
more and more neglected ; and one of the modem Tongues,
viz. the French, seems in point of UniversaUty to have sup-
plied its place. It is spoken in all the Courts of Europe;
and most of the Literati, those even who do not speak it,
have acquired Knowledge enough of it to enable them easily
to read the Books that are written in it. This gives a con-
siderable Advantage to that Nation; it enables its Authors
to inculcate and spread through other Nations such Senti-
ments and Opinions on important Points, as are most con-
ducive to its Interests, or which may contribute to its Reputa-
tion by promoting the common Interests of Mankind. It is
perhaps owing to its being written in French, that Voltaire's
Treatise on Toleration has had so sudden and so great an
Effect on the Bigotry of Europe, as almost entirely to disarm

78 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1789

it. The general Use of the French Language has likewise
a very advantageous EflFect on the Profits of the Bookselling
Branch of Commerce, it being well known, that the more
Copies can be sold that are struck oflF from one Composition
of T3rpes, the Profits increase in a much greater Proportion
than they do in making a great Number of Pieces in any other
Kind of Manufacture. And at present there is no Capital
Town in Europe without a French Bookseller's Shop corre-
sponding with Paris.

Our English bids fair to obtain the second Place. The
great Body of excellent printed Sermons in our Language,
and the Freedom of our Writings on political Subjects, have
induced a Number of Divines of diflFerent Sects and Nations,
as well as Gentlemen concerned in public AflFairs, to study it ;
so far at least as to read it. And if we were to endeavour
the Facilitating its Progress, the Study of our Tongue might
become much more general. Those, who have employed
some Part of their Time in learning a new Language, must
have frequently observed, that, while their Acquaintance
with it was imperfect. Difficulties small in themselves operated
as great ones in obstructing their Progress. A Book, for
Example, ill printed, or a Pronunciation in speaking, not well
articulated, would render a Sentence unintelligible ; which,
from a clear Print or a distinct Speaker, would have been
immediately comprehended. If therefore we would have
the Benefit of seeing our Language more generally known
among Mankind, we should endeavour to remove all the
Difficulties, however small, that discourage the learning it.

But I am sorry to observe, that, of late Years, those Diffi-
culties, instead of being diminished, have been augmented.
In examining the English Books, that were printed between

i^

I7«9] "^O NOAH WEBSIER 79

the Restoration and the Accession of George the 2*, we may
observe, that all Substantives were begun with a capital,
in which we imitated our Mother Tongue, the German.
This was more particularly useful to those, who were not well
acquainted with the English ; there being such a prodigious
Number of our Words, that are both Verbs and Substantives^
and spelt in the same manner, tho' often accented diflFerently
in Pronunciation.

This Method has, by the Fancy of Printers, of late Years
been laid aside, from an Idea, that suppressing the Capitals
shows the Character to greater Advantage; those Letters
prominent above the line disturbing its even regular Appear-
ance. The EflFect of this Change is so considerable, that a
learned Man of France, who used to read our Books, tho'
not perfectly acquainted with our Language, in Conversa-
tion with me on the Subject of our Authors, attributed the
greater Obscurity he found in our modem Books, compared
with those of the Period above mentioned, to a Change of
Style for the worse in our Writers, of which Mistake I con-
vinced him, by marking for him each Substantive with a
Capital in a Paragraph, which he then easily understood,
the* before he could not comprehend it. This shows the
Inconvenience of that pretended Improvement.

From the same Fondness for an even and uniform Appear-
ance of Characters in the Line, the Printers have of late ban-
ished also the Italic Types, in which Words of Importance
to be attended to in the Sense of the Sentence, and Wordff
on which an Emphasis should be put in Reading, used to
be printed. And lately another Fancy has induced some
Printers to use the short round 5, instead of the long one,
which formerly served well to distinguish a word readily by

8o THE WRITWGS OF BEJ^/AAflJ^ FRAI^ICLIAT [1789

its varied appearance. Certainly the omitting this prominent
Letter makes the Line appear more even; but renders it
less immediately legible; as the paring all Men's Noses
might smooth and level their Faces, but would render their
Physiognomies less distinguishable.

Add to all these Improvements backwards^ another modem
Fancy, that grey Printing is more beautiful than black;
hence the English new Books are printed in so dim a Char-
acter, as to be read with difficulty by old Eyes, imless in a
very strong Light and with good Glasses. Whoever com-
pares a Volume of the Gentleman^s Magazine, printed between
the Years 1731 and 1740, with one of those printed in the
last ten Years, will be convinced of the much greater Degree
of Perspicuity given by black Ink than by grey. Lord Ches-
terfield pleasantly remarked this DiflFerence to Faulkener,
the Printer of the Dublin Journal, who was vainly making
Encomiums on his own Paper, as the most complete of any
in the World; "But, Mr. Faulkener," said my Lord, "don't
you think it might be still farther improved by using Paper
and Ink not quite so near of a Colour?" For all these
Reasons I cannot but wish, that our American Printers
would in their Editions avoid these fancied Improvements,
and thereby render their Works more agreable to Foreigners
in Europe, to the great advantage of our Bookselling Com-
merce.

Farther, to be more sensible of the Advantage of clear
and distinct Printing, let us consider the Assistance it affords
in Reading well aloud to an Auditory. In so doing the Eye
generally slides forward three or four Words before the Voice.
If the Sight clearly distinguishes what the coming Words
-»re, it gives time to order the Modulation of the Voice to

1789] '^ NOAH WEBSTER 81

express them properly- But, if they are obscurely printed,
or disguis'd by omitting the Capitals and long sh or other-
wise, the Reader is apt to modulate wrong ; and, finding he
has done so, he is oblig'd to go back and begin the Sentence
again, which lessens the Pleasure of the Hearers.

This leads me to mention an old Error in our Mode of
Printing. We are sensible, that, when a Question is met
with in Reading, there is a proper Variation to be used in
the Management of the Voice. We have therefore a Point
called an Interrogation, affix'd to the Question in order to
distinguish it. But this is absurdly placed at its End; so
that the Reader does not discover it, till he finds he has
wrongly modulated his Voice, and is therefore obliged to
begin again the Sentence. To prevent this, the Spanish
Printers, more sensibly, place an Interrogation at the Begin-
ning as well as at the End of a Question. We have another
Error of the same kind in printing Plays, where something
often occurs that is marked as spoken aside. But the Word
aside is placed at the End of the Speech, when it ought to
precede it, as a Direction to the Reader, that he may govern
his Voice accordingly. The Practice of our Ladies in meet-
ing five or six together to form a little busy Party, where each
is employ'd in some useful Work while one reads to them, is
so commendable in itself, that it deserves the Attention of
Authors and Printers to make it as pleasing as possible, both
to the Reader and Hearers.

After these general Observations, permit me to make one
that I imagine may regard your Interest. It is that your
Spelling Book is miserably printed here, so as in many Places
to be scarcely legible, and on wretched Paper. If this is
not attended to, and the new one lately advertised as coming

VOL. X — G

Kj the writings of benjamin franklin [17

out should be preferable in these Respects, it may hurt t]
future Sale of yours.

I congratulate you on your Marriage, of which the New
papers inform me. My best wishes attend you, being wr
sincere esteem, Sir, &c.

B. Franklin.

SiK,

1791. TO (l.c

Philadelphia, Jan. 19, 1790.

I rec'' the Letter you did me the honor of writii^ to fl
respecting the Construction of the ii"" Art. of the Treaty 1
Commerce between France and the United States. I wi
indeed one of the Commissioners on the Part of the Unit«
Stales for making that treaty, but the Commissioners ha<
no right to explain the Treaty, Its explanation is to 1
sought for in its own Words, and, in case it cannol be clear
found there, then by an appUcation to the contracting Powei

I certainly conceived, that when the Droit d'aubaine wi

relinquished in favor of the Citizens of the United State

the rehnquishing Clause was meant to extend to all 1J

Dominions of his most Christian Majesty; and I am 1

Opinion, that this would not be denied, if an Explanatic

were requested of the Court of France; and it ought to 1

done, if any Difficulties arise on this subject in the Frenc

Islands, which their Courts do not determine in our Favo

But, before Congress is petitioned to make such Request,

imagine it would be proper to have the Case tried in son

^f the W. I. islands, and the Petition made in Consequen

^i a Determination against us, I have the honor to be, &

B. Fkanklin.'

1790] TO EZRA STILES 83

1792. TO EZRA STILES (l. c.)

Philad% March 9. 1790.

Reverend and dear Sir,

I received your kind Letter of Jan'y 28, and am glad you
have at length received the portrait of Gov'r Yale from his
Family, and deposited it in the College Library. He was a
great and good Man, and had the Merit of doing infinite Ser-
vice to your Country by his Munificence to that Institution.
The Honour you propose doing me by placing mine in the
same Room with his, is much too great for my Deserts;
but you always had a Partiality for me, and to that it must
be ascribed. I am however too much obliged to Yale Col-
lege, the first learned Society that took Notice of me and
adorned me with its Honours, to refuse a Request that comes
from it thro' so esteemed a Friend. But I do not think any
one of the Portraits you mention, as in my Possession, worthy
of the Place and Company you propose to place it in. You
have an excellent Artist lately arrived. If he will undertake
to make one for you, I shall cheerfully pay the Expence;
but he must not delay setting about it, or I may slip thro' his
fingers, for I am now in my eighty-fifth year, and very infirm.

I send with this a very learned Work, as it seems to me,
on the antient Samaritan Coins, lately printed in Spain, and
at least curious for the Beauty of the Impression. Please
to accept it for your College Library. I have subscribed
for the Encyclopaedia now printing here, with the Intention
of presenting it to the College. I shall probably depart
before the Work is finished, but shall leave Directions for its
Continuance to the End. With this you will receive some
of the first numbers.

I

84 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1790

You desire to know somethli^ of my Religioa. It is the
first time I have been questioned upon it. But I cannot
take your Curiosity amiss, and shall endeavour in a few
Words to gratify it. Here is my Creed. I believe in one
God, Creator of the Universe. That he governs it by his
Providence. That he ought to be worshipped. That the
most acceptable Service we render to him is doing good to
his other Children. That the soul of Man is immortal, and
will be treated with Justice in another Life respecting its
Conduct in this. These I take to be the fundamental Prin-
ciples of all sound Religion, and I regard them as you do in
whatever Sect I meet with them.

As to Jesus of Nazareth, my Opinicai of whom you par-
ticularly desire, I think the System of Momls and his Reli-
gion, as he left them to us, the best the World ever saw or
is likely to see ; but I apprehend it has received various cor-
rupting Changes, and I have, with most of the present Dis-
senters in England, some Doubts as to his Divinity; the'
it is a question I do not dogmatize upon, having never studied
it, and think it needless to busy myself with it now, when I
expect soon an Opportunity of knowing the Truth with less
Trouble. I see no harm, however, in its being believed,
if that Behef has the good Consequence, as probably it has,
of making his Doctrines more respected and better observed ;
especially as I do not perceive, that the Supreme takes it
amiss, l)y distinguishing the Unbelievers in his Government
of the World with any peculiar Marks of his Displeasure.

I shiill only add, respecting myself, that, having experi-
enced the Goodness of that Being in conductii^ me pros-
"sly thro' a loi^; life, I have no doubt of its Continuance
ueKt, though without the smallest Conceit <rf meriting

I790] TO EZRA STILES 85

such Goodness. My Sentiments on this Head you will see
in the Copy of an old Letter enclosed,* which I wrote in answer
to one from a zealous Religionist, whom I had relieved in a
paralytic case by electricity, and who, being afraid I should
grow proud upon it, sent me his serious though rather im-
pertinent Caution. I send you also the Copy of another
Letter,' which wiU shew something of my Disposition relat-
ing to Religion. With great and sincere Esteem and AflFection,
I am. Your obliged old Friend and most obedient humble
Servant ' B. Franklin.

P. S. Had not your College some Present of Books from
the King of France ? Please to let me know, if you had an
Expectation given you of more, and the Nature of that
Expectation? I have a Reason for the Enquiry.

I confide, that you will not expose me to Criticism and
censure by publishing any part of this Communication to
you. I have ever let others enjoy their religious Sentiments,
without reflecting on them for those that appeared to me un-
supportable and even absurd. All Sects here, and we have
a great Variety, have experienced my good will in assisting
them with Subscriptions for building their new Places of
Worship; and, as I have never opposed any of their Doc-
trines, I hope to go out of the World in Peace with them all.'

^ Probably the letter written to Joseph Hucy.— Ed.

* It is uncertain what letter is here alluded to, but probably the one sup-
posed to have been written to Thomas Paine. — S.

• This letter was written in reply to the following query in a letter from
Ezra Stiles (January 28, 1790) : —

" You know, Sir, that I am a Christian, and would to Heaven all others
were such as I am, except my Imperfections and Deficiencies of moral
Character. As much as I know of Dr. Franklin, I have not an idea of his
religious Sentiments. I wish to know the Opinion of my venerable Friend

86 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1790

1793. TO FRANCIS CHILDS (p.h.s.)

Philad^ March 10, 1790

Sir

I received your Letter enclosing the Bill of Lading for the

two Boxes of Types ; but the Vessel is not yet arriv'd. By

your Proposal which I agreed to, I was to have them at

what they cost in London, at Caslon's Foundery; and you

desire me to give you Credit accordingly: But as I never

before bought any such small Letters, and Caslon has not

mark'd any Prices in his Specimens, I do not know at what

Rates I am to credit them, till I receive his Bill or Invoice,

which I therefore request you will send me by the Return

of the Post. I am, Sir,

Your humble Servant

B. Franklin.

1794. ON THE SLAVE-TRADE (l.c.)

Dr. Franklin's name, as President of the Abolition Society, was signed to
the memorial presented to the House of Representatives of the United States,
on the 1 2th of February, 1789, praying them to exert the full extent of power
vested in them by the Constitution, in discouraging the traffic of the huntan
species. This was his last public act. In the debates to which this memorial

concerning Jesus of Nazereth. He will not impute this to Impertinence or

improper Curiosity, in one, who for so many years has continued to love,

estimate, and reverence his Abilities and literary Character, with an Ardor

and Affection bordering on Adoration. If I have said too much, let the

Request be blotted out, and be no more; and yet I shall never cease to wish

you that happy Immortality, which I believe Jesus alone has purchased for the

virtuous and truly good of every religious Denomination in Christendom, and

for those of every Age, Nation, and Mytholog)', who reverence the Deity, and

are filled with Integrity, Righteousness, and Benevolence. Wishing you every

Blessing, I am, dear Sir, your most obed* Serv^

"Ezra Stilks." — Ed.

I

1790] ON THE SLAVE-TRADE 87

gave rise, several attempts were made to justify the trade. In the Federal
Gazette of March 25th, 1790, there appeared an essay, signed Historiccs,
written by Dr. Franklin, in which he communicated a Speech, said to have
been delivered in the Divan of Algiers, in 1687, in opposition to the prayer
of the petition of a sect called Erika, or Purists, for the abolition of piracy
and slavery. This pretended African speech was an excellent parody of one
delivered by Mr. Jackson, of Georgia. All the arguments, urged in favour of
negro slavery, are applied with equal force to justify the plundering and en-
slaving of Europeans. It affords, at the same time, a demonstration of the
futility of the arguments in defence of the slave-trade, and of the strength of
mind and ingenuity of the author, at his advanced period of life. It furnishes,
too, a no less convincing proof of his power of imitating the style of other
times and nations, than his celebrated Parable against Persecution. And as
the latter led many persons to search the Scriptures with a view to find it, so
the former caused many persons to search the book-stores and libraries for the
work from which it was said to be extracted. — Dr. Stuber.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE FEDERAL GAZETTE

March 23d, 1790.^

Snty
Reading last night in your excellent Paper the speech of
Mr. Jackson in Congress against their meddling with the
Affair of Slavery, or attempting to mend the Condition of
the Slaves, it put me in mind of a similar One made about
100 Years since by Sidi Mehemet Ibrahim, a member of the
Divan of Algiers, which may be seen in Martin's Account of
his Consulship, anno 1687. It was against granting the
Petition of the Sect called Erika, or Purists, who pray'd for
the Abolition of Piracy and Slavery as being unjust. Mr.
Jackson does not quote it ; perhaps he has not seen it. If,
therefore, some of its Reasonings are to be found in his elo-
quent Speech, it may only show that men's Interests and
Intellects operate and are operated on with surprising simi-

1 This paper is dated only twenty-four days before the author's death,
which happened on the 17th of April following. — Ed.

r -J

88 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1790

larity in all Countries and Climates, when under similar Cir-
cumstances. The African's Speech, as translated, is as follows.

^^ Allah Bismillahy S^c. God is greal, and Mahomet is his

Prophet.

"Have these Erika considered the Consequences of grant-
ing their Petition? If we cease our Cruises against the
Christians, how shall we be furnished with the Commodities
their Countries produce, and which are so necessary for us?
If we forbear to make Slaves of their People, who in this hot
Climate are to cultivate our Lands ? Who are to perform the
common Labours of our City, and in our Families? Must
we not then be our own Slaves ? And is there not more Com-
passion and more Favour due to us as Mussulmen, than to
these Christian Dogs? We have now above 50,000 Slaves
in and near Algiers. This Number, if not kept up by fresh
Supplies, will soon diminish, and be gradually annihilated.
If we then cease taking and plundering the Infidel Ships, and
making Slaves of the Seamen and Passengers, our Lands
will become of no Value for want of Cultivation ; the Rents
of Houses in the City will sink one half ; and the Revenues
of Government arising from its Share of Prizes be totally
destroyed ! And for what ? To gratify the whims of a whim-
sical Sect, who would have us, not only forbear making more
Slaves, but even to manumit those we have.

"But who is to indemnify their Masters for the Loss?
Will the State do it ? Is our Treasury sufficient ? Will the
Erika do it ? Can they do it ? Or would they, to do what
they think Justice to the Slaves, do a greater Injustice to the
Owners ? And if we set our Slaves free, what is to be done
with them? Few of them will return to their Countries;

1790] ON THE SLAVE-TRADE 89

they know too well the greater Hardships they must there be
subject to; they will not embrace our holy Religion; they
will not adopt our Manners; our People will not pollute
themselves by intermarrying with them. Must we maintain
them as Beggars in our Streets, or suffer our Properties to
be the Prey of their Pillage ? For Men long accustomed to
Slavery will not work for a Livelihood when not compelled.
And what is there so pitiable in their present Condition?
Were they not Slaves in their own Countries ?

"Are not Spain, Portugal, France, and the ItaUan states
govem'd by Despots, who hold all their Subjects in Slavery,
without Exception ? Even England treats its Sailors as Slaves ;
for they are, whenever the Government pleases, seiz'd, and
confin'd in Ships of War, condemned not only to work, but
to fight, for small Wages, or a mere Subsistence, not better
than our Slaves are allowed by us. Is their Condition then
made worse by their falling into our Hands ? No ; they have
only exchanged one Slavery for another, and I may say a
better; for here they are brought into a Land where the Sun
of Islamism gives forth its Light, and shines in full Splendor,
and they have an Opportimity of making themselves ac-
quainted with the true Doctrine, and thereby saving their
immortal Souls. Those who remain at home have not that
Happiness. Sending the Slaves home then would be sending
them out of Light into Darkness.

"I repeat the Question, What is to be done with them?
I have heard it suggested, that they may be planted in the
Wilderness, where there is plenty of Land for them to sub-
sist on, and where they may flourish as a free State ; but they
are, I doubt, too little disposed to labour without Compulsion,
as well as too ignorant to establish a good government, and

90 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN- FRANKLIN [1790

the wild Arabs would soon molest and destroy or again en-
slave them. While serving us, we take care to provide them
with every thing, and they are treated with Humanity. The
Labourers in their own Country are, as I am well informed,
worse fed, lodged, and cloathed. The Condition of most of
them is therefore already mended, and requires no further
Improvement. Here their Lives are in Safety. They are
not liable to be impressed for Soldiers, and forc'd to cut one
another's Christian Throats, as in the Wars of their own
Countries. If some of the religious mad Bigots, who now
teaze us with their silly Petitions, have in a Fit of blind Zeal
freed their Slaves, it was not Generosity, it was not Hu-
manity, that mov'd them to the Action; it was from the
conscious Burthen of a Load of Sins, and Hope, from the
supposed Merits of so good a Work, to be excus'd Damna-
tion.

" How grossly are they mistaken in imagining Slavery to
be disallowed by the Alcoran ! Are not the two Precepts,
to quote no more, ^ Masters , treat your Slaves with kindness;
Slaves, serve your Masters with Cheerfulness and Fidelity,^ clear
Proofs to the contrary ? Nor can the Plundering of Infidels
be in that sacred Book forbidden, since it is well known
from it, that God has given the World, and all that it contains,
to his faithful Mussulmen, who are to enjoy it of Right as
fast as they conquer it. Let us then hear no more of this
detestable Proposition, the Manumission of Christian Slaves,
the Adoption of which would, by depreciating our Lands
and Houses, and thereby depriving so many good Citizens
of their Properties, create universal Discontent, and provoke
Insurrections, to the endangering of Government and pro-
ducing general Confusion. I have therefore no doubt, but

_j

I790] TO MRS. JANE AfECOM 91

this wise Council will prefer the Comfort and Happiness
of a whole Nation of true Believers to the Whim of a few
Erikay and dismiss their Petition."

The Result was, as Martin tells us, that the Divan came
to this Resolution; "The Doctrine, that Plundering and
Enslaving the Christians is imjust, is at best prohlematical;
but that it is the Interest of this State to continue the Prac-
tice, is clear; therefore let the Petition be rejected."

And it was rejected accordingly.

And since like Motives are apt to produce in the Minds of
Men like Opinions and Resolutions, may we not, Mr. Brown,
venture to predict, from this Account, that the Petitions to
the Parliament of England for abolishing the Slave-Trade,
to say nothing of other Legislatures, and the Debates upon
them, will have a similar Conclusion? I am, Sir, your con-
stant Reader and humble Servant, Historicus.

1795. TO MRS. JANE MECOM*

Philadelphia, March 24, 1790.

My dear Sister,
I received your kind letter by your good neighbour. Cap-
tain Rich. The information it contained, that you continue
well, gave me, as usual, great pleasure. As to myself, I have
been quite free from pain for near three weeks past ; and
therefore not being obliged to take any laudanum, my
appetite has returned, and I have recovered some part of
my strength. Thus I continue to live on, while all the friends
of my youth have left me, and gone to join the majority.

^ First published by Sparks, Vol. X, p. 425. — Ed.

92 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1790

I have, however, the pleasure of continued friendship and
conversation with their children and grandchildren. I do
not repine at my malady, though a severe one, when I con-
sider how well I am provided with every convenience to
palliate it, and to make me comfortable under it ; and how
many more horrible evils the human body is subject to ; and
what a long life of health I have been blessed with, free from
them all.

You have done well not to send me any more fish at present.
These continue good, and give me pleasure.

Do you know any thing of our sister Scott's daughter;

whether she is still living, and where? This family join

in love to you and yours, and to cousins WiUiams, with your

affectionate brother,

B. Franklin.

P. S. It is early in the morning, and I write in bed. The
awkward position has occasioned the crooked lines.

1796. TO THOMAS JEFFERSON

Philadelphia, April 8, 1790.^

Sir,
I received your letter of the 31st of last past, relating to
encroachments made on the eastern limits of the United
States by settlers under the British government, pretending
that it is the western, and not the eastern river of the Bay of
Passamaquoddy which was designated by the name of St.
Croix, in the treaty of peace with that nation ; and requesting
of me to communicate any facts which my memory or papers

1 This letter is dated only nine days before Dr. Franklin*i death. — Ed.

I790] TO THOMAS JEFFERSON 93

may enable me to recollect, and which may indicate the true
river, which the commissioners on both sides had in their
view, to establish as the boundary between the two nations.

Your letter found me under a severe fit of my malady,
which prevented my answering it sooner, or attending, in-
deed, to any kind of business. I now can assure you, that
I am perfectly clear in the remembrance that the map we used
in tracing the boundary, was brought to the treaty by the com-
missioners from England, and that it was the same that was
published by Mitchell -above twenty years before. Having
a copy of that map by me in loose sheets, I send you that
sheet which contains the Bay of Passamaquoddy, where you
will see that part of the boundary traced. I remember,
too, that in that part of the boundary we relied much on the
opinion of Mr. Adams, who had been concerned in some
former disputes concerning those territories. I think, there-
fore, that you may obtain still further light from him.

That the map we used was Mitchell's map, Congress were

acquainted at the time, by a letter to their Secretary for

Foreign AflFairs, which I suppose may be found upon their

files. I have the honour to be, &c.,

B. Franklin.

SUPPLEMENTARY PAPERS OF UNKNOWN OR

CONJECTURAL DATE

I

1797- REMARKS (l. c.)

CONCERNING THE SAVAGES OF NORTH AMERICA*

Savages we call them, because their Manners diflFer from
ours, which we think the Perfection of Civility; they think
the same of theirs.

Perhaps, if we could examine the Manners of different
Nations with Impartiality, we should find no People so rude,
as to be without any Rules of Politeness ; nor any so polite,
as not to have some Remains of Rudeness.

The Indian Men, when young, are Hunters and Warriors ;
when old. Counsellors; for all their Government is by
Counsel of the Sages ; there is no Force, there are no Prisons,
no OflScers to compel Obedience, or inflict Punishment.
Hence they generally study Oratory, the best Speaker having
the most Influence. The Indian Women till the Ground,
dress the Food, nurse and bring up the Children, and pre-
serve and hand down to Posterity the Memory of public
Transactions. These Employments of Men and Women
are accounted natural and honourable. Having few arti-
ficial Wants, they have abundance of Leisure for Improve-
ment by Conversation. Our laborious Manner of Life, com-
pared with theirs, they esteem slavish and base; and the

^ This paper was published in a separate pamphlet in England, in the year
1784 ; and afterwards, in 1787, formed a part of the edition printed for Dilly.
The draft in L. C. is undated, and it is uncertain when it was written. — Ed.

voL^x — H 97

— 5J8- -JUE. nrni..,.^^ "■ 1

Learning, on ,hich we value our,elv„, *«-' "f^ '

frivolous and useless. An Instance of this occurred at Ih

Trtatv of Lancaster, in Pennsylvania, on«, .744, betw«n Ih

Government of Virginia and the Si. Nations. After the pn.

dpal Business was settled, the CommiS-sioners from V.rpn.

acquainted the Indians by a Speech, that there was at W

liamsburg a College, with a Fund for Educating Indjan youU

and that, if the Six Nations would send do.Tt half a doa

of their young Lads to that College, the Government wot.

take care that they should be well provided for, and >

stracted in all the Learning of the Wite People. It .s «

of the Indian Rules of Pohteness not to answer a put.

Proposition the same day that it is made ; they think tt wo,

be treating it as a light matter, and that they show it Resp,

by taking time to consider it, as of a Matter ■mportl

They therefore deferred their Answer till the Day foUowa

when their Speaker began, by expressing their deep Sense

the kindness of the Virginia Government, in making th

that OHer; "for we know," says he, "that you highly

teem the kind of Learning taught in those CoUegcii, and t

the Maintenance of our young Men, while with you, wouW

very expensive to you. We an. convinc'd, therefore, I

you mean to do us Good by your Proposal; and we *

L heartily. But you, who are wise, must know that dll

Hit Nations have different Conceptions of things; and

will therefore not take it amiss, if our Ideas of this k™

Education happen not to be the same with yours. We 1

had some Experience of if. Several of our young Pe

we.« formeriv brought up at the Colleges of the NorO

Provinces; they were instructed in aU your Sciences;

when they came back to us, they were b.td Rumicrs, igno

THE SAVAGES OF NORTH AMERICA 99

of every means of living in the Woods, unable to bear either
Cold or Hunger, knew neither how to build a Cabin, take a
Deer, or kill an Enemy, spoke our Language imperfectly,
were therefore neither fit for Hunters, Warriors, nor Coun-
sellors ; they were totally good for nothing. We are however
not the less oblig'd by your kind Offer, tho' we decline accept-
ing it ; and, to show our grateful Sense of it, if the Gentlemen
of Virginia will send us a Dozen of their Sons, we will take
great Care of their Education, instruct them in all we know,
and make Men of them."

Having frequent Occasions to hold public Councils, they
have acquired great Order and Decency in conducting them.
The old Men sit in the foremost Ranks, the Warriors in the
next, and the Women and Children in the hindmost. The
Business of the Women is to take exact Notice of what passes,
imprint it in their Memories (for they have no Writing),
and communicate it to their Children. They are the Records
of the Council, and they preserve Traditions of the Stipula-
tions in Treaties 100 Years back ; which, when we compare
with our Writings, we always find exact. He that would
speak, rises. The rest observe a profound Silence. When he
has finish'd and sits down, they leave him 5 or 6 Minutes to
recollect, that, if he has omitted any thing he intended to say,
or has any thing to add, he may rise again and deliver it.
To interrupt another, even in common Conversation, is
reckoned highly indecent. How different this is from the
conduct of a polite British House of Commons, where scarce
a day passes without some Confusion, that makes the Speaker
hoarse in calling to Order; and how different from the Mode
of Conversation in many polite Companies of Europe, where,
if you do not deliver your Sentence with great Rapidity, you

loo THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

are cut off in the middle of it by the Impatient Loquacity
of those you converse with, and never suffered to finish it 1

The Politeness of these Savages in Conversation is indeed
carried to Excess, since it does not permit them to contradict
or deny the Truth of what is asserted in their Presence, By
this means they indeed avoid Disputes ; but then it becomes
difficult to know their Minds, or what Impression you make
upon them. The Missionaries who have attempted to con-
vert them to Christianity, all complain of this as one of the
great Difficulties of their Mission. The Indians hear with
Patience the Truths of the Gospel explained to them, and
give their usual Tokens of Assent and Approbation; you
would think they were convinc'd. No such matter. It is
mere Civility.

A Swedish Minister, having assembled the chiefs of the
Susquehanah Indians, made a Sermon to them, acquainting
them with the principal historical Facts on which our Reli-
gion is f oimded ; such as the Fall of our first Parents by eating
an Apple, the coming of Christ to repair the Mischief, his
Miracles and Suffering, &c. When he had finished, an
Indian Orator stood up to thank him. '^ What you have told
us," says he, "is all very good. It is indeed bad to eat
Apples. It is better to make them all into Cyder. We are
much oblig'd by your kindness in coming so far, to tell us these
Things which you have heard from your Mothers. In return,
I will tell you some of those we have heard from ours. In
the Beginning, our Fathers had only the Flesh of x\nimals
to subsist on ; and if their Hunting was unsuccessful, they
were starving. Two of our young Hunters, having kill'd
a Deer, made a Fire in the Woods to broil some Part of it.
When they were about to satisfy their Hunger, they beheld a

THE SAVAGES OF NORTH AMERICA loi

beautiful young Woman descend from the Clouds, and seat
herself on that Hill, which you see yonder among the blue
Mountains. They said to each, other, it is a Spirit that
has smelt our broiling Venison, and wishes to eat of it ; let us
oflFer some to her. They presented her with the Tongue ; she
was pleas'd with the Taste of it, and said, ^Your kindness
shall be rewarded ; come to this Place after thirteen Moons,
and you shall find something that will be of great Benefit in
nourishing you and your Children to the latest Generations.'
They did so, and, to their Surprise, found Plants they had
never seen before; but which, from that ancient time, have
been constantly cultivated among us, to our great Advantage.
Where her right Hand had touched the Ground, they found
Maize; where her left hand had touch 'd it, they foimd
Kidney-Beans; and where her Backside had sat on it, they
found Tobacco." The good Missionary, disgusted with this
idle Tale, said, ''What I delivered to you were sacred Truths;
but what you tell me is mere Fable, Fiction, and Falshood."
The Indian, oflFended, reply 'd, **My brother, it seems your
Friends have not done you Justice in your Education ; they
have not well instructed you in the Rules of common Civility.
You saw that we, who understand and practise those Rules,
believ'd all your stories; why do you refuse to believe ours?"
When any of them come into our Towns, our People are
apt to crowd round them, gaze upon them, and incommode
them, where they desire to be private ; this they esteem great
Rudeness, and the Effect of the Want of Instruction in the
Rules of Civility and good Manners. "We have," say they,
"as much Curiosity as you, and when you come into our
Towns, we wish for Opportunities of looking at you; but
for this purpose we hide ourselves behind Bushes, where you

103 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

are to pass, and never intrude ourselves into your Com-
pany."

Their Manner of entring one another's village has likewise
its Rules. It is reckoned uncivil in travelling Strangers to
enter a Village abruptly, without giving Notice of their
Approach. Therefore, as soon as they arrive within hearing,
they stop and hollow, remaining there till invited to enter.
Two old Men usually come out to them, and lead them in.
There is in every Village a vacant Dwelling, called the Strang-
ers' House. Here they are plac'd, while the old Men go
round from Hut to Hut, acquainting the Inhabitants, that
Strangers are arrived, who are probably hungry and weary;
and every one sends them what he can spare of Victuals, and
Skins to repose on. When the Strangers are refreshed.
Pipes and Tobacco are brought; and then, but not before,
Conversation begins, with Enquiries who they are, whither
bound, what News, &c. ; and it usually ends with offers of
Service, if the Strangers have occasion of Guides, or any
Necessaries for continuing their Journey; and nothing is
exacted for the Entertainment.

The same Hospitality, esteemed among them as a principal
Virtue, is practised by private Persons; of which Conrad
Weiser, our Interpreter, gave me the following Instance. He
had been naturalized among the Six Nations, and spoke well
the Mohock Language. In going thro' the Indian Countrj',
to carry a Message from our Governor to the Council at
Onondaga, he call'd at the Habitation of Canassatego, an
old Acquaintance, who embrac'd him, spread Furs for him to
sit on, plac'd before him some boil'd Beans and Venison, and
mix'd some Rum and Water for his Drink. When he was
well refresh'd, and had lit his Pipe, Canassatego began lo

THE SAVAGES OF NORTH AMERICA 103

converse with him; ask'd how he had far*d the many Years
since they had seen each other; whence he then came;
what occasioned the Journey, &c. Conrad answered all
his Questions; and when the Discourse began to flag, the
Indian, to continue it, said, "Conrad, you have lived long
among the white People, and know something of their Cus-
toms; I have been sometimes at Albany, and have observed,
that once in Seven Days they shut up their Shops, and
assemble all in the great House; tell me what it is for?
What do they do there?" "They meet there," says Conrad,
"to hear and learn good Things" "I do not doubt," says
the Indian, "that they tell you so; they have told me the
same; but I doubt the Truth of what they say, and I will
tell you my Reasons. I went lately to Albany to sell my
Skins and buy Blankets, Knives, Powder, Rum, &c. You
know I us'd generally to deal with Hans Hanson ; but I was
a little inclined this time to try some other Merchant. How-
ever, I called first upon Hans, and asked him what he would
give for Beaver. He said he could not give any more than
four Shillings a Pound; *but,' says he, 'I cannot talk on
Business now; this is the Day when we meet together to
learn Good Things, and I am going to the Meeting.' So I
thought to myself, 'Since we cannot do any Business to-day,
I may as well go to the meeting too,' and I went with him.
There stood up a Man in Black, and began to talk to the
People very angrily. I did not understand what he said ;
but, perceiving that he look'd much at me and at Hanson, I
imagin'd he was angry at seeing me there ; so I went out, sat
down near the House, struck Fire, and lit my Pipe, waiting
till the Meeting should break up. I thought too, that the
Man had mention'd something of Beaver, and I suspected it

I04 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

might be the Subject of their Meeting. So, when they came
out, I accosted my Merchant. 'Well, Hans,' says I, *I
hope you have agreed to give more than four Shillings a
Pound.' 'No,' says he, 'I cannot give so much; I cannot
give more than three shillings and sixpence.' I then spoke
to several other Dealers, but they all sung the same song, —
Three and sixpence, — Three and sixpence. This made it
clear to me, that my Suspicion was right ; and, that whatever
they pretended of meeting to leam good Things^ the real pur-
pose was to consult how to cheat Indians in the Price of
Beaver. Consider but a little, Conrad, and you must be
of my Opinion. If they met so often to leam good Things^
they would certainly have learnt some before this time.
But they are still ignorant. You know our Practice. If a
white Man, in travelling thro' our Country, enters one of our
Cabins, we all treat him as I treat you ; we dry him if he is
wet, we warm him if he is cold, we give him Meat and Drink,
that he may allay his Thirst and Hunger; and we spread
soft Furs for him to rest and sleep on ; we demand nothing
in return. But, if I go into a white Man's House at Albany,
and ask for Victuals and Drink, they say, 'Where is your
Money ? ' and if I have none, they say, ' Get out, you Indian
Dog.' You see they have not yet learned those little Good
ThingSj that we need no Meetings to be instructed in, be-
cause our Mothers taught them to us when we were Children;
and therefore it is impossible their Meetings should be, as
they say, for any such purpose, or have any such Effect;
they are only to contrive the Cheating of Indians in the Price
of Beaver"

NOTB. — It is remarkable that in all Ages and Countries Hospitality has been
•Ilow'd as the Virtue of those whom the civiliz'd were pleas'd to call Barbt-

THE RETORT COURTEOUS 105

riant. The Greeks celebrated the Scythians for it. The Saracens possessed
it eminently, and it is to this day the reigning Virtue of the wild Arabs.
St. Paul, too, in the Relation of his Voyage and Shipwreck on the Island of
Melita says the Barbarons People shewed us no little kindness ; for they kin-
dled a fire, and received us every one, because of the present Rain, and be-
cause of the Cold. — F.

1798. THE RETORT COURTEOUS* (l. c.)

" John Qxly, Pawnbroker of Bethnal Green, was indicted for assaulting
Jonathan Boldsworth on the Highway, putting him in fear, and taking from
him one Silver Watch, value 5/. 51. The Prisoner pleaded, that, having sold
the Watch to the Prosecutor, and being immediately after informed by a
Person who knew him, that be was not likely to pay for the same, he had
only followed him and taken the Watch back again. But it appearing on
the Trial* that, presuming he had not been known when he committed the
Robbery, he had afterwards sued the Prosecutor for the Debt, on his Note
of Hand, he was found Guilty, Death." — Old Bailey Sessions Paper, 1747.

I CHOSE the above Extract from the Proceedings at the
Old Bailey in the Trial of Criminals, as a Motto or Text,
on which to amplify in my ensuing Discourse. But on
second Thoughts, having given it forth, I shall, after the
Example of some other Preachers, quit it for the present, and
leave to my Readers, if I should happen to have any, the
Task of discovering what Relation there may possibly be
between my Text and my Sermon.

During some Years past, the British Newspapers have
been filled with Reflections on the Inhabitants of America,
for not paying their old Debts to English Merchants. And

^ The extract from the Sessions Paper and the first paragraph of this article
are written in Franklin's hand, in ink, on the back of a letter to him from
T. Barker, dated April 16, 1786. [Jonathan Boldsworth is there called Henry,']
The article seems to be referred to in Franklin to Bishop Shipley, February
24, 1786, and is certainly the paper mentioned in a letter to Le Veillard,
April ij, 1787. It is there said to have been written about a year. — Ed,

io6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

from these Papers the same Reflections have been translated
into Foreign Prints, and circulated throughout Europe;
whereby the American Character, respecting Honour,
Probity, and Justice in commercial Transactions, is made to
suffer in the Opinion of Strangers, which may be attended
with pernicious Consequences.

At length we are told that the British Court has taken up
the Complaint, and seriously offer'd it as a reason for refusing
to evacuate the Frontier Posts according to Treaty. This
gives a kind of Authenticity to the Charge, and makes it now
more necessary to examine the matter thoro'ly; to inquire
impartially into the Conduct of both Nations; take Blame
to ourselves where we have merited it; and, where it may be
fairly done, mitigate the Severity of the Censures that are so
liberally bestow'd upon us.

We may begin by observing, that before the War our
mercantile Character was good. In Proof of this (and a
stronger Proof can hardly be desired), the Votes of the House
of Commons in 1774-5 have recorded a Petition signed by the
Body of the Merchants of London trading to North America,
in which they expressly set forth, not only that the Trade
was profitable to the Kingdom, but that the Remittances and
Payments were as punctually and faithfully made, as in any
other Branch of Commerce whatever. » These Gentlemen
w^ere certainly competent Judges, and as to that Point could
have no Interest in deceiving the Government.

The making of these punctual Remittances was however a
Difficulty. Britain, acting on the selfish and perhaps mis-
taken Principle of receiving nothing from abroad that could
be ])roduced at home, would take no Articles of our Produce
that interfered with any of her own ; and what did not inter-

THE RETORT COURTEOUS 107

fere, she loaded with heavy Duties. We had no Mines of Gold
or Silver. We were therefore oblig'd to run the World over, in
search of something that would be received in England. We
sent our Provisions and Lumber to the West Indies, where
Exchange was made for Sugars, Cotton, &c. to remit. We
brought Mollasses from thence, distilPd it into Rum, with
which we traded in Africa, and remitted the Gold Dust to
England. We employ'd ourselves in the Fisheries, and sent
the Fish we caught, together with Quantities of Wheat
Flour, and Rice, to Spain and Portugal, from whence the
Amount was remitted to England in Cash or Bills of Exchange.
Great Quantities of our Rite, too^ went to Holland, Ham-
burgh &c., and the Value of that was also sent to Britain.
Add to this, that contenting ourselves with Paper, all the hard
Money we could possibly pick up among the Foreign West
India Islands, was continually sent off to Britain, not a Ship
going thither from America without some Chests of those
precious Metals.

Imagine this great Machine of mutually advantageous
Commerce, going roimdly on, in full Train; our Ports all
busy, receiving and selling British Manufactures, and equip-
ping Ships for the circuitous Trade, that was finally to pro-
cure the necessary Remittances ; the Seas covered with those
Ships, and with several hundred Sail of our Fishermen, all
working for Britain; and then let us consider what Effect
the Conduct of Britain, in 1774 and 1775 and the following
Years, must naturally have on the future Ability of our Mer-
chants to make the Payments in (jucstion.

We will not here enter into the Motives of that Conduct ;
they are well enough known, and not to her Honour. The
first Step was shutting up the Port of Boston by an Act of

io8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

Parliament; the next, to prohibit by another the New Eng-
land Fishery. An Army and a Fleet were sent to enforce
these Acts. Here was a Stop put at once to all the mercantile
Operations of one of the greatest trading Cities of America;
the Fishing Vessels all laid up, and the usual Remittances, by
way of Spain, Portugal, and the Straits, rendered impossible.
Yet the Cry was now begun against us, These New England
People do not pay their Debts I

The Ships of the Fleet employed themselves in cruising
separately all along the Coast. The marine Gentry are
seldom so well contented with their Pay, as not to like a little
Plunder. They stopp'd and seiz'd, imder slight Pretences,
the American Vessels they met with, belonging to whatever
Colony. This checked the Commerce of them all. Ships
loaded with Cargoes destined either directly or indirectly to
make Remittance in England, were not spared. If the
Difference between the two Countries had been then accom-
modated, these unauthorized Plunderers would have been
called to account, and many of their Exploits must have
been found Piracy. But what cur'd all this, set their Minds
at ease, made short Work, and gave full Scope to their
Piratical Disposition, was another Act of Parliament, for-
bidding any Inquisition into those past Facts, declaring them
all Lawful, and all American Property to be forfeited, whether
on Sea or Land, and authorizing the King's British Subjects
to take, seize, sink, bum, or destroy, whatever they could find
of it. The Property suddenly, and by surprise taken from our
Merchants by the Operation of this Act, is incomputable.
And yet the Cry did not diminish. These Americans don^t
pay their Debts!

Had the several States of America, on the Publication of

THE RETORT COURTEOUS 109

this Act seiz'd all British Property in their Power, whether
consisting of Lands in their Country, Ships in their Har-
bours, or Debts in the Hands of their Merchants, by way
of Retaliation, it is probable a great Part of the World
would have deem'd such Conduct justifiable. They, it
seems, thought otherwise, and it was done only in one or
two States, and that under particular Circumstances of
Provocation. And not having thus abolish'd all Demands,
the Cry subsists, that the Americans should pay their
Debts I

General Gage, being with his Army (before the declaration
of open War) in peaceable Possession of Boston, shut its
Gates, and plac'd Guards all around to prevent its Commimi-
cation with the Country. The Inhabitants were on the
Point of Starving. The general, though they were evidently
at his Mercy, fearing that, while they had any Arms in their
Hands, frantic Desperation might possibly do him some
Mischief, proposed to th^ a Capitulation, in which he stipu-
lated, that if they would deliver up their Arms, they might
leave the Town with their Families and Goods. In faith of
this Agreement, they delivered their Arms. But when they
began to pack up for their Departure, they were informed,
that by the word GoodSy the General understood only Hous-
hold Goods, that is, their Beds, Chairs, and Tables, not
Merchant Goods; those he was informed they were indebted
for to the Merchants of England, and he must secure them
for the Creditors. They were accordingly all seized, to an
immense Value, what had been paid for not excepted. It is
to be supposed, tho' we have never heard of it, that this very
honourable General, when he returned home, made a just
Dividend of those Goods, or their Value, among the said

no THE WHITINGS OF BBNJAMm FRAfffCUlf^

Creditors. But the Cry nevertheless cootinued, Thesi
ton People do not pay llteir Debts t

The Army, having thus ruin'd Boston, proceeded to i
ent Parts of the Continent. They got possession of Q
capital trading Towns. The Troops gorfi'd themselves
Plunder. They stopp'd all the Trade of Philadelphi
near a year, of Rhode Island longer, of New York
eight Years, of Charlestown in South Carolina and Sal
in Georgia, I forget how long. This continu'd Intern]
of their Commerce ruin'd many Merchanls. The Amr
burnt to the Ground the fine Towns of Falmouth and Ch
town near Boston, New London, Fairfield, Nonvalk, Ea
Norfolk, the chief trading City in Virginia, besides inni
able Countr}' Seats and private Farm-Houses. This wi
Destruction of Property operated doubly to the Dial
of our Merchants, who were importers from Britain, in
ing their Payments, by the immoderate Loss they susi
themselves, and also the Loss stWered by iheir Co
Debtors, who had bought of them the British Goods, ant
were now render'd unable to pay. The Debts to Briti
course remained undischarg'd, and the Clamour conti
These knavish AmerUans ■will not pay us!

Many of the British Debts, particularly in Virginia an
Carolinas, arose from the Sales made of Negroes in
Provinces by the British Guinea merchants.' These,
all before in the country, were employed when
war came on, in raising tobacco and rice for remit
in payment of British debts. An order arrives
England, adWsed by one of their most celebrated mon
Dr. Johnson, in his Taxation tw Tyranny, to excite these)
' Al this point the dr«ft in L C. t

THE RETORT COURTEOUS in

to rise, cut the throats of their purchasers, and resort to the
British army, where they should be rewarded with freedom.
This was done, and the planters were thus deprived of near
thirty thousand of their working people. Yet the demand
for those sold and unpaid still exists ; and the cry continues
against the Virginians and Carolinians, that they do noi pay
their debts!

Virginia suffered great loss in this kind of property by
another ingenious and humane British invention. Having
the small-pox in their army while in that country, they inocu-
lated some of the negroes they took as prisoners belonging to a
number of plantations, and then let them escape, or sent them,
covered with the pock, to mix with and spread the distemper
among the others of their colour, as well as among the white
country people ; which occasioned a great mortaUty of both,
and certainly did not contribute to the enabling debtors in
making payment. The war too having put a stop to the
exportation of tobacco, tliere was a great accumulation of
several years' produce in all the public inspecting warehouses
and private stores of the planters. Arnold, Phillips, and
Comwallis, with British troops, then entered and overran the
country, burnt all the inspecting and other stores of tobacco,
to the amount of some hundred ship-loads; all which might,
on the return of peace, if it had not been thus wantonly de-
stroyed, have been remitted to British creditors. But these
d'-d Virginians, why donH they pay their debts ?

Paper money was in those times our universal currency.
But, it being the instrument with which we combated our
enemies, they resolved to deprive us of its use by depreciating
it; and the most effectual means they could contrive was to
counterfeit it. The artists they employed performed so

112 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANK UN

well, that immense quantities of these counterfeits, whidi
issued from the British government in New York, were cir-
culated among the inhabitants of all the States, before the
fraud was detected. This operated considerably in depre-
ciating the whole mass, first, by the vast additional quantity,
and next by the uncertainty in distinguishing the true from
the false; and the depreciation was a loss to all and the
ruin of many. It is true our enemies gained a vast deal of
our property by the operation ; but it did not go into the hands
of our particular creditors ; so their demands still subsisted,
and we were still abused ]of not paying our debts I

By the seventh article of the treaty of peace, it was solemnly
stipulated, that the King's troops, in evacuating their posts
in the United States, should not carry away with them any
negroes. In direct violation of this article, General Carleton,
in evacuating New York, carried oflF all the negroes that were
with his army, to the amount of several hundreds. It is not
doubted that he must have had secret orders to justify him
in this transaction; but the reason given out was, that, as
they had quittc*d their masters and joined the King's troops
on the faith of proclamations promising them their liberty,
the national honour forbade returning them into slavery.
The national honour was, it seemed, pledged to both parts of
a contradiction, and its wisdom, since it could not do it with
both, chose to keep faith rather with its old black, than its
new white friends; a circumstance demonstrating clear as
daylight, that, in making a present peace, they meditated a
future war, and hoped, that, though the promised manu-
mission of slaves had not been effectual in the /as/, in the neo:i
it might be more successful ; and that, had the negroes been
forsaken, no aid could be hereafter expected from those of

THE RETORT COURTEOUS II3

the colour in a future invasion. The treaty however with us
was thus broken almost as soon as made, and this by the people
who charge us with breaking it by not paying perhaps for
some of the very negroes carried off in defiance of it. Why
should England observe treaties, when these Americans do not
pay their debts f ^

Unreasonable, however, as this clamour appears in general,
I do not pretend, by exposing it, to justify those debtors who
are still able to pay, and refuse it on pretence of injuries
suflFered by the war. Public injuries can never discharge
private obligations. Contracts between merchant and mer-
chant should be sacredly observed, where the ability remains,
whatever may be the madness of ministers. It is therefore
to be hoped the fourth article of the treaty of peace which
stipulates, that no legal obstruction shall be given to the pay-
ment 0} debts contracted before the war, will be punctually
carried into execution, and that every law in every State which
impedes it, may be immediately repealed. Those laws were
indeed made with honest intentions, that the half-ruined
debtor, not being too suddenly pressed by some, might have
time to arrange and recover his affairs so as to do justice to
aU his creditors. But, since the intention in making those acts
has been misapprehended, and the acts wilfully misconstrued
into a design of defrauding them, and now made a matter of
reproach to us, I think it will be right to repeal them all.
Individual Americans may be ruined, but the country will
save by the operation; since these unthinking, merciless
creditors must be contented with all that is to be had, instead
of all that may be due to them, and the accounts will be
settled by insolvency. When all have paid that can pay, I
think the remaining British creditors, who suffered by the

VOL.X— I

114 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

inability of their ruined debtors, have some right to call upon
their ovm government (which by its bad projects has mined
those debtors) for a compensation. A sum given by Parlia-
ment for this purpose would be more properly disposed, than
in rewarding pretended loyalists, who fomented the war.
And, the heavier the sum, the more tendency it might have
to discourage such ' destructive projects hereafter.

Among the merchants of Britain, trading formerly to
America, there are to my knowledge many considerate and
generous men, who never joined in this clamour, and who,
on the return of peace, though by the treaty entitled to an
immediate suit for their debts, were kindly disposed to give
their debtors reasonable time for restoring their circumstances,
so as to be able to make payment conveniently. These de-
serve the most grateful acknowledgments. And indeed it was
in their favour, and perhaps for their sakes in favour of all
other British creditors, that the law of Pennsylvania, though
since much exclaimed against, was made, restraining the
recovery of old debts during a certain time. For this restraint
was general, respecting domestic as well as British debts,
it being thought unfair, in cases where there was not suffi-
cient for all, that the inhabitants, taking advantage of their
nearer situation, should swallow the whole, excluding foreign
creditors from any share. And in cases where the favourable
part of the foreign creditors were disposed to give time, with
the views abovementioned, if others less humane and con-
siderate were allowed to bring immediate suits and ruin the
debtor, those views would be defeated. When this law
expired in September, 1784, a new one was made, continuing
for some time longer the restraint with respect to domestic
debts, but expressly taking it away where the debt was due

THE RETORT COURTEOUS 115

from citizens of the State to any of the subjects of Great
Britain ;* which shows clearly the dispoisition of the Assembly,
and that the fair intentions above ascribed to them in making
the former act, are not merely the imagination of the writer.
Indeed, the clamour has been much augmented by numbers
joining it, who really had no claim on our country. Every
debtor in Britain, engaged in whatever trade, when he had no
better excuse to give for delay of payment, accused the want of
returns from America. And the indignation, thus excited
against us, now appears so general among the English, that
one would imagine their nation, which is so exact in expect-
ing punctual payment from all the rest of the world, must
be at home the model of justice, the very pattern of punc-
tuality. Yet, if one were disposed to recriminate, it would
not be difficult to find sufficient Matter in several Parts of
their Conduct. But this I forbear. The two separate
Nations are now at Peace, and there can be no use in mutual
Provocations to fresh Enmity. K I have shown clearly that
the present Inability of many American Merchants to dis-
charge their Debts, contracted before the War, is not so much
their Fault, as the Fault of the crediting Nation, who, by
making an unjust War on them, obstructing their Commerce,
plundering and devastating their Country, were the Cause of

^ Extract from an Act of the General Assembly of Pennsylvania, entitled,
"An Act for directing the Mode of recovering Debts contracted before the
6nt Day of January, in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred
ind seventy-seven."

Exception in Favour of British Creditors,

** Sect. 7. And provided also, and be it further enacted by the authority
aforesaid, that this Act, nor any thing therein contained, shall not extend, or
be construed to extend, to any debt or debts which were due before the fourth
day of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six, by any of the
citizens of the State, to any of the subjects of Great Britain." — F.

1 16 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

that laability, I have answered the Purpose of writing this
Paper. How far the Refusal of the British Court to execute
the Treaty in delivering up the Frontier Posts may on account
of this Deficiency of Payment, be justifiable, is chearfuUy
submitted to the World's impartial Judgment.

1799. THE INTERNAL STATE OF AMERICA;

(l. c.)

being a true description of the interest and
policy of that vast continent*

There is a Tradition, that, in the Planting of New England,
the first Settlers met with many Difficulties and Hardships
as is generally the Case when a civilized People attempt
establishing themselves in a wilderness Country. Being
piously disposed, they sought Relief from Heaven, by laying
their Wants and Distresses before the Lord, in frequoit set
Days of Fasting and Prayer. Constant Meditation and
Discourse on these Subjects kept their Minds gloomy and
discontented; and, like the Children of Israel, there were
many disposed to return to that Egypt, which Persecution
had induced them to abandon. At length, when it was pro-
posed in the Assembly to proclaim another Fast, a Farmer
of plain Sense rose, and remark'd, that the Inconveniendcs
they suflFer'd, and concerning which they had so often weary'd
Heaven with their Complaints, were not so great as they

1 Two copies, the rough draft and a transcript, of this article exist in L. C
-arks and Bigelow printed from the transcript. I have followed the roogh
— Ed.

THE INTERNAL STATE OF AMERICA 117

might have expected, and were diminishing every day, as
the Colony strengthened; that the Earth began to reward
their Labour, and to furnish liberally for their Subsistence;
that the Seas and Rivers were full of Fish, the Air sweet,
the Climate healthy ; and, above all, that they were there in
the full Enjoyment of Liberty, civil and religious. He there-
fore thought, that reflecting and conversing on these Subjects
would be more comfortable, as tending more to make them
contented with their Situation; and that it would be more
becoming the Gratitude they ow'd to the Divine Being, if,
instead of a Fast, they should proclaim a Thanksgiving. His
Advice was taken; and from that day to this they have, in
every Year, observed Circumstances of public Fehdty
suflScient to furnish Employment for a Thanksgiving Day;
which is therefore constantly ordered and rehgiously ob-
served.

I see in the Public Papers of different States frequent
Complaints of hard TimeSy deadness of Trade, scarcity of
Money, &c. It is not my Intention to assert or maintain,
that these Complaints are intirely without Foundation.
There can be no Country or Nation existing, in which there
will not be some People so circumstanced, as to find it hard
to gain a Livelihood ; people who are not in the way of any
profitable Trade, and with whom Money is scarce, because
they have nothing to give in Exchange for it ; and it is always
in the Power of a small Number to make a great Clamour.
But let us take a cool View of the general State of our Affairs,
and perhaps the Prospect will appear less gloomy than has
been imagined.

The great Business of the Continent is Agriculture. For
one Artisan, or Merchant, I suppose, we have at least ico

Ii8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

Farmers, by far the greatest part Cultivators of their own
fertile Lands, from whence many of them draw, not only the
Food necessary for their Subsistance, but the Materials of
their Clothing, so as to have little Occasion for foreign Sup-
plies ; while they have a Surplus of Productions to dispose of,
whereby Wealth is gradually accumulated. Such has been
the Goodness of Divine Providence to these Regions, and so
favourable the Climate, that, since the three or four Years of
Hardship in the first Settlement of our Fathers here, a Famine
or Scarcity has never been heard of among us; on the con-
trary, tho' some Years may have been more, and others less
plentiful, there has always been Provision enough for our-
selves, and a Quantity to spare for Exportation. And altho'
the Crops of last year were generally good, never was the
Farmer better paid for the Part he can spare Conunerce, as
the published Price-Currents abundantly testify. The Lands
he possesses are also continually rising in Value with the
Increase of Population ; and, on the whole, he is enabled to
give such good Wages to those who work for him, that aU
who are acquainted with the old World must agree, that
in no Part of it are the labouring Poor so well fed, well
cIoth*d, well lodged, and well paid, as in the United States of
America.

If we enter the Cities, we find, that, since the Revolution,
the Owners of Houses and Lots of Ground have had their
Interest vastly augmented in Value ; Rents have risen to an
astonishing Height, and thence Encouragement to encrease
Building, which gives Employment to an abundance of
Workmen, as does also the encrcas'd Luxury and Splendor of
Living of the Inhabitants, thus made richer. These Work-
all demand and obtain much higher Wages than any

THE INTERNAL STATE OF AMERICA 119

Other Part of the World would afford them, and are paid in
ready Money. This Rank of People therefore do not, or
ought not, to complain of hard Times ; and they make a very
considerable part of the City Inhabitants.

At the Distance I live from our American Fisheries, I
cannot speak of them with any Certainty; but I have not
heard, that the Labour of the valuable Race of Men employ 'd
in them is worse paid, or that they meet with less Success,
than before the Revolution. The Whalemen indeed have
been deprived of one Market for their Oil; but another, I
hear, is opening for them, which it is hoped may be equally
advantageous ; and the Demand is constantly encreasing for
their Spermaceti Candles, which therefore bear a much higher
Price than formerly.

There remain the Merchants and Shopkeepers. Of these,
tho' they make but a small Part of the whole Nation, the
Number is considerable, too great indeed for the Business
they are employed in: For the Consumption of Goods in
every Country, has its Limits; the Faculties of the People,
that is, their Ability to buy and pay, being equal only to a
certain Quantity of Merchandize. If Merchants calculate
amiss on this Proportion, and import too much, they will of
course find the Sale dull for the Overplus, and some of them
will say, that Trade languishes. They should, and doubt-
less will, grow wiser by Experience, and import less. If too
many Artificers in Town, and Farmers from the Country,
flattering themselves with the Idea of leading easier Lives,
turn Shopkeepers, the whole natural Quantity of Business
divided among them all may afford too small a Share for
each, and occasion Complaints, that Trading is dead ; these
may also suppose, that it is owing to Scarcity of Money,

120 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

while, in fact, it is not so much from the Fewness of Buyers,
as from the excessive Number of Sellers, that the Mischief
arises; and, if every Shop-keeping Farmer and Mechanic
would return to the Use of his Plough and working-Tools,
there would remain of Widows, and other Women, Shop-
keepers sufficient for that Business, which might then afford
them a comfortable Maintenance.

Whoever has travelled thro' the various Parts of Europe,
and observed how small is the Proportion of People in Afflu-
ence or easy Circumstances there, compared with those in
Poverty and Misery; the few rich and haughty Landlords,
the multitude of poor, abject, and rack'd Tenants, and the
half -paid and half -starv'd ragged Labourers \ and views here
the happy Mediocrity, that so generally prevails throughout
these States, where the Cultivator works for himself, and sup-
ports his Family in decent Plenty, will, methinks, see abun-
dant Reason to bless Divine Providence for the evident and
great Difference in our Favour, and be convinced, that no
Nation that is known to us enjoys a greater Share of human
Felicity.

It is true, that in some of the States there are Parties and
Discords ; but let us look back, and ask if we were ever with-
out them? Such will exist wherever there is Liberty; and
perhaps they help to preserve it. By the Collision of differ-
ent Sentiments, Sparks of Truth are struck out, and political
Light is obtained. The different Factions, which at present
divide us, aim all at the Publick Good ; the Differences are
only about the various Modes of promoting it. Things,
Actions, Measures, and Objects of all kinds, present themselves
to the Minds of Men in such a Variety of Lights, that it is
not possible we should all think alike at the same time on

THE INTERNAL STATE OF AMERICA lai

every Subject, when hardly the same Man retains at all times
the same Ideas of it. Parties are therefore the common Lot
of Humanity ; and ours are by no means more mischievous
or less beneficial than those of other Countries, Nations, and
Ages, enjoying in the same Degree the great Blessing of
Political Liberty.

Some indeed among us are not so much griev'd for the
present State of our Affairs, as apprehensive for the future.
The Growth of Luxury alarms them, and they think we are
from that alone in the high Road to Ruin. They observe,
that no Revenue is sufficient without Economy, and that the
most plentiful Income of a whole People from the natural
Productions of their Country may be dissipated in vain and
needless Expences, and Poverty be introduced in the place
of Affluence. This may be possible. It however rarely hap-
pens; for there seems to be in every Nation a greater Pro-
portion of Industry and Frugality, which tend to enrich, than
of Idleness and Prodigality, which occasion Poverty ; so that
upon the whole there is a continual Accumulation. Reflect
^rtiat Spain, Gaul, Germany, and Britain were in the Time
of the Romans, inhabited by People little richer than our
Savagjes, and consider the Wealth they at present possess,
in numerous well-built Cities, improved Farms, rich Move-
ables, Magazines stor'd with valuable Manufactures, to
say nothing of Plate, Jewels, and ready Money ; and all this,
notwithstanding their bad, wasteful, plundering Govern-
ments, and their mad, destructive Wars; and yet Luxury
and Extravagant Living have never suffered much Restraint
in those Countries. Then consider the great proportion of
industrious frugal Farmers inhabiting the interior Part of
these American States, and of whom the Body of our Nation

122 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

consists; and judge whether it is probable the Luxury of
our Seaports can be sufficient to ruin such a Country. If
the Importation of foreign Luxuries could ruin a People, we
should probably have been ruin'd long ago ; for the British
Nation claim'd a right, and practised it, of importing among
us, not only the Superfluities of their own Production, but
those of every Nation under Heaven ; we bought and con-
sumed them, and yet we flourished and grew rich. At present,
our independent Gk)vemments may do what we could not
then do, discourage by heavy Duties, or prevent by Prohibi-
tions, such importations, and thereby grow richer ; if, indeed,
which may admit of Dispute, the Desire of adorning ourselves
with fine cloaths, possessing fine Furniture, with good Houses,
&c., is not, by strongly inciting to Labour and Industry,
the occasion of producing a greater Value, than is consum'd
in the Gratification of that Desire.

The Agriculture and Fisheries of the United States are
the great Sources of our encreasing Wealth. He that puts
a Seed into the Earth is recompensed, perhaps, by receiving
twenty out of it ; and he who draws a Fish out of our Waters,
draws up a Piece of Silver.

Let us (and there is no Doubt but we shall) be attentive
to these, and then the Power of Rivals, with all their restrain-
ing and prohibiting Acts, cannot much hurt us. We are
Sons of the Earth and Seas, and, like Antaeus, if, in wrestling
with Hercules, we now and then receive a Fall, the Touch
of our Parents will communicate to us fresh Strength and
Ability to renew the contest. Be quiet and thankful.

AN ARABIAN TALE 123

1800. CONTE

II y avoit un oflSder, homme de bien, appeW Montr&or,
qui ftoit trte-malade; son curd, croyant qu'il alloit mourir,
lui conseilla de faire sa paix avec Dieu, afin d'etre refu en
Paradis. "Je n'ai pas beaucoup d'inquiftude k ce sujet,"
dit Moptr^r, "car j'ai eu, la nuit demifere, une vision qui
m'a tout-k-fait tranquillisd." " Quelle vision avez-vous eue ? "
dit le bon prfetre. "J'ftois," rdpondit Montr&or, "k la
porte du Paradis, avec une foule de gens qui vouloient entrer.
Et St. Pierre demandoit k chacun, de quelle religion il ftoit.
L'un rdpondoit, *Je suis Catholique Romain.' *Hd bien,'
disoit St. Pierre, *entrez, et prenez votre place Ik parmi les
Catholiques.' Un autre dit, qu'il ftoit de Tdglise Anglicane.
'H6 bien,' dit St. Pierre, 'entrez, et placez-vous Ik parmi les
Anglicans.* Un autre dit qu'il ftoit Quaker. 'Entrez/
dit St. Pierre, *et prenez place parmi les Quakers.' Enfin,
mon tour dtant arrivd, il me demanda de quelle religion j'&ois.
*Hdas!' rdpondis-je, * malheureusement le pauvre Jacques
Montr&or n'cn a point.' *C'est dommage,' dit le Saint, 'je
ne sais oil vous placer; mats enlrez toujour s; vous vous
meUrez oA vous pourrez:^^*

1801. AN ARABIAN TALE

Albumazar, the good magician, retired in his old age to the
top of the lofty mountain Calabut ; avoided the society of
men, but was visited nightly by genii and spirits of the first

124 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANK UN

rank, who loved him, and amused him with their instructive
conversation.

Belubel, the strong, came one evening to see Albimiazar;
his height was seven leagues, and his wings when spread
might overshadow a kingdom. He laid himself gently down
between the long ridges of Elluem; the tops of the trees in
the valley were his couch ; his head rested on Calabut as on
a pillow, and his face shone on the tent of Albuma^r.

The magician spoke to him with rapturous piety of the wis-
dom and goodness of the Most High; but expressed his
wonder at the existence of evil in the world, which he said
he could not account for by all the efforts of his reason.

"Value not thyself, my friend," said Belubel, "on that
quality which thou callest reason. If thou knewest its
origin and its weakness, it would rather be matter of humiiia*
tion."

"Tell me then," said Albumazar, "what I do not know;
inform my ignorance, and enlighten my understanding."
"Contemplate," said Albumazar, "the scale of beings, from
an elephant down to an oyster. Thou seest a gradual
diminution of faculties and powers, so small in each step
that the difference is scarce perceptible. There is no gap,
but the gradation is complete. Men in general do not know,
but thou knowest, that in ascending from an elephant to the
infinitely Great, Cxood, and Wise, there is also a long grada-
tion of beings, who possess powers and faculties of which
thou canst yet have no conception."

A PETITION OF THE LEFT HAND 125

1802. A PETITION OF THE LEFT HAND,

TO THOSE WHO HAVE THE SUPERINTENDENCY OF EDUCATION

I ADDRESS myself to all the friends of youth, and conjure
them to direct their compassionate regards to my unhappy
fate, in order to remove the prejudices of which I am the vic-
tim. There are twin sisters of us ; and the two eyes of man
do not more resemble, nor are capable of being upon better
terms with each other, than my sister and myself, were it not
for the partiality of our parents, who make the most injurious
distinctions between us. From my infancy, I have been led
to consider my sister as a being of a more elevated rank.
I was suffered to grow up without the least instruction,
while nothing was spared in her education. She had masters
to teach her writing, drawing, music, and other accomplish-
ments ; but if by chance I touched a pencil, a pen, or a needle,
I was bitterly rebuked; and more than once I have been
beaten for being awkward, and wanting a graceful manner.
It is true, my sister associated me with her upon some occa-
sions ; but she always made a point of taking the lead, calling
upon me only from necessity, or to figure by her side.

But conceive not, Sirs, that my complaints are instigated
merely by vanity. No; my uneasiness is occasioned by an
object much more serious. It is the practice in our family,
that the whole business of providing for its subsistence falls
upon my sister and myself. If any indisposition should
attack my sister, — and I mention it in confidence upon this
occasion, that she is subject to the gout, the rheumatism,
and cramp, without making mention of other accidents, —

126 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

what would be the fate of our poor family? Must not the

regret of our parents be excessive, at having placed so great

a difference between sisters who are so perfectly equal ?

Alas ! we must perish from distress ; for it would not be in my

power even to scrawl a suppliant petition for relief, having been

obliged to employ the hand of another in transcribing the

request which I have now the honour to prefer to you.

Condescend, Sirs, to make my parents sensible of the

injustice of an exclusive tenderness, and of the necessity of

distributing their care and affection among all their children

equally. I am, with a profound respect, Sirs, your obedient

servant,

The Left Hand.

1803. HINTS FOR CONSIDERATION RESPECTING
THE ORPHAN SCHOOL-HOUSE IN PHILA-
DELPHIA (l. c.)

Charitable Institutions, however originally well intended
and well executed at first for many Years, are subject to be
in a Course of time corrupted, mismanag'd, their Fimds
misapplied or perverted to private purposes. Would it not
be well to guard against these by prudent Regulations respect-
ing the Choice of Managers, and establishing the Power of
inspecting their Conduct in some permanent Body, as the
Monthly or Quarterly Meeting?

Would it not be more respectable for the Institution, if the
Appearance of making a Profit of the Labour of Orphans
were avoided, and the Dependence for Funds to be wholly
on charitable Contributions? If this should be concluded,
then it may be proper to open an Account with each Orphan

/Af PROVING THE CONDITION OF FREE BLACKS 127

on Admission; the Orphans to have Credit for any Subsist-
ence brought in with them, and for the Profit made of it
and of their Labour, and made Debtors for their Maintenance
and Education. And at their Discharge on coming of Age,
to be paid the Ballance, if any, in their favour, or remain
Debtors for the ballance, if against them, which they may be
exhorted to pay, if ever able, but not to be compelled. Such
as receive a Ballance may be exhorted to give back a Part in
Charity to the Institution that has taken such kind Care of
them, or at least to remember it favourably, if hereafter God
should bless them with Ability, either in Benefaction while
living, or a Legacy on Decease. The Orphans, when dis-
charged, to receive, besides decent Clothing and some Money,
a Certificate of their good Beha\nour, if such it has been, as
a Recommendation; and the Managers of the Institution
should still consider them as their Children, so far as to coun-
sel them in their Affairs, encourage and promote them in their
Business, watch over and kindly admonish them when in
danger of Misconduct.

1804. PLAN

FOR IMPROVING THE CONDITION OF THE FREE BLACKS

The business relative to free blacks shall be transacted by
a committee of twenty-four persons, annually elected by ballot,
at the meeting of this Society,^ in the month called April;
and, in order to perform the different services with expedition,

1 The Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery and the Relief of
Free Blacks. — Ed.

128 THE WRITINGS OF BEATJAMIAT FRANKLIN

regularity, and energy, this committee shall resolve itself into
the following sub-committees, viz.

I. A Committee of Inspection, who shall superintend the
morals, general conduct, and ordinary situation of the free
negroes, and aflFord them advice and instruction, protection
from wrongs, and other friendly offices.

II. A Committee of Guardians, who shall place out chil-
dren and young people with suitable persons, that they may
(during a moderate time of apprenticeship or servitude)
learn some trade or other business of subsistence. The
committee may eflfect this partly by a persuasive influence on
parents and the persons concerned, and partly by co5perating
with the laws, which are, or may be, enacted for this and
similar purposes. In forming contracts on these occasions,
the committee shall secure to the Society, as far as may be
practicable, the right of guardianship over the persons so
boimd.

III. A Committee of Education, who shall superintend the
school instruction of the children and youth of the free blacks.
They may either influence them to attend regularly the schools
already established in this city, or form others with this
view ; they shall, in either case, provide, that the pupils may
receive such learning as is necessary for their future situation
in life, and especially a deep impression of the most important
and generally acknowledged moral and religious principles.
They shall also procure and preserve a regular record of the
marriages, births, and manumissions of all free blacks.

IV. A Committee of Employ, who shall endeavour to
procure constant employment for those free negroes who are
able to work; as the want of this would occasion poverty,
idleness, and many vicious habits. This committee will,

IMPROVING THE CONDITION OF FREE BLACKS 129

by sedulous inquiry, be enabled to find common labour for a
great number; they will also provide, that such as indicate
proper talents may learn various trades, which may be done
by prevailing upon them to bind themselves for such a term
of years as shall compensate their masters for the expense and
trouble of instruction and maintenance. The committee
may attempt the institution of some useful and simple manu-
factures, which require but little skill, and also may assist,
in conmiencing business, such as appear to be qualified for it.

Whenever the committee of inspection shall find persons
of any particular description requiring attention, they shall
immediately direct them to the committee of whose care they
are the proper objects.

In matters of a mixed nature, the committees shall confer,
and, if necessary, act in concert. Affairs of great importance
shall be referred to the whole committee.

The expense, incurred by the prosecution of this plan, shall
be defrayed by a fund, to be formed by donations or sub-
scriptions for these particular purposes, and to be kept
separate from the other funds of this Society.

The committee shall make a report of their proceedings,
and of the state of their stock, to the Society, at their quarterly
meetings, in the months called April and October.

VOL.X — K

130 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

1805. SOME GOOD WHIG PRINCIPLES*

Declaration of those rights of the Commonalty of Great
Britain, without which they cannot he free.
It is declared,

First, That the government of this realm, and the making
of laws for the same, ought to be lodged in the hands of King,
Lords of Parliament, and Representatives of the whole body
of the freemen of this realm.

Secondly, That every man of the commonalty (excepting
infants, insane persons, and criminals) is, of common right,
and by the laws of God, a freeman, and entitled to the free
enjoyment of liberty.

Thirdly, That liberty, or freedom, consists in having an
actual share in the appointment of those who frame the laws,
and who are to be the guardians of every man's life, property,
and peace ; for the all of one man is as dear to him as the all
of another; and the poor man has an equcU right, but more
need, to have representatives in the legislature than the rich
one.

Fourthly, That they who have no voice nor vote in the
electing of representatives, do not enjoy liberty; but are abso-
lutely enslaved to those who have votes, and to their repre-
sentatives; for to be enslaved is to have governors whom
other men have set over us, and be subject to laws made by
the representatives 0} others, without having had representatives
of our own to give consent in our behalf.

Fifthly, That a very great majority of the commonalty of

^ A printed paper, of which the following is a copy, was found among Dr.
Franklin's papers, endorsed by hini as above. — W, T. F,

THE ART OF PROCURING PLEASANT DREAMS 131

this realm are denied the privilege of voting for representatives
in Parliament; and, consequently, they are enslaved to a
small number, who do now enjoy the privilege exclusively to
themselves; but who, it may be presumed, are far from wish-
ing to continue in the exclusive possession of a privilege, by
which their fellow-subjects are deprived of common right,
of justice, of liberty; and which, if not communicated to all,
must speedily cause the certain overthrow 0} our happy con-
stitution, and enslave us alL

And, sixthly and lastly, We also say and do assert, that it
is the right of the commonalty of this realm to elect a new
House of Commons once in every year, according to the
ancient and sacred laws of the land; because, whenever a
Parliament continues in being for a longer term, very great
numbers of the commonalty, who have arrived at years of
manhood sinc^e the last election, and therefore have a right to
be actually represented in the House of Conmions, are then
unjustly deprived of that right.

1806. THE ART OF PROCURING PLEASANT

DREAMS ^

INSCRIBED TO MISS [sHIPLEY], BEING WRITTEN AT HER

REQUEST

As a great part of our life is spent in sleep during which
we have sometimes pleasant and sometimes painful dreams,

^ sparks printed this bagatelle and assigned it conjecturally to the year

1772. Bigelow followed bis example. While this volume was in the press,

I found the following letter to Franklin from Miss Shipley (A. P. S.) which

determines the date.

"Chilbolton, Nov 13"* 1786.

'^ . . . I have particularly to thank you for " The art of procuring pleasant

132 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

it becomes of some consequence to obtain the one kind and
avoid the other; for whether real or imaginary, pain is pain
and pleasure is pleasure. If we can sleep without dreaming,
it is well that painful dreams are avoided. If while we sleep
we can have any pleasing dream, it is, as the French say,
auiant de gagni, so much added to the pleasure of life.

To this end it is, in the first place, necessary to be careful
in preserving health, by due exercise and great temperance;
for, in sickness, the imagination is disturbed, and disagree-
able, sometimes terrible, ideas are apt to present themselves.
Exercise should precede meals, not immediately follow them ;
the first promotes, the latter, unless moderate, obstructs
digestion. If, after exercise, we feed sparingly, the digestion
will be easy and good, the body lightsome, the temper cheer-
ful, and all the animal functions performed agreeably.
Sleep, when it follows, will be natural and undisturbed;
while indolence, with full feeding, occasions nightmares and
horrors inexpressible; we fall from precipices, are assaulted
by wild beasts, murderers, and demons, and experience every
variety of distress. Observe, however, that the quantities of
food and exercise are relative things ; those who move much
may, and indeed ought to eat more; those who use little
exercise should eat little. In general, mankind, since the
improvement of cookery, eat about twice as much as nature

Dreams," indeed it flatter'd me exceedingly that you should employ so much
of your precious time in complying with my request, but where do you read
that Methusalah slept in the open air? I have searched the Bible in vain to
find it . . .

'* Affectionately yours,

"C. L. Shipley."
Allowing for delay in crossing the ocean, and perhaps some delay in Miss
Shipley's acknowledgment of the Ms., it would seem safe to assign the writing
of this bagatelle to the summer of 1786. — En,

THE ART OF PROCURING PLEASANT DREAMS 133

requires. Suppers are not bad, if we have not dined; but
restless nights naturally follow hearty suppers after full
dinners. Indeed, as there is a difference in constitutions,
some rest well after these meals; it costs them only a fright-
ful dream and an apoplexy, after which they sleep till dooms-
day. Nothing is more common in the newspapers, than
instances of people who, after eating a hearty supper, are
found dead abed in the morning.

Another means of preserving health, to be attended to, is
the having a constant supply of fresh air in your bed-chamber.
It has been a great mistake, the sleeping in rooms exactly
closed, and in beds surrounded by curtains. No outward
air that may come in to you is so unwholesome as the un-
changed air, often breathed, of a close chamber. As boiling
water does not grow hotter by longer boiling, if the particles
that receive greater heat can escape ; so living bodies do not
putrefy, if the particles, so fast as they become putrid, can
be thrown off. Nature expels them by the pores of the skin
and the limgs, and in a free, open air they are carried off;
but in a close room we receive them again and again, though
they become more and more corrupt. A number of persons
crowded into a small room thus spoil the air in a few minutes,
and even render it mortal, as in the Black Hole at Calcutta.
A single person is said to spoil only a gallon of air per minute,
and therefore requires a longer time to spoil a chamber-full ;
but it is done, however, in proportion, and many putrid dis-
orders hence have their origin. It is recorded of Methusalem,
who, being the longest liver, may be supposed to have best
preserved his health, that he slept always in the open air;
for, when he had lived five hundred years, an angel said to
him; "Arise, Methusalem, and build thee an house, for

134 THE WRirmCS OF RENJAMIN FRANKUN

thou shalt live yet five hundred years longer." But Methu-
salem answered, and said, "If I am to live but five hundred
years longer, it is not worth while to build me an house ; I
will sleep in the air, as I have been used to do." Physicians,
after having for ages contended that the sick should not be
indulged with fresh air, have at length discovered that it
may do them good. It is therefore to be hoped, that they
may in time discover likewise, that it is not hurtful to those
who are in health, and that we may be then cured of the
aerophobia^ that at present distresses weak minds, and makes
them choose to be stifled and poisoned, rather than leave
open the window of a bed-chamber, or put down the glass
of a coach.

Confined air, when saturated with perspirable matter, will
not receive more ; and that matter must remain in our bodies,
and occasion diseases; but it gives some previous notice of
its being about to be hurtful, by producing certain uneasiness,
slight indeed at first, which as with regard to the lungs is a
trifling sensation, and to the pores of the skin a kind of
restlessness, which is difficult to describe, and few that feel
it know the cause of it. But we may recollect, that some-
times on waking in the night, we have, if warmly covered,
foimd it difficult to get asleep again. We turn often with-
out finding repose in any position. This fidgettiness (to
use a vulgar expression for want of a better) is occasioned
wholly by an uneasiness in the skin, owing to the retention
of the perspirable matter — the bed-clothes having received
their quantity, and, being saturated, refusing to take any
more. To become sensible of this by an experiment, let a
person keep his position in the bed, but throw off the bed-
clothes, and suffer fresh air to approach the part uncovered

THE ART OF PROCURING PLEASANT DREAMS 135

of his body; he will then feel that part suddenly refreshed;
for the air will immediately relieve the skin, by receiving,
licking up, and carrying off, the load of perspirable matter
that incommoded it. For every portion of cool air that ap-
proaches the warm skin, in receiving its part of that vapour,
receives therewith a degree of heat that rarefies and renders
it lighter, when it will be pushed away with its burthen, by
cooler and therefore heavier fresh air, which for a moment
supplies its place, and then, being likewise changed and
wanned, gives way to a succeeding quantity. This is the
order of nature, to prevent animals being infected by their
own perspiration. He will now be sensible of the difference
between the part exposed to the air and that which, remain-
ing sunk in the bed, denies the air access : for this part now
manifests its uneasiness more distinctly by the comparison,
and the seat of the imeasiness is more plainly perceived than
when the whole surface of the body was affected by it.

Here, then, is one great and general cause of unpleasing
dreams. For when the body is uneasy, the mind will be
disturbed by it, and disagreeable ideas of various kinds will
in sleep be the natural consequences. The remedies, pre-
ventive and curative, follow :

1. By eating moderately (as before advised for health's
sake) less perspirable matter is produced in a given time;
hence the bed-clothes receive it longer before they are satu-
rated, and we may therefore sleep longer before we are made
uneasy by their refusing to receive any more.

2. By using thiimer and more porous bed-clothes, which
will suffer the perspirable matter more easily to pass through
them, we are less incommoded, such being longer tolerable.

3. When you are awakened by this uneasiness, and find

136 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

you cannot easily sleep again, get out of bed, beat up and
turn your pillow, shake the bed-clothes well, with at least
twenty shakes, then throw the bed open and leave it to cool ;
in the meanwhile, continuing undrest, walk about your
chamber till your skin has had time to discharge its load,
which it will do sooner as the air may be dried and colder.
When you begin to feel the cold air unpleasant, then return
to your bed, and you will soon fall asleep, and your sleep
will be sweet and pleasant. All the scenes presented to your
fancy will be too of the pleasing kind. I am often as agree-
ably entertained with them, as by the scenery of an opera.
If you happen to be too indolent to get out of bed, you may,
instead of it, lift up your bed-clothes with one arm and leg,
so as to draw in a good deal of fresh air, and by letting them
fall force it out again. This, repeated twenty times, will so
clear them of the perspirable matter they have imbibed, as
to permit your sleeping well for some time afterwards. But
this latter method is not equal to the former.

Those who do not love trouble, and can afford to have two
beds, will find great luxury in rising, when they wake in a hot
bed, and going into the cool one. Such shifting of beds
would also be of great service to persons ill of a fever, as it
refreshes and frequently procures sleep. A very large bed,
that will admit a removal so distant from the first situation
as to be cool and sweet, may in a degree answer the same
end.

One or two observations more will conclude this little
piece. Care must be taken, when you lie down, to dispose
your pillow so as to suit your manner of placing your head,
and to be perfectly easy ; then place your limbs so as not to
bear inconveniently hard upon one another, as, for instance.

THE ART OF PROCURING PLEASANT DREAMS 137

the joints of your ankles ; for, though a bad position may at
first give but little pain and be hardly noticed, yet a con-
tinuance will render it less tolerable, and the uneasiness may
come on while you are asleep, and disturb your imagina-
tion. These are the rules of the art. But, though they will
generally prove effectual in producing the end intended, there
is a case in which the most punctual observance of them will
be totally fruitless. I need not mention the case to you, my
dear friend, but my account of the art would be imperfect
without it. The case is, when the person who desires to have
pleasant dreams has not taken care to preserve, what is
necessary above all things,

A Good Conscience.

/

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

"As there is scarce any kind of Civil Knowledge more necessary or profit-
able than History ; (which is therefore very aptly stiled by the Ancients,
The Mistress of Life,) so of all sorts of History there is none so usefiil as that
which unlocking the Cabinet, brings forth the Letters, private Instructions,
Consultations and Negotiations of Ministers of State ; for then we see things
in a clear light, stript of all their paints and disguisings, and discover those
hidden Springs of Affairs, which give motion to all the vast Machines and
stupendous Revolutions of Princes and Kingdoms, that make such a noise
on the Theatre of the World, and amaze us with unexpected shiftings of
Scenes and daily Vicissitudes." — The Memoires of Sir James Mehnl^ 1683.

CHAPTER I

ORIGIN AND EARLY STRUGGLES

At a certain exhibition of historical portraits Thomas
CarlylCi it is said, was seen absorbed in the contemplation of
a picture of Benjamin Franklin. A group of spectators, at-
tracted by curiosity, gathered about him, to whom the sage of
Chelsea said, as he pointed to the portrait: "There is the
father of all the Yankees."

It would seem that Carlyle expressed the sentiment and
opinion of mankind; for at the present time, two hundred
years after the birth of Franklin, the world has united in
spontaneous and splendid celebration of his vast achieve-
ments and matchless public service.

His history is the story of a struggle ; it is the record of a
life that began in humble surroundings and ended in splen-
dour ; it contains, therefore, the substance of the tales that have
chiefly interested the world. The story is universally known,
for his autobiography is the most famous work of the kind in
the English language. Every one is familiar with the inci-
dents of his flight from Boston — fugitive from the fist of a
choleric brother — how he was nearly drowned in New York
Bay, how he walked from Perth Amboy to Burlington, fifty
miles through ever-during rain, how he took boat at Bur-
lington upon an October afternoon, and landed at the foot
of Market Street in Philadelphia upon the following Sunday
morning, how he walked the quiet streets of the sober city,

141

142 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

— a ridiculous figure, munching a roll, — how he found shelter
the first night in the strange city at the old Crooked Billet in
Water Street. The strange mutations of life ! This vagrant,
adventurous lad, ragged, travel-stained, awkward, with shirts
and stockings in his pockets and a Dutch dollar his whole
stock of cash — this humble soap-boiler's son — was destined
to become the most conspicuous and admired figure of two
continents, to stand before kings, to converse with scholars,
and to receive every honour that the most venerable academies
of learning could bestow, —

"And moving up from high to higher
Became on Fortune's CTUwDtog slope
The pillar of ■ people's hope.
The centre of a world's desire."

His life covers so completely the occurrences of the eigh-
teenth century, and comprehends so entirely its scientific and
pohtical progress that it seems impossible to confine the
narrative within reasonable and readable limits. Fortunately
it is unnecessary to encroach upon the province of the " Auto-
.biography." There the story of his life is told, until the year
1757, with admirable truthfulness and thoroughness, in
Franklin's inimitably easy and vivid way. Beyond that
epoch many biographers have essayed to complete the narra-
tive, but much yet remains to be done.

I purpose, in as few words as possible, to review the events
of his early life, and to try to complete from his literarj-
remains and the discoveries of recent research the history of
one who lived long and variously in the world, and whose life
is the most picturesque and profitable that has yet been lived
in America.

Franklin was greatly interested in his family history. It
was not his way to value a man for his antecedents, but he

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 143

knew the worth of genealogy, and he visited all the places where
his ancestors had lived, and he traced his lineage with much
time and care. He even adopted the family coat of arms —
two lions' heads, two doves, and a dolphin — and with a
decent sense of propriety in such a case he permitted his
brother John to use it as a book plate, but he would not allow
it to be put upon the cakes of crown soap by the making of
which the family turned an honest penny.

When a person in Konigsberg, Anna Sophia Susanna
de Bohlen, n^e Franklin, wrote to him to claim relationship,
saying that her father, who had taken service in the Prussian
army, was the eldest son of John FrankHn, bom at Wood-
house near Abingdon, Franklin replied that he had exact
accounts of every person of his family from 1555 ; and cour-
teously added, "It would be a pleasure to me to discover a
relation in Europe possessing the amiable sentiments ex-
pressed in your letter, I assure you I should not disown
the meanest." * His notes upon the family history from
1555 to his own generation, together with his abstracts of^
church records and a pedigree chart of his own making
have recently come into the possession of the Pennsylvania
Historical Society.*

He acquired his information in the summer of 1758 when,
after attending the Commencement ceremonies at Cambridge,
he visited Wellingborough where he found his cousin Mary
Fisher — the wife of Richard Fisher,^ a grazier and tanner, —

^ To Madame de Bohlen, November 21, 1 781.

* See " Franklin as a genealogist," by John W. Jordan, in The Pennsylvania
Magazine of History and Biography^ April, 1 899.

• The Lenox Library has a letter from Benjamin Franklin (uncle) to
R. Fisher, Wellingborough, Northamptonshire, dated " Boston, 1 7 March,
1724," notifying him that about the 15th of November he had sent him a
package of lK)oks by his nephew. Captain Dowse, " my brother's son-in-law."

144 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

the only child of Thomas Franklin, his father's eldest brother.
She was then past four score years and could recall the depar-
ture of his father with his wife and children for America
(1685).

The ancestral home of the Franklins was at Elcton in
Northamptonshire, three miles from Wellingborough. For
two hundred years of authentic record, and probably for
many forgotten generations of which the church registers
know nothing, the Franklins had lived upon their little
patrimonial plot of thirty freehold acres and practised the art
of agriculture and the craft of blacksmithing. They were
plain, sturdy, liberty-loving people who shod horses, and
mended and greased coach wheels. Stem livers were they
all : fearing God and fearless of man. Mary Fisher wrote to
Franklin that though the family "never made any great
Figure in this County, yet it did what was much better, it
acted that Part well in which Providence had placed it and
for 200 Years all the Descendants of it have lived with Credit,
and are to this Day without any Blot on their Escutcheon." ^
Carlyle sent to Edward Everett '*a strange old brown manu-
script," a tithes-book of the parish of Ecton, in which are
many notices of pecuniary transactions in which the Franklins
were concerned. "Here they are," says Carlyle, "their
forge-hammers yet going — renting so many *yard lands' of
Northamptonshire church-soil — keeping so many sheep,
etc., etc., — little conscious that one of the demigods was about
to proceed out of them. I flatter myself these old plaster-cast
representations of the very form and pressure of the primeval
(or at least prw^r-eval) Franklins will be interesting in America ;
there is the very stamp, as it were, of the black knuckles, of

' Mary Fisher to Franklin, August 14, 1758.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 145

their hob-nailed shoes, strongly preserved to us, in hardened
clay^ and now indestructible, if we take care of it." *

From the Register of Ecton Church Franklin found "that
our jxx)r honest Family were Inhabitants of that Village near
200 Years, as early as the Register begins.'* And from the
same source, and from the gravestones from which he rubbed
the obscuring moss, he learned, as he told his cousin, "that
I am the youngest Son of the youngest Son of the youngest Son
of the youngest Son for five Generations ; whereby I find that
had there originally been any Elstate in the Family none could
have stood a worse Chance of it." '

At Ecton he heard the chimes play that had been erected
by his uncle, Thomas Franklin, in the steeple of the parish
church. He was diverted with stories of his uncle's ingenuity.
It was said that he had found out an easy method of saving
their village meadows from being drowned, as they used to be
by the river, " which method is still in being, but when first
proposed nobody could conceive how it could be; *but how-
ever/ they said, *if Franklin says he knows how to do it, it
will be done.'" This man who was looked upon "as some-
thing of a conjuror" died four years to a day before Franklin
was bom. "If Uncle Thomas had died," said William
Franklin, "on the day of my father's birth one might have
supposed a transmigration."

1 The book was deposited by Edward Everett in the library of the Massa-
chiuetts HistoricaKSociety. Ecton was twelve miles from Sulgrave, the home
of the Washingtons. The pink-coated huntsmen of the Washington family
may often have stopped in Ecton to have their horses shod by the leather-
aproned Franklins at the forge.

« To Mary Fisher, July 31, 1758.

Franklin acknowledged the courtesy of the Rev. Eyre Whalley, rector of
the parish, and his wife who was a granddaughter of the famous Archdeacou
Palmer, in helping him to a knowledge of his family history.

VOL. X — L

146 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

Three of the brothers of this Thomas Franklin — John,
Benjamin, and Josiah — removed from Ecton to Banbun'
and estabhshed themselves in the trade of dyers. Thomas
Franklin, their father, in his old age followed his sons thither,
and died there. Franklin found his gravestone in Banbury
churchyard expressing that he was buried there, March 24,
1681/2.

Josiah Franklin emigrated from Banbury to Boston in 1685
with Ann, his wife, and three children, and finding little en-
couragement to pursue his trade as a dyer, he set up in
business as a tallow-chandler and soap-boiler at the sign of
the Blue Ball. Four more children were bom to him in
four years in New England. His wife died in childbed
in 1689, and he married six months later his second
wife Abiah Folger, youngest daughter of Peter Folger, one
of the first settlers of Nantucket. Benjamin was the tenth
and youngest son in a family of seventeen children. He
was bom Sunday, January 6 (old style), 1706. Although
he celebrated his birthday in later years upon the 17th
of January, he never ceased to feel, as he said, "some
regard for this sixth of January, as my old nominal birth-
day." * The family home was then in Milk Street, a few-
steps from the door of Old South Church, and the child
was carried over upon the day of its birth and baptized by
Samuel Willard, pastor of the church and president of Har-
vard College.

Benjamin Franklin, the child's uncle, lonely and unfortu-
nate, sent across the ocean occasional attempts at verse
which were addressed to his little namesake and were read
aloud in the family circle. The child replied in kind. Where-

^ To Deborah Franklin, January 6, 1773.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 147

upon Uncle Benjamin, delighted at this infantile lisping in
numbers, wrote : —

" Tis time for me to throw aside my pen,
When banging sleeves read, write, and rhyme like men.
This forward spring foretells a plenteous crop ;
For, if the bud bear grain, what will the top !
If plenty in the verdant blade appear,
What may we not soon hope for in the ear !
When flowers are beautiful before they're blown.
What rarities will afterward be shown.
If trees good fruit un*noculated bear,
You may be sure 'twill afterward be rare.
If fruits are sweet before they've time to yellow.
How luscious will they be when they are mellow !
If first years' shoots such noble clusters send.
What laden boughs, Engedi-like, may we expect in the end." ^

A year at Boston Grammar School, and a year under a writ-
ing master, Mr. George Brownell,' and Franklin's school days
were over forever. At ten years old he was taken to help his
father in his business. He remembered the benefits of his
brief connection with the free grammar schools of Boston, and
in his will acknowledged that he owed his first instructions
in literature to them, and bequeathed to their managers or
directors one hundred pounds sterling, the interest of which
annually was to be laid out in silver medals and given as hon-
orary rewards. Probably the love of books was with him

1 These lines were written in 1713. The elder Benjamin Franklin came
over to New England and settled in Dr. Coleman's church in Boston. Dr.
Coleman preached bis funeral sermon from the text " Mark the perfect man."
Josiah Franklin was a member of the Rev. Dr. Sewall's church. He died De-
cember 1 , 1 744, act. 89. His wife died 1 752, aet. 85. See " The Literary Diary
of Ezra Stiles," by F. B. Dexter, N.Y., 1 90 1, Vol. H, p. 375, for reminiscences
of Jane Mecom (nee Franklin).

2 " Advertisements. At the House of George Brownell in Second Street,
(formerly the House of Mr. John Knight, deceas'd) is taught, Reading, Writ-
ing, Cyphering, Dancing, Plain-work, Marking, with Variety of Needle-work.
Where also Scholars may board." From The Pennsylvania Gazette.

148 THE WRirmGS OF BENJAM/AT FRANKUI^

before he went to his first school, for he says that his readiness
in learning to read must have been very early "as I do not
remember when I could not read." His sister speaks of him
as a Bible reader at five years old. When still very young
reading was a confirmed habit which soon became a passion.
He devoured the dull and profitless contents of his father's
little library of polemic divinity. Not even the "dusty death "
of this collection could kill his love of books. Among the
ministerial folios was a copy of Plutarch's Lives, which he
read with delight, and Defoe's "Essay on Projects," and
Mather's " Essays to do Good." A few years before his death
he wrote to the son of Cotton Mather that the reading of the
mutilated copy of his father's little book gave him such a turn
of thinking as to have an influence upon his conduct through-
out life, "for I have always set a greater value on the charac-
ter of a doer of good than on any other kind of reputation ;
and if I have been, as you seem to think, a useful citizen, the
public owes the advantage of it to that book." * He has de-
scribed in his "Autobiography" the kind of books that fell
in his way. He bought Bunyan's works and sold them to buy
R. Burton's Historical Collections. He borrowed books
from Mr. Matthew Adams, a tradesman, and became a
vegetarian in order to save a little with which to buy books.
He read attentively and intensely, with his faculties all awake.
Books influenced him greatly. His vegetarianism was sug-
gested by a book written by Dr. Thomas Tryon, commending
that kind of diet. Xenophon's "Memorabilia" caused him
to adopt the Socratic method of dispute. From Shaftesbury
and Collins he caught the measles of scepticism. Before he
was sixteen he had bought and studied Cocker's Arithmetic,

^ To Samuel Mather, May 12, 1784.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 149

Greenwood's Grammar, the Port Royal Logic, and Locke
on the "Human Understanding."

With these to steady his mind, and Bunyan, Defoe, and
Addison to excite his imagination and enrich his language,
he had the materials for solid and efficient education.

At the age of twelve he was apprenticed to his brother James
who, in the next year (17 19), began to print the Boston Gazette,
the second newspaper in America.

In seven months' time the paper changed ownership, and
Philip Masgrave, the new proprietor, employed another printer.
Partly in resentment and partly from a belief that there was
room for more than one newspaper in America, James Franklin
issued upon the 7th of August, 1721, the first number of The
New England Courani, the fourth newspaper to be published in
the colonies. The printer promised that it should be issued
"once a Fortnight and out of meer kindness to my Brother-
writers I intend now and then to be (like them) very very dull ;
for I have a strong Fancy, that unless I am sometimes flat and
low, this paper will not be very grateful to them." The dul-
ness and respectability of the News-Letter and the Gazette
were impudently and mercilessly satirized. The publisher
solicited his friends to favour him "with some short Piece,
Serious, Sarcastick, Ludicrous, or otherways amusing; or
sometimes professedly Dul (to accomodate some of his Ac-
quaintance) that this Courant may be of the more universal
Use." The older journals replied indignantly, stigmatizing
the new venture as "frothy and fulsome," and inveighing
against the "Ribaldry"' of the "Dull cold Skul" of its
"Undertaker." Young men of good family and good edu-
cation, some of them students of medicine and all of them brill-
iant, reckless, and irreverent — the very Mohocks of litera-

ISO THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

ture — gathered about James Franklin and exhausted their
ingenuity in the contrivance of fresh forms of mockery and
satire. Cotton Mather had declared in favour of inoculation
for small-pox. The young men who wrote for Couranio,
as the new paper was popularly called, heaped their ridicule
upon him, and aspersed the clergy. Mather replied in the
News-Letler comparing the Caurantists to the Hell-fire Club
of London; "notwithstanding God's hand is against us"
he wrote, "in his visitation of the small-pox, and the threaten-
ing aspect of the wet weather, we find a notorious, scandalous
paper, called the Caurant, full freighted with nonsense, un-
manliness, prophaneness, immorality, arrogance, calumnies,
lies, contradictions and what not, all tending to quarrels
and divisions, and to debauch and corrupt the minds and
manners of New England." Increase Mather joined the
fray and fulmined over Boston. He had seen the day when
such "a cursed Libel" would have been suppressed by the
Civil Authorities : "Which if it be not done I am afraid that
some awful Judgment will come upon this Land and the
wrath of God will arise and there will be no Remedy. I can-
not but pity poor Franklin, who, tho' but a young Man it
may be speedily he must appear before the Judgment Seat
of God, and what answer will he give for printing things so
vile and abominable?"

The ruling powers of Massachusetts looked upon the tres-
passes of this malicious and noisy newspaper with singulariy
tolerant and idle sight. Their patience was not exhausted
until nearly a year after it had begun its mad career. In May,
1722, a pirate vessel was seen off Block Island. It was re-
solved in the House of Representatives to despatch an armed
vessel in pursuit of her, and it was ordered that a bounty

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 151

should be paid for every pirate killed, and that the rover's
ship and cargo should be the property of the captors. The
CouratU for June 11, 1722, sarcastically announced in a ficti-
tious letter from Newport, "We are advised from Boston, that
the government of the Massachusetts are fitting out a ship,
(the Flying Horse) to go after the pirates, to be commanded
by Captain Peter Papillon, and 'tis thought he will sail some
time this month, wind and weather permitting."

The pranks of James Franklin had now become too broad
to bear with. He was summoned before the Council, the
offensive paragraph pronounced "a high affront to the govern-
ment," and he was sentenced to Boston jail where he re-
mained a month. After his release the Courant was conducted
more boldly and outrageously than before. The Council,
irritated beyond endurance, decided that the tendency of
the paper was to mock religion, and to disturb the peace and
good order of the Province. James Franklin was therefore
strictly forbidden "to print or publish The New England Cou-
rant^ or any other pamphlet or paper of the like nature, except it
be first supervised by the Secretary of this Province." Benjamin
Franklin had tried his 'prentice hand in managing the paper
during his brother's previous imprisonment. He had shown
ability and resource. It was now decided that he should
appear as the sole publisher. His indentures were cancelled
and returned to him. New indentures were signed and con-
cealed. An advertisement was inserted in the Courant of Feb-
ruary 11, i723,certifyingthat "the late Publisher of this Paper,
finding so many Inconveniences would arise by his carr}ing
the Manuscripts and Publick News to be supcrvis'd by the
Secretary, as to render his carrying it on unprofitable, has
intirely dropt the Undertaking." In the same issue and

152 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

directly beneath this falsehood Benjamin Franklin printed his
preface to the first number of the paper printed and sold in
his name.^

Under the new management the paper prospered greatly.
It did not mend its manners. It still indulged in pro*
fane jests, and cynical scoffings at religion. But it grew
in public favour, and a penny was added to its price,
and the subscription raised from ten shillings a year to
twelve shillings.

In the meanwhile the brothers were constantly bickering.
James was quick-tempered, envious, and domineering; Ben-
jamin was self-willed, opinionated, and' defiant of restraint
and correction. Stormy scenes between them ended with
punishment administered by the elder and more passionate.
Benjamin would endure it no longer. He knew that his
brother would be afraid to refer to the secret indentures. The
cancelled ones were in his own possession. He declared
himself free. James persuaded the Boston printers not to give
emplo)anent to his apprentice who had treated him imfaith-
fully and dishonestly. Benjamin sold a few of his books,
stole secretly on board a sloop in Boston harbour, and fled to
New York. In that city, then inhabited by seven or eight
thousand persons, there was as yet neither book-shop nor
newspaper. There was but one printing-office, that of Will-
iam Bradford, the pioneer printer, who had set the first type
in the middle colonies. He recommended Franklin to
proceed to Philadelphia where his son Andrew Bradford

1 ** The New England CouranL N® 80. From Monday February 4. to
Monday February 11. 1723.

Boston : Printed and sold by Benjamin Franklin in Queen Street, where
Advertisements are taken in."

This preface is reprinted in this edition, Vol. II, p. 49.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 153

might give him emplo)anent, having lately lost his principal
hand, Aquila Rose, by death.

Philadelphia was then the chief city of the continent. It
had been compared a few years before by Prideaux to ancient
Babylon, and the prophecy had been ventured that if the
whole city were " bmlt according to the plan of William Penn
it would be the fairest and best city in all America and not
much behind any other in the whole worid." * "M. Pen,"
said Montesquieu, "estun veritable Lycurgue." Into this
city Franklin came upon a Sunday morning in October, 1723,
and the following morning called upon Andrew Bradford and
was sent on by him to another printer who had but re-
cently set up his press in the city. Franklin found Samuel
Keimer, the new printer, a half -crazed Anabaptist, in the act
of setting in type an elegy upon Aquila Rose, the deceased
joumejrman. These were the verses which Franklin promised
to print off for him as soon as he should have got the elegy
ready: —

** What monraful accents thus accost mine ear,
What doleful echoes hourly thus appear !
"What sighs from melting hearts proclaim aloud
The solemn mourning of this numerous crowd.
In sable characters the news is read
Our Rose is withered and our Eagle's fled
In that our dear Aquila Rose is dead."

For a few months Franklin continued to work for Keimer
and to lodge with the family of Mr. Read, whose daughter
Deborah had laughed at his ridiculous appearance the morn-
ing he arrived in Philadelphia. He made several acquaint-
ances, and among others he came to know William Keith,
the governor of the Pro\nnce. Keith was vain, pompous,

1 Prideaux's "Connection," Vol. I, p. 213 (1716).

154 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

harassed by debts, and had a weak sense of honour. He was
lavish in promises which he had neither the ability or the in-
tention to observe. He pleased himself in patronizing Frank-
lin and persuaded him to go to England to choose the types
and other furnishings of a printing-house, promising to set
him up in business upon his return.

He reached London (December 24, 1724) to find that he had
been grossly deceived, and that no letters of recommendation
or of credit had been sent to him by the governor. He was
alone, friendless, and almost penniless. He sought employ-
ment among the printers, and found it in Bartholomew Close.
Here in Palmer's printing-house he set the type for Wollas-
ton's ** Religion of Nature Delineated," ^ and his scepticism
was so much offended by its piety that he attempted to refute
it in a pamphlet entitled "A Dissertation on Liberty and
Necessity, Pleasure and Pain." The author of "The In-
faUibility of Human Judgment" was pleased with the pam-
phlet and interested in the author, and introduced him to
a cheerful Society of free thinkers who gathered at the Horns,
a pale ale house in an alley ofiF Cheapside, where he made the
acquaintance of Mandeville and Henry Pemberton. His
days sped industriously enough in the printing-house, first
of Palmer in Bartholomew Close, then of Watts near Lin-
coln's Inn Fields. His nights were spent in cynical criticism
of religion or in the company of dissolute women. Occa-
sionally he disported upon the Thames, astonishing his asso-
ciates with his extraordinary skill in swimming. Sir William
Wyndham heard of his feat of swimming from Chelsea to
Blackfriars and sent for him to teach his two sons. Upon

1 He worked upon the second published edition, not tbe second printed.
It was the edition of 1725, not of 1724.

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 155

what small events the destinies of life may turn ! But that
he had already accepted a clerkship under his friend Denham,
he might have become and remained instructor in a swinmiing
school.

He sailed with Denham from Gravesend July 23, 1726,
and landed at Philadelphia on the nth of October. The
two travellers went in business together in Water Street, Den-
ham as proprietor, Franklin as clerk. In February, 1727,
just after Franklin had passed his twenty-first year, he was
attacked by pleurisy which nearly carried him out of life.
Mr. Denham, too, fell ill, and after a long time succumbed to
his malady.

With Denham's death Franklin's mercantile experience
ceased. He accepted an oflFer of liberal wages from Kei-
mer and resumed his occupation as a printer. He separated
from Keimer to found his own printing-house, and in the
spring of 1728, in partnership with Hugh Meredith, he began
business at "the new printing office in High Street, near the
Market." * He was now at the beginning of a career in which
by industry and frugality he was to win independence and a
competent fortune, and to make possible his achievements in
science and his dedication of himself to the public service.

At this time the only newspaper published in Pennsylvania
was the American Weekly Mercury, Franklin determined to
start another. Unfortunately he told his plan to one who
disclosed it to Keimer, who immediately published proposals
for one of his own making. He called his paper The Uni-
versal Instructor in all Arts and Sciences and Pennsylvania
Gazette, and issued the first number December 28, 1728.

^ Benjamin Franklin and Hugh Meredith dissolved partnership, July 14,
1730 (not in 1729, as it is stated in the " Autobiography ").

156 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUIT

The instruction was furnished by the repubUcation in this
diminutive sheet of Chambers's "Universal Dictionary of all
the Arts and Sciences," beginning with the first letter of the
alphabet. Vexed that his plan had been frustrated, Franklin
determined to wreck his rival's enterprise. He contributed
to the Mercury a series of able essays subscribed the "Busy-
body." His end was speedily accomplished. The clever-
ness and entertainment of his essays diverted newspaper
readers from the drowsy numbers of the Universal In-
struclnr, to the sprightlier columns of the Mercury. Keimer's
credit in business declined, and he was forced to sell his print-
ing-hmise and to go to Barbadoes. His newspaper passed
into Franklin's hands, the publication of the Busybody was
resigni'd to Joseph Brientnal, and with Number 40, October
3, 173Q, shorn of the ponderous and meaningless part of its
title, r/« Pennsylvania Gazette began a new existence.
Never had so much fun, folly, wisdom, and originality been
offered to the public. The character of the newspaper has
alreariy been sufficiently described. It grew rapidly in public
favour. The publisher worked hard and in all seasons. He
made and sold lampblack and Aleppo ink. He brought
home in a wheelbarrow his purchases of stationery, wore the
leathern apron and the printer's cap, and breakfasted upon
bread and milk which he ate out of an earthen porringer with
a pewier spoon. He vended goose quills and live goose
feathers, and offered "likely negro wenches" for sale. At
his shop could be purchased Bibles, Testaments, Psalters,
gilt paper, mourning paper, memorandum books, pounce,
speciacles, linseed oil, and " very good chocolate."

The next year he corrected, as he says, a great erratum
nf his life. Before going to England he had exchanged prom-

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 157

ises of marriage with Miss Read. During his absence he had
neglected to write to her, and she had yielded to the solicita-
tions of her family and had become the wife of a worthless
man who had deserted her. Franklin "took her to wife,"
September i, 1730.* No record of the marriage ceremony
has been found, if, indeed, a formal marriage could have been
possible when positive evidence of her husband's death was
lacking. It appears to have been a happy marriage. She
was illiterate, but a thrifty housewife. She bore him two
children, Francis Folger who died in childhood, of small-pox,
and a daughter, Sarah, from whom descend all who inherit
the blood of Franklin.

She accepted his illegitimate son of unknown parentage
who became governor of New Jersey, and although, accord-
ing to some witnesses, she gave way to occasional gusts of
temper,* she reared him with her own children and with like

^ Mrs. Read came to live with her daughter and son-in-law, and the adver-
tisement of her trade appears as follows in successive numbers of The Penn*
syhania Gazette : '* The Widow Read, removed from the upper End of High
Street to the New Printing Office near the Market, continues to make and
sell her well-known Ointment for the Itch, with which she has cured abun-
dance of People in and about this City for many Years past. It is always
effectual for that purpose, and never fails to perform the Cure speedily. It
also kills or drives away all Sorts of Lice in once or twice using. It has no
offensive Smell, but rather a pleasant one ; and may be used without the
least Apprehension of Danger, even to a sucking Infant, being perfectly inno-
cent and safe. Price 2 s. a Gallypot containing an Ounce ; which is sufficient
to remove the most inveterate Itch, and render the Skin clear and smooth.

** She also continues to make and sell her excellent Family Salve or Oint-
ment, for Burns or Scalds, (Price i s. an Ounce) and several other Sorts of
Ointments and Salves as usual.

« At the same Place may be had Lockyer^s Pills, at 3 d. a Pill."

****Mr. Fisher there goes the greatest Villain upon Earth.* This greatly
confounded and perplex'd me, but did not hinder her from pursuing her
Invectives in the foulest terms I ever heard from a Gentlewoman." See
•* Diary of Daniel Fisher " (^Penn, Mag, of Hist and Biog, 1893, Vol. XVII,
p. 156).

158 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANK LL\

care. She bore patiently her husband's long absences from
America — he was in England on public business for thirteen
of the last seventeen years of her life, and her invincible aver-
sion to crossing the sea stayed her at home. He complained
occasionally of her expenses, but only after the first slight
stroke of paralysis had affected her mind and memory.
Others, however, who had dealings with her before that time
complained to him of her temper and her unwillingness to pay
her debts. A certain Sarah Broughton wrote to him (July i,
1766) that Mrs. Franklin owed her ^£31. 14. 9, an account that
had been running for seven years, and also for a bed which she
had for two years and now wanted to return because the
price of feathers was fallen from three shillings fourpence to
two shillings a pound. She said that she had written to Mrs.
Franklin who replied "that she did not know me, and that I
might write to you she was an hegehog. Now sir I don't
think her a hegehog but in reallity she has shot a great many
Quills at me, but thank Heaven none of them has or can hurt
me as I doubt not that your known Justice will induce you to
order the above sum of seven pounds, seven shillings payed."
Franklin seems in his domestic life to have acted upon Poor
Richard's advice, ** Keep your eyes wide open before marriage,
half shut afterwards," and he seems to have been quite un-
disturbed by any of his wife's faults. "You can bear with
your own Faults and why not a Fault in yourWife?" he would
sometimes ask.

At this time, too (1731), he set on foot his first project of a
public nature, that for a subscription library. It has become
the fashion to deny to Franklin the honour of the foundation
of the Library Company of Philadelphia, "the mother of all
the North American subscription libraries." His constant

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANK UN 159

interest in its growth and welfare is everywhere apparent in
his correspondence, both in his soliciting aid for it from his
learned friends abroad, and his own active quest after books
to be added to it when he was in England. Certainly no doubt
existed in his lifetime as to the character and extent of the
obligation. When the foundation of a new building for the
library was contemplated, Franklin was requested to prepare
a suitable inscription. Mr. Richard Wells was appointed by
the directors to confer with him, and the following corre-
spondence took place between them.

"Rd. Wells presents his best Respects to Dr. Franklin and
lakes the Liberty of suggesting something of the Substance of
what he believes would give general Satisfaction. As it is
well known to the present Inhabitants of the City how much
they are indebted to Dr. Franklin for the ^rsi Idea as well as
Execution of the Plan for a public Library; Rd. Wells is
very certain it would be the general Wish to perpetuate a
grateful Remembrance of it." (Philadelphia, August 29,
1789.)

"Dr. Franklin presents his Respects to Mr. Wells; he
did not intend any Mention of himself in the propos'd In-
scription, and even wrote it at first without the Words *chear-
jully at the Instance 0} one of their Number y^ but in compli-
ance with Mr. Wells's Idea, has added them tho' he still
thinks it would be better without them. He cannot,
however, but be pleased with every Mark of the Kind
Regard of his Fellow-citizens towards him. It is his own
being concerned in promoting such Testimonies that he
thinks improper; and as that drawn by Mr. Wells may
be understood as proceeding from him, he wishes it may be
so considered."

i6o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKL/JV

Saturday p.m. August 29. 1789.

Be it remeixibred

In Honour of the Philadelphian Youth

[then chiefly Artificers]

That in MDCCXXXIl

They chearfuUy^ at the Instance of one of their Number^

Instituted the Philadelphia Library

Which tho' small at first

Is become highly Valuable

and extensively useful

And which the Walls of this Edifice

Are now destined to Contain and Preserve

The First Stone of whose Foundation

was here placed

the 3 1 St Day of August

MDCCLXXXIX.1

All these activities find candid and sufiBcient expression in
the first draft of the "Autobiography" written at Twyford.
It is a life of eager industry that is revealed, characterized
by thrift and frugality and by the practical public spirit of
the good citizen.

At twenty-one he had organized the Junto, a club which was
originally called "The Leather Apron'*; at twenty-two he
was in full business career; at twenty-three he was the author
of an important tract upon "Paper Currency," and editor of
The Pennsylvania Gazette which at once became an influen-
tial factor in public opinion. At twenty-five he had started
the Philadelphia Library, and the next year was launching the
famous series of "Poor Richard" almanacs. His ideal was
a life of thrift, caution, husbandry, comfort, and rational
enjoyment. He knew no sad torment of the thoughts that
lie beyond the reaches of our souls ; he was undisturbed by the

^ From the Stevens Collection, Library of Congress, No. 2056. Mr. John
Boyd Thacher, of Albany, possesses a list of books in Franklin's handwriting,
v-ith the caption ^ Catalogue of the Philadelphia Library."

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN i6i

burden of the mystery of the heavy and the weary weight of
all this unintelligible world. While the New Englanders were
contemplating with awe the dread mysteries of Eternity, he
was minding his shop and his small concerns of earth. A
frank acceptance of the material world and a desire to do some
practical good in it — these things were the life of Franklin.
And so he founded benevolent and useful institutions — hos-
pitals, libraries, schools, and learned societies, invented stoves
and lightning-rods and labour-saving devices, lighted and
paved streets, and protected towns from fire. Such utilitarian
subjects occupied him. He did not squander his thought in
desperate ventures of new-found and foggy metaphysics.

Of course his successes were won not without opposition,
and they were not unaccompanied by jealousy and malignity.
A tragical occurrence which took place in Philadelphia in
1737 and in which the whole city was interested brought
Franklin into such unpleasant notoriety that he felt it neces-
sary to justify himself in his newspaper and to solicit the
affidavits of his friends in his behalf.

Dr. Evan Jones, a chemist, was found guilty of manslaugh-
ter, having occasioned the death of his apprentice. The
youth had expressed a desire to be initiated into the mysteries
of freemasonry ; his master and a few friends in a spirit of
evil pleasantry diverted themselves with obscene and blas-
phemous jests at the youth's expense. The Mercury de-
clared that Franklin had greatly relished the whole affair,
and had been a participant in the diabolical scene that ended
in a tragedy.

Public sentiment had been so outraged by the affair that
Franklin inmiediately replied to the charge in the following
letter : —

VOL. X — M

152 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

directly beneath this falsehood Benjamin Franklin printed his
preface to the first number of the paper printed and sold in
his name.^

Under the new management the paper prospered greatly.
It did not mend its manners. It still indulged in pro-
fane jests, and cynical scoffings at religion. But it grew
in public favour, and a penny was added to its price,
and the subscription raised from ten shillings a year to
twelve shillings.

In the meanwhile the brothers were constantly bickering.
James was quick-tempered, envious, and domineering; Ben-
jamin was self-willed, opinionated, and 'defiant of restraint
and correction. Stormy scenes between them ended with
punishment administered by the elder and more passionate.
Benjamin would endure it no longer. He knew that his
brother would be afraid to refer to the secret indentures. The
cancelled ones were in his own possession. He declared
himself free. James persuaded the Boston printers not to gii'e
emplo)anent to his apprentice who had treated him unfaith-
fully and dishonestly. Benjamin sold a few of his books,
stole secretly on board a sloop in Boston harbour, and fled to
New York. In that city, then inhabited by seven or eight
thousand persons, there was as yet neither book-shop nor
newspaper. There was but one printing-office, that of Will-
iam Bradford, the pioneer printer, who had set the first type
in the middle colonies. He recommended Franklin to
proceed to Philadelphia where his son Andrew Bradford

^** The New England Courant N« 80. From Monday February 4. to
Monday February 11. 1723.

Boston : Printed and sold by Benjamin Franklin in Queen Street, where
Advertbements are taken in."

This preface is reprinted in this edition, Vol. II, p. 49.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 153

might give him emplo)anent, having lately lost his principal
hand, Aquila Rose, by death.

Philadelphia was then the chief city of the continent. It
had been compared a few years before by Prideaux to ancient
Babylon, and the prophecy had been ventured that if the
whole city were "built according to the plan of William Penn
it would be the fairest and best city in all America and not
much behind any other in the whole world." ^ "M. Pen,"
said Montesquieu, "estun veritable Lycurgue." Into this
city Franklin came upon a Sunday morning in October, 1723,
and the following morning called upon Andrew Bradford and
was sent on by him to another printer who had but re-
cently set up his press in the city. Franklin found Samuel
Keimer, the new printer, a half -crazed Anabaptist, in the act
of setting in type an elegy upon Aquila Rose, the deceased
journeyman. These were the verses which Franklin promised
to print oflF for him as soon as he should have got the elegy
ready: —

** What monmful accents thus accost mine ear,
What doleful echoes hourly thus appear !
What sighs from melting hearts proclaim aloud
The solemn mourning of this numerous crowd.
In sable characters the news is read
Our Rose is withered and our Eagle's fled
In that our dear Aquila Rose is dead."

For a few months Franklin continued to work for Keimer
and to lodge with the family of Mr. Read, whose daughter
Deborah had laughed at his ridiculous appearance the morn-
ing he arrived in Philadelphia. He made several acquaint-
ances, and among others he came to know William Keith,
the governor of the Pro\ince. Keith was vain, pompous,

1 Prideaux's "Connection," Vol. I, p. 213 (1716),

harassed by debts, and had a weak sense of honour. ]
lavish in promises which he had neither the ability or
tention to obsen'e. He pleased himself in patronizing
lin and persuaded him to go to England lo choose tb
and other furnishings of a printing-house, promising
him up in business upon his return.

He reached London (December 24, 1724) to find that
been grossly deceived, and thai no letters of recommei
or of credit had been sent to him by the governor, !
alone, friendless, and almost penniless. He sought e
ment among the printers, and found it in Bartholomew
Here in Palmer's printing-house he set the l^-pe for 1
ton's "Religion of Nature Delineated," ' and his see]
was so much offended by its piety that he attempted le
it in a pamphlet entitled "A Dissertation on Libert
Necessity, Pleasure and Pain." The author of "T
fallibility of Human Judgment " was pleased with th
phlet and interested in the author, and introduced
a cheerful Society of free thinkers who gathered at the
a pale ale house in an alley off Chcapside, where he mi
acquaintance of Mandeville and Henr)' Pembertol
days sped industriously enough in the printing-hous
of Palmer in Bartholomew Close, then of Walts nM
coin's Inn Fields. His nights were spent in cynical a
of religion or in the company of dissolute women.
sionally he disported upon the Thames, astonishing hi
ciates with his extraorclinar)' skiU in svn'mming. Sir^
Wyndham heard of his feat of swimming from Che
Blackfriars and .sent for him lo leach his two sons.

' He worked upon ihi- itC'iiJ publisktd edition, not the Mcand
It was tlic e.lition of 1725, not of 1724. .

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 157

ises of marriage with Miss Read. During his absence he had
neglected to write to her, and she had yielded to the solicita-
tions of her family and had become the wife of a worthless
man who had deserted her. Franklin "took her to wife,"
September i, 1730.* No record of the marriage ceremony
has been found, if, indeed, a formal marriage could have been
possible when positive evidence of her husband's death was
lacking. It appears to have been a happy marriage. She
was illiterate, but a thrifty housewife. She bore him two
children, Francis Folger who died in childhood, of small-pox,
and a daughter, Sarah, from whom descend all who inherit
the blood of Franklin.

She accepted his illegitimate son of unknown parentage
who became governor of New Jersey, and although, accord-
ing to some witnesses, she gave way to occasional gusts of
temper,' she reared him with her own children and with like

1 Mrs. Read came to live with her daughter and son-in-law, and the adver-
tisement of her trade appears as follows in successive numbers of The Penn'
sylvania Gazette: "The Widow Read, removed from the upper End of High
Street to the New Printing Office near the Market, continues to make and
Bell her well-known Ointment for the Itch, with which she has cured abun-
dance of People in and about this City for many Years past. It is always
effectual for that purpose, and never fails to perform the Cure speedily. It
also kills or drives away all Sorts of Lice in once or twice using. It has no
offensive Smell, but rather a pleasant one ; and may be used without the
least Apprehension of Danger, even to a sucking Infant, being perfectly inno-
ceot and safe. Price 2 s. a Gallypot containing an Ounce ; which is sufficient
to remove the most inveterate Itch, and render the Skin clear and smooth.
'•She also continues to make and sell her excellent Family Salve ox Oint-
ment, for Burns or Scalds, (Price i s. an Ounce) and several other Sorts of
Ointments and Salves as usual.

" At the same Place may be had Ij>ckyer*s Pills^ at 3 d. a Pill."
'•"Mr. Fisher there goes the greatest Villain upon Earth.* This greatly
confounded and perplex'd me, but did not hinder her from pursuing her
Invectives in the foulest terms I ever heard from a Gentlewoman." See
«• Diary of Daniel Fisher " {Penn, Mag. of Hist, and Biog, 1893, Vol. XVII,
p. 156).

158 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

care. She bore patiently her husband's long absences from
America — he was in England on public business for thirteen
of the last seventeen years of her life, and her invincible aver-
sion to crossing the sea stayed her at home. He complained
occasionally of her expenses, but only after the first slight
stroke of paralysis had affected her mind and memorj-.
Others, however, who had dealings with her before that time
complained to him of her temper and her unwillingness to pay
her debts. A certain Sarah Broughton wrote to him (July i,
1766) that Mrs. Franklin owed her ;£3i. 14. 9, an account that
had been running for seven years, and also for a bed which she
had for two years and now wanted to return because the
price of feathers was fallen from three shillings fourpence to
two shillings a pound. She said that she had written to Mrs.
Franklin who replied "that she did not know me, and that I
might write to you she was an hegehog. Now sir I don't
think her a hegehog but in reallity she has shot a great many
Quills at me, but thank Heaven none of them has or can hurt
me as I doubt not that your known Justice will induce you to
order the above sum of seven pounds, seven shillings payed."
Franklin seems in his domestic life to have acted upon Poor
Richard's advice, " Keep your eyes wide open before marriage,
half shut afterwards," and he seems to have been quite un-
disturbed by any of his wife's faults. "You can bear with
your own Faults and whynot a Fault in your Wife?" hewouU
sometimes ask.

At this time, too (1731), he set on foot his first project of a
public nature, that for a subscription library. It has become
the fashion to deny to Franklin the honour of the foundation
of the Library Company of Philadelphia, " the mother of all
the North American subscription libraries." His constant

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 167

Webbe published a verbose and violent reply called "The
Detection," which began in the Mercury of November 13.
He charged Franklin with shutting the Mercury out of the
post. Franklin replied with the following letter in the
Gazettey December 11, 1740/

"The Publick has been entertained for these three Weeks
past, with angry Papers, written expressly against me, and
publish 'd in the Mercury. The two first I utterly neglected,
as believing that both the Facts therein stated, and the ex-
traordinary Reasonings upon them, might be safely enough
left to themselves, without any Animadversion; and I have
the Satisfaction to find, that the Event has answered my
Expectation: But the last, my Friends think 'tis necessary
I should take some Notice of it, as it contains an Accusation
that has at least a Shew of Probability, being printed by a Per-
son to whom it particularly relates, who could not but know
whether it was true or false ; and who, having still some
Reputation to guard, it may be presumed, could by no
Means be prevailed on to publish a Thing as Truth, which
was contrary to his own Knowledge.

" ' Mr. Franklin (says the Writer in the Mercury) has, since
my first Letter, in Quality of Post-Master, taken upon him to
deprive the Mercury of the Benefit of the Post, and will not
pennit it to travel with his Gazelle which charges me with the
most infamous Practices. His Resentment against his
Brother Printer is altogether unreasonable; for a Printer
should always be acquitted from being a Party to any Writing,
when he discovers the Author, or when the Author sub-

^ For a full account of these rival magazines, see " The Philadelphia Maga-
zines and their Contributors, 1 741-1850," by Albert H. Smyth, Philadelphia,
1892.

ISS THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

caa-. She bore patiently her husband's long absences
America — he was in England on pubhc business for thi
of the last se\fnleen years of her life, and her in\'incible i
sion to crossing the sea stayed her at home. He comph
occasionally of her cspcnses, but only after the first s
stroke of paralysis had affected her mind and men
Others, however, who had dealings with her before that
complained to him of her temper and her unwillingness tt
her debts. A certain Sarah Broughton wrote to him (Ju
1766) that Mrs. Franklin owed her ^31. 14. 9, an account
bad been ruruiing for seven years, and also for a bed whid
had for two years and now wanted to a'tum becaus<
price of feathers was fallen from three shillings fourpen
two shillings a pound. She said that she had written to
Franklin who replied "that she did not know me, and tl
might write to you she was an hegehog. Now sir 1 <
think her a hegehog but in reallity she has shot a great t
Quills at me, but thank Heaven none of them has or can
me as I doubt not that your known Justice will induce yn
order the above sum of seven pounds, seven shillings paj
Franklin seems in his domestic life to have acted upon
Richard's advice, " Keep your eyes wide open before marr
half shut aftenvards," and he seems to have been quitt
disturbed by any of his wife's faults. "You can bear
your own Faults and whynot a Fault in your Wife?" hew
sometimes ask.

At this time, too (1731), he set on foot his first project
public nature, that for a subscription Ubrary. It has b«
the fashion to deny lo Franklin the honour of the found4
of the Library Company of Philadelphia, "the mother \
the North American subscription libraries." His (

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 169

notwithstanding all the pressing Demands that the Comp-
troller has been continually making upon him for so many
Years past. Wherefore I now peremptorily direct, that, upon
receipt hereof, you commence suit against him, without heark-
ning any more to his trifling Excuses and fallacious Promises.
K he lays any Stress on the Reputation of a Man of Truth,
and Sincerity, he must blush upon a Trial, before his Towns-
Men, to have his Letters produced, continually pleading Sick-
ness, for his not sending his Accompts : Whereas, upon En-
quiry, I am well assured, that, for these two Years past, he
has appeared abroad in as good State of Health, as ever he
used to be. Such an Imposition I think ought not to be passed
over, without some Mark of my Resentment ; and therefore
I now direct, that you no longer suflFer to be carried by the
Post any of his News-Papers, or Letters directed to him,
without his ^ paying the Postage thereof : Which you are to
observe, until further Orders in that Behalf, from, Sir,

"'Your most humble Servant,
" * To Mr. Franklin. A Spotswood."

** Upon the receipt of this Letter it was, that I absolutely
refus'd to forward any more of Mr. Bradford's Papers free by
Post ; and from that time to this, he has never oflFered me any
to forward. This he caimot but Know to be true.

" I must however do Mr. Bradford the Justice, to vindicate
him from an injurious Suspicion which I apprehend may
arise on this Occasion, to wit. That he has impos'd that Story
on his unhappy Writer, and misled him by a wrong Account
of the Facts he might be ignorant of. — For this, in my

1 «Thc Privilege of Free-Postage was allowed Mr. Bradford, on Condition
of biB acquitting himself fiurty of the Office, and doing Justice to the Reyenue."

170 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

Opinion cannot possibly be: Inasmuch as that Person is
thoroughly acquainted with the Affair, was employed as
Attorney in the Action against Bradford, and had, at the very
Time he was writing the Paragraph in Question, the Original
Letter from Col. Spotswood, in his own Possession.

"B. Franklin."

Amid all controversy and against all opposition Franklin
made his way and prospered greatly. His newspaper circu-
lated in all the colonies. His almanac was read by many
thousands more than had ever read an American book. The
official printing of Pennsylvania and the adjacent provinces
of New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland came to his shop.
He was employed in printing the Pennsylvanian paper money
of which he said it was "a very profitable jobb and a great
help to me." Isaac Decow, the surveyor-general, a shrewd,
sagacious man, foresaw that Franklin would soon work
Keimer "out of business and make a fortune in it in Phila-
delphia." And this prophecy Franklin quotes with approval.
With the disappearance of Keimer no business competitor
remained but the old one, Bradford. When Franklin became
postmaster, he remarks shrewdly in his "Autobiography,"
"My old competitor's newspaper declined proportionably,
and I was satisfy'd without retaliating the refusal, while
postmaster, to permit my papers being carried by the riders."

He extended his business far into the remoter and remotest
provinces. It might be said that he established the first of
those commercial "trusts" which have in later years grown
to such towering and menacing proportions. It was his
})rdctice to set up a young journeyman in business, supplying
him with presses, types, books, and all the necessary equip-

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 171

ment of a printing-house, pay one-third of the expenses and
exact one-third of the profits. In this manner he started
Thomas Whitemarsch* and Peter Timothy' in South Carolina,
Smith and Benjamin Mecom in Antigua, James Parker*
in New York, Hall and Miller at Lancaster, Dunlap and
Hall in Philadelphia, his brother in Rhode Island, Samuel
Holland, at Lancaster, Pa.,* William Daniell in Kingston,
Jamaica, and yet others in New Haven and Georgia.

While his fortunes grew, his habits of life changed but little.
He looked disapprovingly upon innovations of luxury," denied
himself and his family comforts to which they were well
entitled, and went clothed from head to foot in garments of
his wife's making.

In 1748 he withdrew from partnership with David Hall,
and fancied that he was about to enjoy leisurely the fruits of
his industry. It was the year of the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle,
and every prospect for the country and for the world looked
fair. "The approaching Peace,'' Franklin wrote to Peter
CoUinson [October 18, 1748], "gives us a Prospect of being
more at Ease in our Minds."

1 Thomas Whitemarah founded the South Carolina Gautte in 1732.
Franklin notes in his journal, Whitemarsh "arrived in Charlestown 29*^ of
ScpL 1731 at night, so our Partnership there begins October i, 1731."

* Peter Timothy was the son of Lewis Timothy, or Timothee, a French
refugee. He published the South Carolina Gazette, He was lost at sea.
The paper was carried on by his son, Benjamin Franklin Timothy (1792-
1800).

•Articles of Agreement signed February 20, 1741.

* Samuel Holland and Benjamin Franklin signed an agreement, June 14,
1753. Franklin was to let Holland have a printing-press and types ; Hol-
land was to keep them in good order and to pay £20 a year in four instal-
ments.

*"The eyes of other people are the eyes that ruin us." — Franklin to
Vaughan, July 26, 1 7S4.

172 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

CHAPTER n

POSTMASTER AND ASSEMBLYMAN

It seemed possible for Franklin now to devote himself to
scientific pursuits and for his son to exchange for the peaceful
occupation of trade the boisterous career of a soldief. He
wrote to Mr. Strahan that it would not be necessary for him
to send the copy of Polybius which had been ordered of him :
" It was intended for my Son who was then in the Army and
seemed bent on a military Life, but as Peace cuts oflF his Pros-
pect of Advancement in that Way he will apply himself to other
Business." But he was not to enjoy the leisure he had hoped
and worked for. The public laid hold of him for their pur-
poses. In his own words, "The governor put me into the
commission of the peace ; the corporation of the city chose
me of the common council and soon after an alderman ; and
the citizens at large chose me a burgess to represent them
in Assembly."

In May, 1 751, he learned that Elliot Benger, deputy post-
master-general of America, residing in Virginia, was thought
to be dying. Inmiediately he set his friends to work to secure
for him the reversion of the office. Mr. Allen, the Chief
Justice, wrote letters to England recommending him and em-
powering one of his correspondents to ofiFer £300 in perqui-
sites and contingent fees and charges for the ofiice. Frank-
lin wrote promptly to Peter Collinson saying, "If you can
without much inconvenience to yourself advise and assist in
endeavouring to secure the Success of this Application you
will whatever may be the Event add greatly to the Obligations
you have already conferred on me, and if it succeeds I hope that

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 173

as my Power of doing Good increases my Inclination will
always at least keep pace with it. I am quite a Stranger to
the Manner of Managing these Applications so can offer no
particular Instructions."

Elliot Benger died in the summer of 1753, and on the loth
of August following, the Postmasters- General appointed
"Mr. Benjamin Franklin of Philadelphia, in Pennsylvania,
and Mr. William Himter of Williamsburg in Virginia, their
Deputy Postmaster and Manager of all his Majesty's Prov-
inces and Dominions on the Continent of North America
in the stead of Elliot Benger Esq. deceased, to commence this
day at an allowance or salary of ;£6oo per annum."

It was the first occasion in the history of the oflGice that
two postmasters were appointed. The salary was raised
from ;£2oo to £600, but it was to be paid out of "the money
arising from the postage of letters passing and re-passing
through the said Provinces and Dominions of North America."
Franklin's first official act was to appoint his son controller
of the post-office. The postmastership of Philadelphia he
gave first to his son, then to Joseph Read, one of his wife's
relatives, then to his own brother. Indeed, there were few
of the Franklins, Reads, and Folgers who did not profit by
their thrifty and energetic kinsman's zeal for the public
service. He looked after them all : brothers, and cousins,
and nephews, and brothers-in-law drew salutary incomes
from public offices. It may be true that Franklin, as he
says, never debated the question of salary, but it is quite
evident that he had a wary eye for the incidental income
arising from office, and was industrious in filling the choicer
seats with members of his own family. With his private corre-
spondence before us in which with rather indecent haste he

174 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANK UN

urges upon his friends in England and America to use all
their influence to secure the deputy postmastership for
him while the incumbent of that office lay dying in Virginia,
it is impossible for us to accept his often-repeated assertion
that he had never in his life asked for any public office. In
fact, the student of Franklin must, with however much reluc-
tance, come to the conclusion that was expressed by some
wicked wag who said that Franklin so loved truth that he was
rather sparing in the use of it.

The appointment to the postmastership marks the period
when Franklin began his continental experience. Until this
time he had been the thrifty business man and public-spirited
citizen of Philadelphia. Now he was to become the American
unrestricted by the petty prejudices and boundaries of small
provinces. He was the first to transcend colonial limitations.
He went abroad over the country and took the wind of all its
moods. In his first tour of inspection he visited every post-
office except Charleston, infusing new vigour into the entire
system. He increased the mail service between New York and
Philadelphia from once a week in sunmier and twice a month
in winter to three times a week in summer and once a week in
winter. He made the conveying of newspapers a source of
revenue, by compelling his post-riders to take all newspapers
offered them instead of those only that were issued by the
postmasters, a privilege which he said he regarded as unjust
and injurious. For four years he laboured at the impro\'e-
ment of the service and without reward. At the end of that
time Franklin and Hunter found a deficit of ;£943- i6. i.

From August lo, 1753, to August 10, 1756, the receipts
amounted to £938. 16. 10, while the disbursements were
given at ;£i6i7. 4. o, showing a deficit of ;£678. 7. 2.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 175

From August 10, 1756,10 August 10, 1757, the receipts were
£1151. 10. II, and the disbursements were ;£i4i6. 19. 10,
showing a further deficit of £2^^^, 8. 11.

Soon after this the improvements and the watchful intelli-
gence of Franklin began to tell, and for the next three years,
ending in August, 1760, the surplus was ;£i22i. 7. 6. The
receipts and disbursements being ;£3368. 18. 6 and ;£2i47.
11..0, respectively. In the following year (1761) there was a
balance of ;£2i6. 13. 3, the receipts at £981. 10. 3 again
exceeding the expenses at ;£764. 17. o.

Thus after eight years' work Franklin had the satisfaction
of settling his accounts with the Postmasters- General by
remitting ;£494. 4. 8. The official record of this act pre-
served in the General Post Office of London reads, "The
Deputy Postmasters have already obeyed the Post Master
General by remitting £^\^\. 4. 8, in full payment of their
Balance up to the loth of August 1761, and this is the first
remittance ever made 0} the kind"

Franklin and Hunter had not long had control when war
broke out. There was then no regular packet service. The
Secretary of State, Sir Thomas Robinson, issued an order on
the Postmasters-General to establish as early as possible a
service of packet-boats to sail direct between Falmouth
(England) and New York, and to employ sufficient vessels
to maintain a regular service. The order was issued late in
September, 1755, and the Postmasters-General (Lord Leicester
and Sir Everard Fawkener) immediately complied with the
instructions, and in a little over a month, on the 5th of No-
vember, had concluded contracts for four vessels, of about
two hundred tons each, to carry a crew of thirty men, with six
carriage guns mounted and four swivel guns. The pay was

176 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

;£7oo for each voyage — out and home — the time for the
double voyage being estimated at four months. The first
packet service thus inaugurated was maintained by the
packet-ships, Earl of Halifax^ Earl of Leicester j General Wallj
and Harriot.

At the conclusion of the treaty of Paris, February lo, 1763,
by which Canada and Florida were ceded to England, a
group of British merchants, supported by Governor-General
Murray, urged the establishment of a regular post between
New York and Quebec. The Postmasters-General impressed
upon Franklin and Foxcroft (who had been appointed in
Hunter's place, October 2, 1761), "that they cannot exert
themselves on any subject which will do them greater sendee
than rendering the intercourse of letters every day more and
more safe, expeditious and frequent to their fellow-subjects."
Franklin and Foxcroft undertook a survey of the post routes
already in existence. Their journey occupied them for several
months. They travelled sixteen hundred miles, and sub-
mitted their report to London early in 1764, accompanying
the written statement with maps which unfortunately are no
longer in existence.

By this time the excellent management of the Post-office
was producing imexpected results. From August 10, 1761,
to the beginning of 1764 the receipts were ;£38i8. o. 5! . The
disbursements were £1747. 8. 2 J, lea\dng a surplus of ;£207o.
12. 3 J. The Postmasters-General, surprised at the remit-
tances, recommended the proposals of their deputies in
America to the Lords of the Treasury, saying that "the
Posts in America are under the management of persons of
acknowledged ability."

In the "Commission Book, 1 759-1854" (p. 53), belong-

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 177

ing to the General Post Office, London, may be seen the
renewal of Franklin's commission: —

" Know ye, that we, the said William Earl of Bessborough
and Thomas, Lord Grantham, reposing especial Trust and
Confidence in Benjamin Franklin of Philadelphia and John
Foxcroft, of New York, Esquires and having received good
Testimony of their Fidelity and Loyalty to his Majesty, and
of their Ability and Sufficiency to manage and better regulate
the Posts on the Continent of North America, and of their
Inclination and Capacity to improve and advance His
Majesty's Revenues therein, do, by these Presents nominate,
depute, constitute, authorize and appoint them, the said Ben-
jamin Franklin and John Foxcroft and the survivor of them,
our Deputy Postmasters and Managers of the Posts in all His
Majesty's Provinces and Dominions on the said Continent
of North America, except North Carolina, South Carolina,
Georgia, East Florida, West Florida, the Bahama Islands, and
their Dependencies to have, hold, exercise and enjoy the said
office with all other Powers, Privileges, Profits, Advantages
and Authorities thereunto belonging unto them the said
Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft and the survivor of
them, from the day of the date hereof, for and during the
term of three years, or till they receive a new Commission
from us, or till this present Commission be superseded."
Signed Sept. 25, 1765, Bessborough and Grantham.

At the time that this commission was issued, Franklin was
in England and occupied with the affairs of the Stamp Act.
He continued to discharge his duties as agent in London for
Georgia, New Jersey, and Massachusetts, and delegated the
function of postmaster to Foxcroft, his associate in that office.
That this absentee administration of his office was not satis-

VOL. X — N

178 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

factory to his superiors in England is evident from the follow-
ing letter preserved in the General Post Office : —

June 4, 1768
Sir
Lord Sandwich signified lately to the Duke of Grafton that
if there were no good reasons for suffering Mr. Franklin one
of the Deputy Postmasters General of North America remain-
ing here, the Postmasters General were of opinion he ought,
after some years absence, to return thither to his Duty and
having by the last Packet Boat received a Letter from his
Colleague Mr. Foxcrof t of which the inclosed is a Copy makes
it necessary to request His Grace's Pleasure thereupon. I
am Sir, etc.

Anth. Todd, sei^y
Thomas Bradshaw, Esq.

Franklin continued to reside in England, and after his
examination before the Privy Council on the petition of the
Massachusetts Assembly for the removal of Governor Hutchin-
son, he was dismissed from office, January 31, 1774. At this
time the American post-office was yielding three times as
much clear revenue to the crown as that of Ireland. Some
bitterness of feeling entered into Franklin's letter to Thomas
Cushing (February 15, 1774) announcing his dismissal: "I re-
ceived a written notice from the secretary of the general post-
office, that his Majesty's postmaster general ](mnd it necessary
to dismiss me from my office of deputy post-master general
in North America. The expression was well chosen, for in
truth they were under a necessity of doing it ; it was not their
own inclination ; they had no fault to find with my conduct in
the office ; they knew my merit in it, and that if it was now an

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 179

office of value it had become such chiefly through my care
and good management ; that it was worth nothing when given
to me^ it would not then pay the salary allowed me, and unless
it did I was not to expect it ; and that it now produces near
three thousand pounds a year clear to the treasury here.
They had beside a personal regard for me. But as the post-
offices in all the principal towns are growing daily more and
more valuable by the increase of correspondence, the officers
being paid commissions instead of salaries, the ministers
seem to intend, by directing me to be displaced on this occa-
sion, to hold out to them all an example, that if they are not
corrupted by their office to promote the measures of adminis-
tration, though against the interests and rights of the colonies,
they must not expect to be continued."

He continued to correspond with the General Post Office
with regard to his accounts. His last letter was dated March
24, 1776. It was not until 1783 that the Post-office replied
to this seven-year-old letter. I copy this epistolary curiosity
from the ** American Letter Book, 1773-1783" (General
Post Office, London).

June 25, 1783

Dear Sir

I must confess I have taken a long time to acknowledge
the last letter you were pleased to write me the 24th of March
1776 from New York.

I am happy however to learn from my nephew Mr. George
Maddison that you enjoy good Health and that as the French
were about to establish five Packet Boats at L'Orient for the
purpose of a monthly Correspondence between that Post and
New York you were desirous of knowing the Intentions of
England on that subject. I am going out of Town for a

i8o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMm FRANKUH

few days and do not write to you quite officially at present but
I can venture to assure you it is the wish of His Majesty's
Post Master General to continue the Commimication with
New York by the Packet Boats and that the Mails should be
dispatched both to and from that place the first Wednesday
in every Month as at present and to Appoint an Agent to
reside at New York for the Management of the Business there.
K this should meet your Ideas very little Regulation will be
necessary for carrying on the Correspondence with the United
States after New York has been evacuated, as the Packet
Postage of one shilling for single Letters and so in proportion,
as settled by Act of Parliament must be continued, but I
do not know how far it might be of advantage to both Coun-
tries to leave it, as at present, to the Option of the writer to pay
or not the Postage beforehand and keep accounts on both
sides of the internal Postage up to London and to New York
and therefore I should be glad to be favoured with your Senti-
ments fully upon this Point, or upon any other, not doubting
from my long experience of your candour and abilities,
that everything will be easily adjusted to the reciprocal
advantage of both countries. I am dear sir, with the greatest
Truth and Respect, your most obedient and most humble

servant

Anthony Todd.*

Of Franklin's career in the Assembly, his part in the

^ An understanding of the rapid growth in the business of the Post-office may
be obtained by comparing with the figures quoted for 1753-1764 the following
statement of account for 1 768-1 769. " Income of Post OflSce of Northern
Department of North America as per Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft ;
From Oct. 2. 1768 to March 4, 1769, ^'3285. 10. 6}. To charges of managing
Post Office, as per Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft to October 2, 1769
;^I426. 1 1. la"

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN i8i

making and the adoption of the Albany Plan of Union,
his persistent criticism of the Proprietors, and his generous
and efifectual aid of Braddock and his army, sufficient
has already been said elsewhere in this work. (Vol. I,
pp. 152-163.)

His zeal and expedition in obtaining one hundred and fifty
wagons and two hundred and fifty-nine pack-horses for
Braddock won the warm approval of right-minded persons
upon both sides of the sea.

The Assembly of Pennsylvania gave him a unanimous
vote of thanks, and General Braddock reported to the Secre-
tary of State (June 5, 1755) that Franklin's prompt action was
"almost the only instance of address and fidelity which I
have seen in all these provinces." Franklin's sense of the
gravity of the situation had led him to put in peril his entire
fortune. He not only advanced for the expenses of the army
thirteen hundred pounds of his own money, but he also gave
bonds for the safe return of twenty thousand pounds' worth
of horses and wagons. Fortunately Braddock returned a
few days before the battle an order on the paymaster for the
round sum of one thousand pounds, leaving the remainder to
the next account. "I consider this payment as good luck,"
said Franklin, "having never been able to obtain that re-
mainder."

The owners of the wagons and horses came upon him for
the valuation which he had given bond to pay. To pay
claims, amounting to twenty thousand pounds, would have
ruined him. After a considerable time General Shirley
appointed commissioners to examine the claims and to order
payment. At the same time (September 17, 1755) ^^ wrote
from Oswego personally to thank Franklin for his great

i82 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

public service and to express his regret that payment had not
previously been made/

When the tidings of the disaster to Braddock reached
Philadelphia, Franklin was at once consulted by the go\'emor.
His advice was that Colonel Dunbar commanding the sad
remnant of the defeated army should post his troops on the
frontier and check pursuit until reinforcements could be
raised in the colonies. In the midst of the alarm and des-
peration of the hour the old party feud of the Proprietaries
and the Assembly stood unchanged and uncompromising.
"The shocking news of the strange, unprecedented, and
ignominious defeat of (General Braddock had no more effect,"
said WiUiam Franklin, "upon Governor Morris than the
miracles of Moses had on the heart of Pharaoh." The Assem-
bly voted large sums, but decreed that all estates, real and
personal, were to be taxed, "those of the proprietaries noi
excepted." The governor substituted only for not. No
concession would be made by either party. While this
weary, ineffectual wrangling continued during the months of
July, August, September, and October, the undefended
province was being harried and plundered. Families
were scalped and murdered, not only on the frontier,
but in villages less than a hundred miles from Philadelphia.

^ Colonel Henry Bouquet, a British officer who had played a conspicuous part
in the French and Indian Wars, and who was on terms of intimate friendship
with Washington, wrote to Franklin (August 22, 1764) : " I know that General
Shirley owed to you the considerable supply of Provisions this Government
voted for his Troops, besides warm Goathing, etc. That you alone could anri
did procure to General Braddock the carriages without which he couM
not have proceeded on his Expedition, That you had a Road opened thro'
this Province to supply more easily his Army with Provisions, and spent a
Summer in these different Services without any other Reward than the Satis-
faction of serving the Public."

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 183

Fearful at last that their estates might be forfeited, the Pro-
prietaries ordered five thousand pounds to be added to any
sum that the Assembly might vote for the purpose of defence.
Thereupon the Assembly voted in November sixty thousand
pounds and exempted, but with formal protest, the proprietary
estates, and appointed Franklin one of seven commissioners
for expending it. Franklin devoted himself with energy to
persuading the factions to lay aside their controversies and to
arm in the defence of the colony. (See "Dialogue of X,
Y, and Z," Vol. I, p. 162.)

Robert Hunter Morris, Lieutenant Governor and com-
mander-in-chief of the Province of Pennsylvania and counties
of Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware, issued to him
the following commission: "I do hereby authorize and em-
power you to take into your charge the county of Northamp-
ton, to dismiss all persons who have been commissioned by
me to any military command and to put others into their
places; and to fill up the blank commissions herewith de-
livered, with the names of such persons as you shall judge fit
for his Majesty's service ; hereby ratifying all your acts and
proceedings done in virtue of this power ; and approving the
expenses accruing thereupon. And I do further order and
enjoin all ofl&cers and soldiers to yield obedience to you in the
execution of this power, and all magistrates, sheriffs, and
others in any kind of civil authority, and all his Majesty's
liege subjects, to be aiding and assisting you in the premises.
Given under my hand and seal, at Reading, this 5th day of
January 1756."

Invested with this authority, Franklin took charge of the
Northwestern frontier, raised troops, and erected block-
houses. January the fifteenth he started with Captain Foulke

t

184 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

and forty-seven men to march to Gnadenhutten, beyond the
mountains, to establish a fort there. For three days they
proceaied with great order and regularity throu^ a continued
scene of horror and destruction: "Where lately flourished a
happy -and peaceful village, is now all silent and desolate ; the
Houses burnt, the Inhabitants butchered in the most shock-
ing manner, their mangled Bodies for want of Funerak ex-
pos'd to Birds and Beasts of Prey, and all Kinds of Mis-
chief perpetrated that wanton Cruelty can invent. We haw
omitted nothing since our Arrival that can contribute to the
Happiness and Security of the Country in general. Mr.
Franklin will at least deserve a Statue for his Prudence, Jus-
tice, Humanity, and above all for his Patience." '

The fort which they built at this place of massacre they
named Fort Allen, It stood where the town of Wiessport
now stands, in Carbon County, on the Lehigh River, about
ten miles above Lehigh Gap.

For almost a month Franklin remained in this savage
region, building forts and hunting Indians. He returned
when the new Assembly met {February, i756),and forthwith
foimd his time consumed by the old and changeless quarrel.
"I find, "be wrote to his sister, " the more I seek for leisure and
retirement from business, the more I am engaged in it."

The governor offered him a general's commission if he
would undertake the reduction of Fort Duquesne. He
dedined, but accepted an appointment as "Colonel of a
regiment of foot militia formed in, and called the Regiment
of the city of Philadelphia," (February 24, 1756.)

Affairs were disheartening and well-nigh desperate.

» Letter by Thomas Lloyd, dated at GnadenhOttetl, JanQtr7 31, 1756(111
The American Pbilosopbical Socieiy).

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 185

Oswego surrendered to the French, and the New England
army collected at Lake George was so wasted by disease and
desertion as to be of little strength or value. Hundreds of
lives had been lost, farms were destroyed, and nearly ;£ioo,ooo
expended. The treasury was empty, the expenses excessive,
and a vast frontier to be defended. Franklin believed
that the cheapest and most effectual defence would be an
expedition by sea against Quebec. But none agreed with him.
Fresh taxes were laid upon wine and liquors, but the governor,
jealously guarding the Penn estate, refused to consent to it.
In the last week of October, Franklin was ordered to attend the
new governor, William Denny,* at Easton, in Northampton
county, on a treaty with the Delaware Indians. William
Logan and Richard Peters, on the part of the Council, and
Joseph Fox, WiUiam Masters, and John Hughes, as delegates
from the Assembly, were the other commissioners who met
in conference at the Forks of the Delaware upon November
the eighth, with Teed)ruscung, king of the Dela wares. The
Indians complained of injuries from the proprietor, and
Franklin writing to Collinson gave his impression of the
charges: "It is said by many here that the Dela wares were
grossly abused in the Walking Purchase; that they have
frequently complained, and their Complaints were suppressed
or conceaPd, and the 6 Nations set on their Backs to make
them quiet. That they have remembered these things, and,
now, by the Connivance of the 6 Nations, as 'tis thought,
and supported by the French, they have taken Revenge."
The governor laid before the Assembly an estimate of the

1 Morris ceased to be governor, August 19, 1756, and Captain Denny ruled
in his stead. "Change of devils, according to the Scotch proverb, is blithe-
some," said William Franklin, when he heard the news.

186 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

necessary expense for defending the province one year,
amounting to £125,000. The Assembly deducted the least
necessary articles, granted ^^100,000 and sent the bill to the
governor, "Not that we thought this Province capable erf
paying such a Tax yearly, or anything near it, but beliemg
it necessary to exert ourselves at this time in an extraoidinaiy
Manner, to save the Country from total Ruin by the Enemy." '
The governor rejected the bill. Three-fourths of the troops
must be disbanded, and the country exposed to the mere)'
of the enemy "rather than the least tittle of a Proprietaiy
Instruction should be deviated from!"

The Assembly resolved to send home a remonstrance,
and appointed Isaac Norris, the Speaker of the House, and
Benjamin Franklin to go to England "as Conunissioneis to
solicit the removal of grievances occasioned by proprietai)'
instructions," etc. Norris declined to serve. It was then
resolved "that Benjamin Franklin be and he is hereby
appointed Agent of this Province, to solicit and transact the
Ali;iii> thereof in Great Britain." (February 3, 1757.)

Wo iire about to enter upon a new epoch of Franklin's life,
and in taking leave of the old it may be worth while to print
I Hl' n tord of his six years of service in the General Assembly.
This historical document exists, in Franklin's handwriting,
in ihc Library of Congress.

' FtankliD to Robert Charlei, Februaiy I, 1757.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 187

B. FRANKLIN'S SERVICES IN THE GENERAL

ASSEMBLY

1751
Aug. 13. Takes his seat in Assembly. Put on a Conunittee

to prepare a Bill, same day.

Aug. 15. Sent up with a Message to Gov' J* H"

Aug. 17. On a Comm** to prepare an answer to Gov*

Messages.

Aug. 20. Reports on the subject of a Bridge over Skuylkill.

Aug. 22. Reports on the subject of Indian Expences. .

Seven Resolutions N. C. D., of his Drawing,
upon that Report. Appointed on a Committee
to draw an address to the Bonrick [mutilated]
ing in pursuance of those Resolves.

Aug. 23. Reported the same.

Aug. 24. It was approved — but not put on the Minutes.

Oct. 14. Retum'd a Member for Philada.
Sent on a Message to the Gov.

Oct. 15. On the Committee of Ace**, and Comm** of

Grievances, and Comm** to revise the Minutes.

Oct. 16. On Committee of Correspondence.

1752
Feb. 3. On a Message to the Governor.

Feb. 7. On Comm** to inspect Accts.

Feb. 8. On D** to consider a Petition of Bakers.

Feb. 17. On D* for examining the laws relating to fees.

Feb. 24. On D* for a Bill relating to Dogs.

March 6. On D** to answer a Message.

March 11. On D° to see the Great Seal affixed to laws.

iS8 THE WRITll^GS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

On D° to inquire into the State of our Paper
Currency, Trade, Numbers of People, etc
Aug. 13. On a Message to the Gov' with the Bill of Fees.
Aug. 30. On a Committee for Conference with the Gov"
on that Bill.
Makes repwrt in writing on the State of Currency
etc.
Aug. 21. Ordered to meet some of the Cound!, etc.
Aug. 22. On a Message to Governor.
Oct. 14. Retum'd a Member for Philad'.

Sent on a Message to the Gov*.
Oct. 17. Appointed on 4 Committees, viz., Grievances,
Revisal of Minutes [and ?] Accounts, Corre-
spondence, Laws, [mutilated] [wi] th the
Speaker to procure Books and Maps. . . .
Committee to bring in a Bill ... the Gov'
on the Navy Bill . . . Committee [pre]pare
. of the Com" of Grievances.

r

1753
May 30. On a Committee to consider the Representation
to the Proprietaries of 1751. And the answer
thereto.

On D° to prepare an Answer to Gov' Message,
Sept. I. On a Committee to consider Gov' propos'd

Amend™" to a Money Bill.
Sept. 4. On a Committee to answer the Govemrs

Message.
C^pt- 7- On D" to report on a Message from the Gov*.

1 75 [mutilated]

— « Tc. Retum'd again for Philad'.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

189

Sept. 16.

Sept. 17.

Sent on a Message to the Gk)v'.

Appointed on 4 Committees, viz. Correspondence,

Grievances, Accts, Revisal of Minutes.
On two more Conmiittees, viz.. To inspect the
laws; and the State of Trade, Currency, etc.

1754
Feb. 5.

Feb. 14.

Feb. 15.

Feb. 26.

March 5.

March 6.

March 7.

April 5.

Aprils.

April 12.

April 13.

April 15.

April 18.

Aug. 9.

Oct. 14.

Oct. 15.

Dec. 31.

Reports thereupon.

Translates a French Letter to Gov* Dinwiddie.

Reports on the Laws.

On a Committee for Indian Trade.

On D'* for considering a Petition for laying out
Townships.

On D* for bringing in a Bill respecting the hold-
ing of Courts.

On D' to consider the Western Bounds.

Reports on D*.

On a Committee to bring in a Money Bill.

Gov' appoints him a Commissioner for the Albany
Treaty.

Approved by the Assembly.

On a Conmiittee to inquire into the facts of a
Petition.

On D** to answer a Message from the Gov'.

A number of Resolves drawn up by him and
agreed to.

On a Committee to bring in a Money Bill.

Retum'd for Philad*.

Appointed on Committees of Grievances, and
Revisal of Minutes, and Correspondence.

Representation to the Proprietaries, draw [muti-

190 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

lated] . . . Aug* 3 . . . put on the Votes

... 5 [mutilated]
March 17. Takes his scat in . . . house.
March 18. On a Committee to answer . . . and d ... the

Answers.

1755
March 20. On a Comm** to answer an . . . Message.

Lays before the house . . . rec'd from the Go\''.
March 22. On a Comm** to bring in a bill relating to pro-
visions exported.
Requested to consider of establishing a Post for

General Braddock.
April I. Memorial from Josiah Quincy drawn by him.
April 2. Sundry Orders of his proposing and drawing to

supply N. England with provisions, etc.
April 9. Gives his proposal to the House about the post

which was agreed to.
May 12. Receives the thanks of the House for his great

Senices in his late journey to the back count!}',

etc.
May 14. On a Committee to prepare a state of the Bills.

On D° to prepare a Message to the Gov'.
May 16. On D* to answer another Message, and he draws

the answer.
June 13. Communicates to the House the letters of thanks

he had received from Gen. Sir Peter Halkes

and Col. Dunbar.
June 14. On a Comm*' to answer a Message of the Gov'.
June 17. On D** to prepare a Bill.
June 17. On D° to prepare another Bill.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 191

June 24. On D" to answer a Message.

July 28. On D" to D".

July 29. On D** to prepare a Bill for granting ;£so,ooo to

the King's use.
Sent with it to the Gov*.
Aug. 5. On D* to answer his Message of Amendments.
Aug. 6. On D" to answer a Message and draws it — a

long one.
On D" for a Bill to provide Quarters for the King's

Troops.
Aug. 13. On D" to answer a long Message.
Aug. 21. On Yf to answer a Message.
Aug. 22. To dispose of money for the defence of the

frontiers.
Sept. 15. On D* to prepare a Bill for regulating Inspectors.

Sept. 19. Requested by the House to endeavour to prevail

with Col. Dunbar to discharge servants and

apprentices.
On a Committee to answer a Message.
Produces to the House a letter to himself from

T. Hutchison, which induces the grant of

;£io,ooo to Massachusetts.
Sept. 17. Retum'd for Philad*.

Sent with verbal Message to Gov'.

On 4 Committees : Correspondence, Grievances,

Minutes, Laws.
On D** to bring in a Money Bill ;£6o,ooo.
On D** to prepare Bill for supplying our Indians.
On D** to answer a Message.
Nov. 10. On a Co. [mutilated] answ^er a Message.

192 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

Nov. 13.

Nov. 17.
Nov. 19.

Nov. 20.
Nov. 22.
Nov. 25.

Nov. 29.
Dec. 3.

On D® [mutilated] . . . sides two applications

to the House from Quakers and from the Mayor

of Philad*. etc.
On D** to answer a Message.
B. . . . Leave . . . brings in a Militia Bill.
On a Committee to answer a Message.
On a Committee to amend the Militia Bill.
On D"" to consider Gov" message.
On D* to bring in a Money Bill exempting the

Proprie^ Estate in consideration of their gift

of ;£5,ooo.
On D** to answer a message.
On D** to answer a message.

1756
Feb.

Feb. 7.

Feb. 19.

I still on the Frontiers building forts.

On Comm** to prepare an Address to Gov*

respecting the enlistment of Servants and drag's

it.
Lays before the house letters to him from Gen.

Shirley.
On a Comm** to answer a Message.
Brings in a Bill by leave of the House to Regulate

soldiers, etc.
Watch and Lamp Bill brought in.
On Committee to amend Soldiers' Bill.
Moves the House again on this Bill.
On Comm** for that purpose.
March 17. Sent with the Bill to the Gov*.

Goes to Virginia.
May 12. On Comm** to answer a Message,

March 3.

March 5.
March 10.
March 13.

June

2.

July

22.

Aug.

17-

Aug.

20.

Aug.

21.

Aug.

30-

Sept.

I.

Sept.

3-

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 193

On D* to D*.

Then at N. York, charged with an address to

Gen* Shirley, going to England.
On Comm*' to bring in a Bill granting £40,000.
W. M. Denny, Gk)v'.

On Conun** to prepare address to the Governor.
On D* to prepare Answers to Govrs. Speech and

Message.
On a Message to the Governor.
Draws a long Paper of Remarks on Prop^ In-
structions.
Sept. 8. Appointed a Commissioner in the Act . . .

;£6o,ooo.
Sept. 13. On a Comm * to prepare reasons in answer . . .

to the Bill.
Sept. 16. Draws Resolutions relating . . .

On Comm** to prepare a new B. . . . D* to
D* ... up with the £30,000 Bi . . .
Oct. 14. Retum'd for Philada.
Oct. 18. Order on 3 Committees: Correspondence,

Grievances, Minutes.
Oct. 21. On D** for preparing a Bill to regulate the hire

of carriages.
Oct. 22. On D" for D*^ — Billeting of soldiers.
Oct. 26. On D** to confer with Gov' about Indians.
Oct. 27. With leave brings in a Bill to regulate forces of

this Pro\ince.
Oct. 28. As President of the Hospital lays before the House

the Acc^ thereof.
On a Committee to prepare another Militia Bill.
Oct. 29. On D" to answer Gov' Message.

vol.. X — o

194 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

Nov. 5. On D® to compare Bills.

On D" to accompany the Governor to treat with
Indians [at] Easton.

Nov. 23. On D° to prepare a Message to the Gov*.

Dec. 2. On D** to examine Journals of House of Com-
mons concerning Elections.

Dec. 3. Reports on the same.

Dec. 8. On a Comm** to prepare answer to Govr^s Message.

Dec. 16. On D"* to D** Message concerning Quarters,

Dec. 18. On D^ to D*.

Dec. 19. On D"* to confer with the Gov'.

Dec. 22. On D** to answer a message abt Quarters.

Dec. 24. On D* to prepare a Bill for granting ;£ioo,ooo

by Tax.

1757
Jan. II. On D* to prepare a Bill to relieve Inn-Keepeis.

Jan. 24. On D** to prepare a Bill to strike a sum of Pap.

Money.

Jan. 28. On D" to wait on the Gov' with a Message.

Jan. 29. Reports concerning the Treaty at Easton.

Is nominated to go to England.

Feb. I. On a Committee to prepare a new Bill for grant-
ing ;£ioo,ooo.

Feb. 3. Accepts the appointment to England.
Appointed Agent.

Feb. 7. On a Comm** to answer a Message.

Feb. 12. On D*^ to D*.

March 22. Gov' agrees to pass the Bill for £100,000. This

was after B. F.'s conference with him and L*
Loudon.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANK UN 195

1759
Feb. 21. Proprietaries' message to the Assembly repre-
senting Mr. F. as not a person of Candour, etc.
His heads of Complaint.
Answer thereto by Paris.
... 27. Supply ... B ... for ;£ioo,ooo Taxing the

P'y Estate passe . . . [mutilated] by Gov . . .
eny.
Return' . . . Philada

. •

1760

Oct. 14. Retd for Philada.

Oct. 15. Continu'd Agent with R. Charles.

Oct. 18. Governor Hamilton refuses to certify the Assem-
bly's appointment of Franklin and Charles
as Agents, etc.
The Assembly order a Certificate from a Notary
and appoint a Committee to consider the
Govr's refusal, etc. And order the Grant of

the Crown to be receiv'd by B. F. and

lodg'd in the Bank in several names.

1 761
Sept. 19. Bills ordered to be drawn on B. F. for the

amount of the Parliamentary Grant.

1762

May 6. Several letters of diflFerent dates received from

him.

Sept. 21. D* . . . informing that he had taken his pas-
sage, and left the affairs of the Province with
Mr. Jackson.

196 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

Oct. 15. Return'd again, as in all the preceding yeaiS; a

member from Philada.

1763
Jan. 10. In the House again, and on a Committee.
Jan. 12. On another.
Jan. 14. On another and another.
Jan. 18. Engagement of B. F. and R. C. recited.
Jan. 21. On a Committee to prepare a Bill.
Jan. 28. On a D® for another Bill and another.
Feb. 8. On a Committee for another Bill.
Feb. 19. Report on his Accounts and thanks oider'd.
March 4. Balance of his Acct. order'd to be paid —

;£22i4. 10. o.
March 29. On a Committee for a Bill.
March 31. Thanks given him by the Speaker in . . .

form, and answer . . .
Apr. • • [mutilated] On a Comm • • • etc. to ansr • . •

propose . . . Bill.

CHAPTER m

ACQUAINTANCE WITH ENGLAND

Franklin's " Autobiography " ends with his arrival in Lon-
don, July 26, 1757. For twenty-seven years he had lived
happily with his wife and little family in Philadelphia ; the
next twenty-eight years, with the exception of two brief
visits to America, were destined to be spent in Europe.
He reconmiended his daughter to her mother "with a

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 197

father's tenderest concern," and accompanied by his son
and attended by a company of friends rode away across
New Jersey.

A long and tedious delay in New York waiting upon the
dilatory Lord Loudon was followed by a thirty days' sail
across the Atlantic, a narrow escape from shipwreck upon
the Cornish coast, and a safe anchorage in Falmouth
harbour.

Peter Collinson was eagerly awaiting him in London.
James Ralph, who had started a newspaper, the ProUstoTy
to help the Duke of Bedford against the Duke of Newcastle,
called to renew a friendship that had been interrupted for
thirty years. Men of science hastened to make acquaintance
with the philosopher whose name was mentioned with respect
in every part of Europe. He had an assured position and
was already a member of influential societies. He had been
elected to the Royal Society, and only a few weeks before
leaving home had received from Collinson the agreeable in-
formation of that honour. It followed close upon the an-
nouncement by William Shipley that he had been elected to the
Premium Society, or Society for the Encouragement of Arts,
Manufactures and Commerce, now known as the Society of
Arts.^ Franklin's "Plan for promoting useful knowledge
among the British Plantations in America" had interested
Shipley, who hoped to see Great Britain and the Colonics
"mutually dear and serviceable to each other." He wrote
to Franklin, September 30, 1755, inviting him to join the
Society. Franklin replied in the following letter for which I
am indebted to Mr. H. B. Wheatley, secretary of the Society
of Arts.

1 William Shipley's letter is dated September i, 1756 (A. P. S.).

198 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

Philad? Nov. 27, 1755.

I have just received your very obliging Favour of the 13th
September last ; and as this Ship sails immediately have little
more time than to thank you cordially for communicating to
me the Papers relating to your most laudable undertaking,
and to assure you that I should esteem the being admitted
into such a Society as a corresponding Member a very great
Honour, which I should be glad I could in the least deser\^e,
by promoting in any Degree so useful an Institution. But
tho' you do not require your Correspondents to bear any Part
of your Expence, you will I hope permit me to throw my Mite
into your Fund, and accept of 20 guineas I purpose to send
you shortly to be apply'd in Premiums for some Improve-
ment in Britain, as a grateful, tho' small. Return for your
most kind and generous Intentions of Encouraging Improve-
ments in America. I flatter myself from that part of your
Plan, that those jealousies of her Colonies, which were
formerly entertained by the Mother Country, begin to sub-
side. I once wrote a little Paper tending to show that such
Jealousies with Regard to Manufactures were ill-founded.
It was lately printed in Boston at the End of a Pamphlet
which I take the liberty to send you. Never be discouraged
by any Apprehension that Arts are come to such Perfection
in England as to be incapable of farther Improvement.
As yet, the quantity of Human Knowledge bears no Propor-
tion to the Quantity of Human Ignorance. The Improve-
ments made within these 2000 years, considerable as they an?,
would have been much more so if the Ancients had possessed
one or two Arts now in common Use. I mean those of Copper
Plate- and Letter-Printing. Whatever is now exactly

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 199

delineated and described by those, can scarcely (from the
Multitude of Copies) be lost to Posterity. And the knowledge
of small Matters being preserved gives the Hint, and is some-
times the Occasion of Great Discoveries, perhaps Ages after.

The French War, which came on in 1744, took oflF our
Thoughts from the Prosecution of my Proposal for Promot-
ing useful Knowledge in America ; and I have ever since the
Peace been so engag'd in other Schemes of various kinds and
in publick affairs, as not to find Leisure to revive that useful
and very practical Project. But if I live to see our present
Disturbances over in this Part of the World, I shall apply
myself to it with fresh Spirit, as beside the good that may be
done, I hope to make myself thereby a more valuable Corre-
spondent.

You will greatly oblige me by the Conmiunication of the
Inventions and Improvements you mention. And as it is a
Maxim in Commerce, That there is no Trade without Re-
turns, I shall be always endeavouring to ballance Accounts
with you, tho' probably never able to accompUsh it.

I am, Sir
Your most obedient
humble servant, B. Franklin.

William Shipley, Esquike.

He was gratified and elated by the recognition of his
scientific achievements, but he was not unmindful of the
associations of an earlier day of humbler things. He went to
the old printing-house in Lincoln's Inn Fields and sought
out the men who worked upon the press at which he had
stood in his young manhood, and treated them to. a gallon of
beer which they drank to the toast "Success to Printing."

200 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

• He tcx)k lodgings at No. 7, Craven Street, Strand.
His landlady, Mrs. Margaret Stevenson, became one of his
dearest friends. To her daughter, afterward the wife of the
famous surgeon Dr. Thomas Hewson, he wrote some of the
most interesting letters of his life. He instructed her in
science and advised her in all her difficulties. With Mrs.
Stevenson the aflfectionate intimacy continued until her death
a quarter of a century after their first acquaintance. Upon
the last letter that he received from her, dated July 24, 1782,
he wrote : "This good woman, my dear Friend, died the first
of January following. She was about my age." *

In the Craven Street house he lived in much comfort,
occupying four rooms and waited upon by his man-servant
and William Franklin's negro attendant. His son was soon
entered at the Middle Temple, and Franklin was free to
devote himself to the business of the Assembly. He made
slow progress. The Proprietors quibbled and evaded, and
placed every obstruction in his way that legal ingenuity could
contrive. He changed his tactics; ceasing to visit the Pro-
prietaries, he attempted to win the favour of the Lords of
Trade and the members of the King's Council, and to com-
bat certain prejudices that existed in the minds of English-
men concerning the colonists. It may have been in conse-
quence of advice of this kind given by Mr. Charles, a lawj-cr
retained by the Assembly, that, in 1759, ^ voluminous work
appeared, entitled "An Historical Review of the Constitution
and Government of Pennsylvania, from its Origin." It was
published anonymously, but suspicion was immediately
directed to Franklin as its author. He sent five hundred
copies of it to David Hall for distribution in Pennsylvania,

* Letter in University of Pennsylvania.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 201

and twenty-five copies to his nephew, Mecom, in Boston
and the same number to James Parker, his former Partner,
in New York.

While the volume was silently influencing the public
opinion of England, Franklin was enjoying something like
leisure. He resumed scientific studies and continued his
correspondence with the learned men of Europe. Fresh
recognition of his contributions to science came to him from
Scotland, when in February, 1759, ^^ University of St.
Andrews conferred upon him the honorary degree by virtue
of which he was ever after kno.wn as Dr. Franklin. In the
records of the Senatus Academicus of that University occurs
this entry : —

" 12, Feb. 1759

" Conferred the Degree of Doctor in Laws on Mr. Benjamin
Franklin, famous for his writings on Electricity, and appoint
his diploma to be given to him gratis, the Clerk and Arch-
beadle's dues to be paid by the Library Quaestor." *

In the late summer of 1759 he journeyed to Scotland, and
for the first time visited Edinburgh: "that garret of the
earth — that knuckle-end of England — that land of Calvin,
oat cakes and sulphur," as Sydney Smith described it. Great
honour was done him. The Universities entertained him,
and the corporation of Edinburgh conferred upon him the
freedom of the city. He was invited to the great houses of
the country. Hume, Robertson, Lord Kames, and Sir

^ In the library of the University are still to be seen two books presented
by Dr. Franklin: one is **New Experiments and Observations," 1754, "Dono
dedit Auctor " ; the other, " Experiments and Observations,** 1 769, ** Ex dono
Auctoris." The first volume of Transactions of The American Philosophical
Society, presented by Franklin, May 19, 1773, 1 am told, cannot now be traced
in the libraiy.

202 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

Alexander Dick were particularly prominent in their hospi-
tality. He was delighted with his entertainment and de-
clared to Lord Karnes that he had spent in Scotland "six
weeks of the densest * happiness I have met with in any part
of my life." After completing a tour of fifteen hundred miles,
ending with a ramble through Yorkshire and Lincolnshire he
wrote to Sir Alexander Dick : " No part of our Journey affords
us, on Recollection, a more pleasing Remembrance than that
which relates to Scotland, particularly the time we so agreably
spent with you, your Friends & Family. The many Civilities,
Favours and Kindnesses heap'd upon us while we were
among you, have made the most lasting Impression on our
Minds, and have endear'd that Country to us beyond Ex-
pression."

Unfortunately, very slight record remains of the social
entertainments and conversation of that visit. Alexander
Carlyle notes in his Autobiography that he and his friend,
Dr. Wight, met "the celebrated Dr. Franklin" at Dr.
Robertson's house in Edinburgh in September, 1759. "Dr.
Franklin had his son with him; and besides Wght and me
there were David Hume, Dr. Cullen, Adam Smith, and two
or three more. . . . Franklin's son was open and communi-
cative, and pleased the company better than his father, and
some of us observed indications of that decided difference of
opinion between father and son which in the American war
alienated them altogether." '

Could it have been Franklin's notable dislike for con-

^ Sydney Smith, dwelling " amid odious-smells, barbarous sounds, bad sup*
pers, excellent hearts and most enlightened understandings," would surely
have cut a caper had he happened upon this felicitous and subtly descriptive
adjective.

^ Carlyle, " Autobiography," p. 320. Boston edition, 1861.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 203

troversy that held him silent in the company of these native
metaphysicians, bom to argument and bred in polemics?
Disputation is the business of lawyers, and the habit of men
of all sorts who have been educated at the University of
Edinburgh, said Franklin.

The younger Franklin, "a bom courtier" as his father
said of him, seems to have made upon all those who met
him socially an impression similar to that described by
Carlyle. To Strahan he appeared "one of the prettiest
young gentlemen" he ever knew from America, — "He
seems to me to have a solidity of judgment, not very often to
be met with in one of his years." More than a half century
later Crabbe Robinson met him at the Society of the Attic
Chest. No one had a more expert eye for the good points
and the social defects of a man than Crabbe Robinson, and
he entered in his Diary, "Old General Franklin, son of the
celebrated Benjamin was of the party. He is eighty-four
years of age, has a courtier-like mien and must have been a
very fine man. He is now very animated and interesting,
but does not at all answer to the idea one would naturally
form of the son of the great Franklin." *

It is repeated in nearly every account of Franklin's life,
that he received a degree from the University of Edinburgh.
It is an error. He was admitted as a " Burges and Gildbrother
of Edinburgh" (September 5, 1759), ^^^ he was an original

1 Crabbe Robinson, ** Diary," I, p. 242. Boston, 1898.

The Society of the Attic Chest was a small society, the members of which
sent yerses which were put in a box and furnished an evening's amusement.
The box was actually made in Athens. The date of this meeting was
March 18, 181 2. Franklin died in November of the following year.

After leaving Edinburgh, Dr. Franklin travelled to Dunkeld, Perth, and St.
Andrews in company with John Anderson, Professor of Natural Philosophy at
Glasgow.

204 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

Honorary Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh and of
the Philosophical Society which was absorbed in the Royal
Society at the date of its foundation in 1782, but he recei\^
no academic honours from the University. It is not a little
singular that it should be so. At the time of Franklin's first
visit Dr. Robertson, the head of the University, was the
centre of the literary and social life of the city. He enter-
tained for Franklin feelings of the highest respect, and in
later years came into the closer relations of friendship with
him. Franklin occasionally recommended American scholars
as worthy candidates for the honorary degree. Elzra Stiles's
diploma of Doctor of Divinity was procured from Edinburgh
University in 1765 through Franklin's exertions. He success-
fully recommended Professor Winthrop, the HoUisian Pro-
fessor of Harvard, after he had been rejected by Oxford be-
cause he was a Dissenter. In the Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles
under the date December 4, 1772, occurs the entry, "Finished
reading Mr. Marchant's Travels and Memoirs in six books
Mss. Dr. Benjamin Franklin was with Mr. Marchant at
Edinburgh, and politely offered to recommend him to the
University of Edinburgh for the degree of Doctorate in
Laws; but he declined it."*
Among the Franklin papers in The American Philo-

1 "The Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, D.D., LL.D.," by F. B. Dexter, N.Y.
1 90 1, Vol. I, p. 304. Dr. Stiles proceeds to quote from Mr. Marchanfs manu-
script thus: " Monday November 4, 1771 [returned to Edinburgh] Dr. Frank-
lin came in to see me, and by a most open disengaged Franknen in his
conversation afforded me much pleasure. And made me a most genteel
Tender of honourably recommending me to the Edinburgh University." A
further entry under date of November 20, 1771, states, "Dined at Dr. Fergu-
son's, Professor of Moral Philosophy, in company with D. Hume, Dr. Frank-
lin, Dr. Black, and Dr. Kussel [Professor of Natural Philosophy], and next
day Dr. Franklin took leave and departed for London/'

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 205

sophical Society is the following letter to Franklin from
Dr. Robertson: —

College of Edin^
Dec' 1 2th 1768

Dear Sir
I was favoured with your letter of the 26th recommending
Mr. Rogers of New York to a degree in Divinity. I hope
that I need not say that every request from you, has with
me the authority of a command, because I am sure you will
recommend no person who is not entitled to that mark of our
respect which you soUicit for him. On this occasion I have
not the entire merit of confiding in your testimony. Mr.
Rogers's character was known to some Gentlemen here and
their account of him fully confirms every thing that you have
said in his favour. The degree of D.D. is accordingly con-
ferred upon him. His diploma is ordered to be made out,
and shall be sent by the first person I can find to take charge
of it. I have drawn upon you by this post for ;^i2. 7. 6. I
have time to add no more as the post is going but that I am
with great respect and attachment. Dear Sir,

Your most faithfull humble Servant
William Robertson.

The highest literary honour ever conferred upon Franklin
was the honorary degree of Doctor of Civil Laws from the
University of Oxford. In the records of the University is
found the following note : —

"Feb. 22, 1762 Agreed, nem con. at a meeting of the
Heads of Houses that Mr. Franklin whenever he shall please
to visit the University shall be oflfer'd the Compliment of the

«

Degree of D.C.L. Honoris causa,

"J. Browne Vice can.*'

2o6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

At the convcx:ation of April 30, 1762, he was admitted a
D.C.L. In the indisposition or absence of the Regius Pro-
fessor of Civil Law, Thomas Jenner, D.C.L., Franklin was
duly introduced by the Deputy, William Seward. As an
additional compliment his son was presented by the Public
Orator for the honorary M.A. The notable and interesting
fact of father and son receiving the higher and lower degrees
together, Dr. Murray thinks is "almost without parallel in
the history of Oxford." ^ The lover of academic Latin will
pardon me for quoting at this point the record of the ceremony
taken from a certified copy made by the Keeper of the
Archives.

"Term
" Paschatis Dno Die Browne Vice Cancellario

"1762

" Die Ven. viz Tricesimo Die Mensis Aprilis Anno Dom.
1762 Causa Convocationis erat ut Omatissimus Vir Ben-
jaminus Franklin Armiger, Provinciae Pensylvaniae Deputa-
tus, ad Curiam Serenissimi Regis Legatus, Tabellariorum
per Americam Septentrionalem Praefectus Generalis, necnon
Regiae Societatis Socius (si ita Venerabili Ccetui placeret) ad
Gradum Doctoris in Jure Civili, et Gulielmus Franklin
Armiger Juris Municipalis Consultus ad Gradum Magistri
in Artibus admitterentur, necnon, &c. &c. [the usual clause
to admit of any other business]. Causa Convocationis sic
indicta, proponente singillatim Domino Vice-Cancellario,
placuit Venerabili Ccetui ut praedictus Omatissimus Vir

1 " Franklin's Oxford Degree," by J. A. H. Murray, The Nation^ Norem-
bcr 19, 1903.

The fullest information about Franklin's honorary degrees is to be found
in « Historic Side-lights," E. P. Arnold.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 207

Benjaminus Franklin Armiger ad Gradum Doctoris in Jure
Civili, et Gulielmus Franklin Armiger ad Gradum Magistri
in Artibus, Honoris Causa admitterentur.

"Spectatissimum Virum Benjaminum Franklin Armigerum
praeeuntibus Bedellis in Domum Convocationis ingressum
Dextraque prehensum Dnus Df Seward CoUegii Divi Joannis
Baptists Socius sub eleganti Orationis Formula Dno Vice-
Cancellario et Procuratoribus praesentabat ut ad Gradum
Doctoris in Jure Civili Honoris Causa admitteretur. Quem-
que hoc modo praesentatum Diius Vice-Cancellarius sua et
totius Universitatis authoritate ad dictum Gradum Honoris
Causa solemniter admisit.

" Omatissimum Juvenem Gulielmum Franklin Armigerum
a Th6ma Nowel A.M. CoUegii Orielensis Socio et Publico
Oratore similiter praesentatum Dnus Vice Cancellarius ad
Gradum Magistri in Artibus similiter admisit." ^

An echo of the proprietary feud was heard even among the
quiet quadrangles of Oxford. Dr. William Smith had es-
poused the cause of the Proprietors, and, being in England
soliciting aid for the college in Philadelphia, took occasion to
vilify Franklin upon every opportunity. "I made that man
my enemy," said Franklin, "by doing him too much kindness.
'Tis the honestest way of acquiring an Enemy." Some of his
slander Smith distilled in a letter to Dr. Fry, the President of

^ In July, 1753, he received the honorary Master of Arts from Harvard
Cotlege, and at the September Commencement of the same year he received the
diploma of the same degree from Yale. Ezra Stiles notes in his Diary (III,
391) that "We [Vale College] from 1749 and onward adopted with avidity
and before aU the rest of the learned world his electrical and philosophical
Discoveries. In 1755 I made a gratulatory oration to him in the College
Hall, celebrating his philosophic discoveries and congrat^ his Honours from
the Republic of Letters." William and Mary conferred upon him the degree
Master of Aits, April 2, 1756.

2o8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

St. John's College. But the letter coming to the notice of
Dr. Kelly occasioned the following correspondence: —

DR. J. KELLY TO WILLIAM STRAHAN (a. P. S.)

Oxford, Feb. ii, 1763

Dear Sir

D' Smith was lately here collecting for his Academy, and
having been questioned concerning a letter He promised to
write to the President of St. John's in the presence of M'
Strahan & other Gentlemen, (which letter was to retract the
imputations of a former letter against D' Franklin), He
denied the whole, & even treated the question as a Calumny.
I make no other conmient on this behaviour, than in con-
sidering him extremely unworthy of the Honour, he has
received, from our University.

When you write to D' Franklin pray convey my best
respects to him & to the Govemour of new Jersey.

I beg my most sincere Compliments to Mrs. Strahan, and
am, D' Sir, etc. J. Kelly.

William Strahan replied : " As to Dr. Smith, True it is that
Dr. Franklin and he met at my House and in my Presence
read over his letter to D! Fry, Paragraph by Paragraph,
when Df Smith acknowledged that it contained many Par-
ticulars in which he had been misled by wrong Information,
and that the whole was written with too much rancor and
Asperity; but that he would write to the Df contradicting
what was false in it. — I proposed his doing this without
delay, as there was no Difficulty in his pointing out what
was true or false in his letter; and that the more explicitely
and candidly he performed this Task, the better Opinion D'
Fry must form of his own Honesty. — He nevertheless declined

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN IRANKLIN 209

doing it then, but promised to call on me in a day or two,
and shew me the Letter before he sent it ; which however, he
has never yet thought fit to do."

Midway between his Scotch and English honours, or in
the summer of 1761, Franklin crossed to Holland and made
a tour of the low countries. He returned to London in Sep-
tember to witness the coronation of George III. It is in-
teresting to recall the loyal enthusiasm with which he re-
garded the young king. When William Strahan wrote to
him expressing melancholy apprehensions of the future,
Franklin replied : "Let me remind you that I have sometimes
been in the right in such cases when you happened to be in
the wrong; as I can prove upon you out of this very letter
of yours. Call to mind your former fears for the King of
Prussia, and remember my telling you that the man's abilities
were more than equal to all the force of his enemies, and that
he would finally extricate himself and triumph. . . . You
now fear for our virtuous young king, that the factions form-
ing will overpower him and render his reign uncomfortable.
On the contrary, I am of Opinion that his virtue and the
consciousness of his sincere intentions to make his people
happy will give him firmness and steadiness in his Measures
and in the support of the honest friends he has chosen to
serve him ; and when that firmness is fully perceived, faction
will dissolve and be dissipated like a morning fog before the
rising sun, leaving the rest of the day clear, with a sky serene
and cloudless. Such, after a few of the first years, will be
the future course of his Majesty's reign, which I predict will
be happy and truly glorious."

The great accomplishments of England in India and in
America excited Franklin's imagination. Visions of the vast

VOU X — P

2IO THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

future of the British Empire trailed their glories before him.
Clive in India and Wolfe in Canada convinced him that
the peace and the prosperity of the world rested with £reat
Britain. He was naturally an imperialist, and he welcomed
every extension of the might and majesty of his coimtry. He
wrote to Lord Kames: "No one can more sincerely rejoice
than T do, on the reduction of Canada ; and this is not merely
as I am a colonist, but as I am a Briton. I have long been
of opinion that the foundations of the future grandeur and
stability of the British Empire lie in America ; and though,
like other foundations, they are low and little now, they are,
nevertheless, broad and strong enough to support the greatest
political structure that human wisdom ever yet erected. I
am therefore by no means for restoring Canada. If we
keep it, all the country from the St. Lawrence to the Missis-
sippi will in another century be filled with British people.
Britain itself will become vastly more populous, by the im-
mense increase of its commerce; the Atlantic sea will be
covered with your trading ships; and your naval power,
thence continually increasing, will extend your influence
round the whole globe, and awe the world ! If the French
remain in Canada they will continually harass our colonies
by the Indians and impede if not prevent their growth ; your
progress to greatness will at best be slow, and give room for
many accidents that may forever prevent it. But I refrain,
for I see you begin to think my notions extravagant, and
look upon them as the ravings of a mad prophet." * A
"mad prophet" indeed Franklin must have seemed to those
politicians who in 1760 advocated the giving up of Canada,
and "mad" his doctrines must have appeared to those states-

' To Lord Kamcs, January 3, 1760.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 211

men a hundred years later who declared the colonies to be
mill-stones about the neck of England. But his ideas as
set forth in **The Interest of Great Britain considered with
regard to her Colonies," — a pamphlet which brought about
the retention of Canada, — fructifying the mind of Cobden
and inspiring the thought of Molesworth, have triumphed in
the glorious fabric of the imperial connection of greater
Britain resting upon its firm foundation of colonial democ-
racies as Franklin foresaw and defined them.

The notions of those critics who believed that Canada was
too large to be peopled by England, that it was not worth
possessing, and that the possession of it would draw on Eng-
land the envy of other powers, Franklin was "every day
and every hour combating"* and with the satisfaction of
knowing that he could flatter himself that his presence in
England was "of some service to the general interest of
America." *

In June, 1760, after three years of litigation, Franklin
brought to a close the controversy with the proprietors, who
at last recognized the right of taxing the proprietary estates.
Two years longer he remained in England advocating the
annexation of Canada to the Empire.'

About the end of August, 1762, he departed for America
in company with ten sail of merchant ships under the convoy
of a man-of-war. "The weather was so favourable that
there were few days in which we could not visit from ship to
ship, dining with each other and on board of the man-of-
war ; which made the time pass agreeably, much more so than

1 To John Hughes, January 7, 1760.

^IHcL

• Sec " On disposing an Enemy to Peace," Vol. IV, p. 90.

212 THE WRirmCS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

when one goes in a single ship; for this was like travelling
in a moving village) with all one's neighbours about
one."*

On the I St of November he arrived in Philadelphia. His
son William, a few days before sailing, had been named gov-
ernor of New Jersey, and the ministry and the friends of the
Proprietaries believed that Franklin would be consequently
less active in opposition. Thomas Penn wrote to Govemor
Hamilton, ^'I am told you will find Mr. Franklin more
tractable, and I believe we shall, in matters of prerogative;
as his son must obey instructions, and what he is ordered to
do the father cannot well oppose in Pennsylvania."*

The son arrived in February, 1763, with his wife, "a very
agreeable West India lady" by the name of Downes, and
was accompanied by Franklin to his government. The
latter had been chosen yearly during his absence in Eng-
land to represent the city of Philadelphia in the As-
sembly. He now submitted to that body a statement of
his expenses: —

''Philadelphia, Feb. 9, 1763.

" Sir: — It is now six years since, in obedience to the order
of the House, I undertook a voyage to England, to take care
of their affairs there.

" Fifteen hundred pounds of the publick money was at dif-
ferent times put into my hands, for which I ought to account,

^ To Lord Kames, June 2, 1765.

^ The appointment of William Franklin was made by Lord Halifax upon
the solicitation of the Earl of Bute. Upon the afternoon of September 2
the London Chronicle published the following paragraph : " This morning was
married at St. George's Church, Hanover Square, William Franklin, Esq.,
the new appointed Governor of New Jersey, to Miss Elizabeth Downes, of
St. James's Street"

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 313

and I was instructed to keep accounts of the disbursements
I sh [torn out] make in the publick service.

'' But I soon found such accounts were in many instances
impracticable. For example, I took my son with me, partly
to assist me as a clerk and otherways in the publick service,
and partly to improve him by showing him the world. His
services were considerable, but so intermixed with private
services, as that I could not well attend to \sic\. I made
joumies, partly for health, and partly that I might, by
country visits to persons of influence, have more convenient
opportunities of discoursing them on our publick affairs, the
expense of which journeys was not easily proportioned and
separated. And being myself honoured with visits from per-
sons of quality and distinction, I was obliged for the credit
of the province to live in a fashion and expense, suitable to
the publick character I sustained, and much above what I
should have done if I had been considered merely as a private
person : and this difference of expense was not easy to dis-
tinguish, and charge in my accounts. The long sickness and
frequent relapses I had the first and part of the second
winter, occasioned by a change of climate, were many
ways expensive to me, of which I could keep no acct. if
indeed I ought to have charg'd the province with such
expenses."

In the spring of 1763 he set out on a tour through the
Northern Colonies to inspect and regulate the post-offices in
the several provinces. He returned in November after
having travelled about sixteen hundred miles. His depar-
ture was in the midst of the rejoicing that followed upon the
treaty of Paris. That he shared the common joy is evident
from a letter addressed to his friend William Strahan : —

314 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

« May 9, 1763.

" I congratulate you sincerely on the signing of the defini-
tive treaty, which, if agreeable to the preliminaries, gives us
peace the most advantageous as well as glorious that was
ever before attained by Britain. Throughout this continent
I find it universally approved and applauded; and I am
glad to find the same sentiment prevailing in your Parliament
and the unbiased part of the nation. Grumblers there will
always be among you, where power and places are worth
striving for, and those who cannot obtain them are angn*
with all that stand in their way. Such would have clamored
against a ministry not their particular friends, even if in-
stead of Canada and Louisiana they had obtained a cession
of the kingdom of heaven. . . ."

Scarcely had he returned when the terrible conspiracy of
Pontiac dismayed the colonies. Franklin was appointed
one of the commissioners to dispose of the public money
appropriated for the raising and paying an army to act against
the Indians and defend the frontiers. The Scotch-Irish of
the western counties, enraged by the outrages committed by
the savages, ascribed their calamities to the mistaken policy
of peace and lenity pursued by the Quakers. Blinded and
perverted by wrath and revenge, they invoked the aid of the
holy Scriptures and compared themselves to the ancient Israel-
ites working out the inexorable will of an ofiFended Deity.
In December (1763) two insurrections took place in which
twenty friendly Indians, — men, women, and children,—
living peaceably near Lancaster, were murdered and scalped
and their village destroyed by fire : "When the poor wretches
saw they had no protection nigh, nor could possibly escape,
and being without the least weapon for defense, they di\ided

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 215

into their little families, the children clinging to the parents;
they fell on their knees, protested their innocence, declared
their love to the English, and that in their whole Uves they
had never done them injury; and in this posture they all
received the hatchet." *

The rioters, men of Lebanon, Paxton, Donegal, and Han-
over, threatened further attacks upon the Indians of Province
Island. The sentiment of their neighbours sanctified their
atrocities as a reUgious crusade. Franklin wrote a pamphlet
entitled "A Narrative of the Late Massacres in Lancaster
County," intended, as he said, "to strengthen the hands of
our weak government, by rendering the proceedings of the
rioters impopular and odious."' One hundred and forty
terror-stricken Indians, peaceable converts of the Moravian
missionaries, sought refuge in Philadelphia. The Paxton
boys, Scotch-Irish fanatics, armed with hatchets and rifles,
marched upon the city, declaring that they would scalp every
Moravian Indian in the town. When they approached Ger-
mantown, the governor, John Penn, in a panic of fear, fled
for protection to the house of Dr. FrankUn. He requested
Franklin to form an association for the defence of the city.
One thousand citizens took arms at FrankUn's suggestion.
"Governor Penn," he wrote to Lord ELames, "made my
house for some time his headquarters, and did every thing
by my advice ; so that, for about forty-eight hours I was a
very great man; as I had been once some years before, in a
time of pubUc danger." He rode out, with three other
gentlemen, to confer with the Paxtons who had halted seven
miles from the city. He convinced them that the barracks

* Franklin, " Narrative of the Late Massacres in Lancaster County."
^ To Lord Karnes, June 2, 1 765.

3i6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

in the Northern Liberties where the Indians were sheltered
were too strongly intrenched and defended to be taken.
They thereupon turned back and restored quiet to the city.
The governor, when he had recovered from his fright, ex-
perienced humiliation and chagrin at ha\ang sought and
accepted protection at the hands of Franklin. The popu-
lace, fanatically hostile to the Indians, were bitter against
Franklin for his defence of the Moravians. The Presby-
terians and the Episcopalians openly in the pulpit and in in-
flammatory pamphlets approved the atrocious acts of the
Paxton boys and vindicated the rabble. The governor
joined with them and offered a bounty for Indian scalps.
The whole weight of the proprietary interest was now exerted
to eject Franklin from the Assembly. A series of resolutions
was passed by the Assembly, censuring the Proprietaries and
petitioning the king to resume the government of the province.
During the month of April numerous pamphlets and carica-
tures appeared, and party rancour was at its height. Frank-
lin's contribution to the fervid literature was "Cool Thoughts
on the Present Situation of our Public Affairs." It was
written at tearing speed, and in the night of April 12, 1764,
it was furtively thrust beneath house doors or thrown in at
the open windows of residences.

When the Assembly met, the chief champions of debate
were John Dickinson and Joseph Galloway. The latter,
speaking in favour of royal government, carried the day
by a large majority. Isaac Norris, the speaker, asked for
delay, and immediately after resigned the speakership which
he had held for fifteen years, and Franklin was chosen
in his room.

Before the next meeting of the Assembly in October, the

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANK UN 217

annual election was to be held. Dickinson publi^ed his
speech with an elaborate preface by another hand, Gallo-
way followed with his address and a preface by Franklin.*

Never had Philadelphia been so aroused over a political
contest. Franklin and Galloway headed the old ticket;
Willing and Bryan championed the new. The Moravians
and Quakers were at the back of the old ticket ; the Dutch
and the Presbyterians with a sprinkUng of Episcopalians sup-
ported the new. A vivid description of the scene upon the
day of election is found in a letter from Mr. Pettit of Phila-
delphia to Joseph Reed : —

" The poll was opened about nine in the morning, the first
of October, and the steps so crowded, till between eleven and
twelve at night, that at no time a person could get up in less
than a quarter of an hour from his entrance at the bottom,
for they could go no faster than the whole column moved.
About three in the morning, the advocates for the new ticket
moved for a close, but (O ! fatal mistake I) the old hands kept
it open, as they had a reserve of the aged and lame, which
could not come in the crowd, and were called up and brought
out in chairs and litters, and some who needed no help, between
three and six o'clock, about two hundred voters. As both sides
took care to have spies all night, the alarm was given to the
new ticket men; horsemen and footmen were inmiediately
dispatched to Germantown and elsewhere ; and by nine or ten
o'clock they began to pour in, so that after the move for a
close, seven or eight hundred votes were procured; about
five hundred or near it of which were for the new ticket, and
they did not close till three in the afternoon, and it took them
till one next day to count them oflf.

1 See Vol. IV, p. 315.

2i8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

" The new ticket carried all but Harrison and Antis, and
Fox and Hughes came in their room; but it is surprising
that from upwards of 3900 votes, they should be so near each
other. Mr. Willing and Mr. Bryan were elected Burgesses
by a majority of upwards of one hundred votes, though the
whole number was but about 1300. Mr. Franldin died like
a philosopher. But Mr. Galloway agonized in death, like
a mortal deist, who has no hopes of a future existence. The
other Counties returned nearly the same members who had
served them before, so that the old faction have still consider-
able majority in the House." *

After fourteen years of service Franklin was unseated by a
majority of twenty-five in a vote of four thousand. When
the Assembly met, his name was proposed as the agent of the
House to present their petition to the king. Dickinson in-
effectually opposed the nomination with all his eloquence.
By a vote of nineteen to eleven Franklin was appointed the
agent of the province.* The minority prepared a protest
which they asked to have inscribed upon the minutes. Frank-
lin printed a reply entitled " Remarks on a Protest." •

A loan was authorized in order to raise money for his ex-
penses. Eleven hundred pounds were subscribed. Frank-
lin accepted five hundred, and on November 7, 1764, was
escorted by a cavalcade of three hundred citizens to Chester

1 " Life of Joseph Reed," Vol. I, p. 37.

^ Extract from the Journals of the House of Representatives for the Prov-
ince of Pennsylvania. October 26, 1764.

" Reiolved That Benjamin Franklin, Esq. be, and he is hereby appointed
to embark with all convenient expedition for Great Britain, to join with and
assist Rich*^ Jackson Esq. our present Agent, in representing, soliciting and
transacting the Affairs of this Province for the ensuing Year. A true extract
from the Journals. Cha* Moore, Clk of Assembly."

« Sec Vol. IV, p. 273.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 219

where he took ship for England. Galloway, Wharton,
and James accompanied him in the ship from Chester to
Newcastle and went ashore there. "The affectionate leave
taken of me by so many friends at Chester was very endear-
ing," Franklin wrote to his daughter from Reedy Island,
" God bless them and all Pennsylvania." *

Out of the atmosphere of strife, pursued still by cries of
passion and furious anger,* Franklin slipped into the silence
of the sea, and in thirty days reached England, and on the
evening of the loth of December was again in his old lodg-
ings at No. 7, Craven Street. Cadwallader Evans wrote
to him from Philadelphia: "A vessel from Ireland to New
York brought us the most agreeable news of your arrival
in London, which occasioned a great and general joy in
Pennsylvania among those whose esteem an honest man
would value most. The bells rang on that account till near
midnight, and libations were poured out for your health,
success, and every other happiness. Even your old friend
Hugh Roberts stayed with us till eleven o'clock, which you
know was a little out of his common road, and gave us many
curious anecdotes within the compass of your forty years'
acquaintance." A letter from William Franklin to William
Strahan (February 18, 1765) relates the occurrences that fol-
lowed hard upon Franklin's departure : "We have not heard
anything from my Father since he sail'd, but I hope he has
been safely landed in England at least two months ago.
Since he left us Mr. Allen one of the principal Prop^ Tools
in Pensylvania has employ'd that Miscreant Parson Smith,

* To Sarah Bache, November 8, 1 764.

*** An Answer to Mr. Franklin's Remarks on a Late Protest" appeared
just after the ship sailed.

220 IHE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

and two or three other Prostitute Writers to asperse his
Character, in which they have been very industrious. How-
ever, they have lately receiv'd a terrible Shock from Mr.
Hughes, one of my Father's Friends, who being incensed
at their base Conduct published an Advertisement sign'd with
his Name in which he promised that if Mr. Allen, or any Gent"
of Character would undertake to justify the Charges brought
against Mr. Franklin, he would pay j^io to the Hospital for
every one they should prove to the Satisfaction of impartial
Persons, provided they would pay ;£5. for every Falshood he
should prove they had alledged against Mr. Franklin. But
this Challenge they were afraid to accept, and therefore still
kept their Names concealed ; but as they thought that some-
thing must be done, they endeavoured to turn all Mr. Hughes's
Challenge into Ridicule and raise the Laugh against him by
an anonymous Answer. He, however, published a Reply
with his Name subscribed, in which he has lash'd them very
severely for their Baseness. Not being able to answer this,
they employed one Dove, a Fellow who has some Talents for the
lowest kind of Scurrility, to publish a Print with some Verses
annex'd, viUfying my Father and some of the most worthy
Men of the Province. By way of Revenge some Writer has
attacked them in their own Way, and tum'd all Dove's Verees
against Mr. Allen, he being the Head of the Prop' Party.
This has enraged him excessively as those Verses and the Print
had cost him upwards of £;i<^. You will probably \sz,\x,
seen, before this reaches you, the Advertisement, Answer and
Reply, as they were printed in Mr. Hall's Newspaper, and
therefore I send you the enclos'd Pamphlet which is likely
to put a Stop to that kind of Writing here for the future, as
was the Intention of the Author. The Matter of the Prop'

THE LIFE OF BEtfJAMItf FRANKLltf aai

Party against my Father, on Account of his wanting to bring
about a Change of Government, is beyond all Bounds. They
glory in saying and doing Things to destroy his Character
that would make even Devils blush. If he does not succeed
I know not what will become of the Province, as there is
such a rooted Hatred among a great Majority of the People
against the Prop^ Family. Do let me hear what you think
of his Undertaking etc."

CHAPTER IV

THE STAMP ACT

Franklin's immediate business of presenting the petition
of the Assembly of Pennsylvania for the change from pro-
prietary to royal government was for a time postponed by the
urgency and excitement occasioned by the threatened passage
of the Stamp Act. Mr. Grenville, in the winter of 1 763-1 764,
had "called together the agents of the several colonies and
told them that he proposed to draw a revenue from America,
and to that end his intention was to levy a stamp duty on
the colonies by act of Parliament in the ensuing session, of
which he thought it fit that they should be immediately ac-
quainted, that they might have time to consider, and, if any
other duty equally productive would be more agreeable to
them, they might let him know of it." *

The Assembly of Pennsylvania replied that the propo-
sition of taxing them in Parliament was cruel and unjust.
"That, by the constitution of the colonies, their business was
with the King, in matters of aid ; they had nothing to do with

1 See Vol. VII, p. 118.

222 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

any financier, nor he with them ; nor were the agents the proper
channels through which requisitions should be made : it
was therefore improper for them to enter in any stipulation, or
make any proposition, to Mr. Grenville about laying taxes
on their constituents by Parliament, which had really no right
at all to tax them, especially as the notice he had sent them
did not appear to be by the king's order, and perhaps was
without his knowledge; . . . But, all this notwithstanding,
they were so far from refusing to grant money, that they re-
solved to the following purpose ; that as they always had, so
they always should think it ' their duty to grant aid to the
crown, according to their abilities, whenever required of them
in the usual constitutional manner.' " '

A copy of this resolution Franklin took with him to Eng-
land and presented to Mr. Grenville at an interview which
took place on the ad of February, 1765, between the minis-
ter and the four colonial agents. Gren%'ille listened politely
to the presentation of the colonial resolution, but at once
made it plain to the agents that he was irrevocably committed
to the bill, that he would certainly offer it to the House, and
that while the ears of the mother country would alwaj^ be
open to every remonstrance expressed in a becoming manner,
he hoped that America would presence moderation and tem-
pcmncc in the expression of objections.

In k.>s than seven weeks the bill had passed almost without
opposition through both Houses, and had received the royal
assent. The news that the Stamp Act had become law was
received in America with universal mdignation. The coto-
nJes drt'w together in common protest. The Assemblies
""d comminatory resolutions denouncing the tyranny and
' See Vol. VII, p. ii8.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 223

injustice of the law. They resolved to renounce all importa-
tion of British manufactures, until the Act should be repealed,
to wear clothes of homespun stuff, and to eat no mutton but to
rear all lambs for wool. James Parker, a printer in Burling-
ton, wrote to Franklin (April 25, 1765): "Three days ago
Charles Read made me a present of a pair of wooden shoes,
as a proper Badge of the slavery the Stamp Act must soon
reduce all Printers to, and I shall wear them sometimes for
the sake of contemplating on the changes of Fortune's Wheel.
I thank God that we are not yet worse than the Peasants of
France who have yet the liberty of tilUng the ground and
eating chestnuts and garlick when they can get them."

Franklin seems to have been ignorant of the unanimity and
the violence of the opposition. He doubtless supposed that
after some noisy demonstration the country would settle
down to a sullen acceptance of the law. Submission to the
will of Parliament was the wise and proper course. He
wrote to Charles Thomson : " Depend upon it, my good neigh-
bour, I took every step in my power to prevent the passing of
the Stamp Act. Nobody could be more concerned in interest
than myself to oppose it sincerely and heartily. But the
Tide was too strong against us. The nation was provoked
by American Claims of Independence, and all Parties joined
in resolving by this Act to settle the point. We might as well
have hindered the sun's setting. That we could not do.
But since 'tis down, my Friend, and it may be long before it
rises again, let us make as good a night of it as we can. We
may still light candles. Frugality and Industry will go a great
way toward indemnifying us. Idleness and Pride tax with
a heavier hand than Kings and Parliaments ; if we can get
rid of the former we may easily bear the latter."

324 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

His confidence in his friend, Joseph Galloway, was great;
and upon him he relied for news of the tendencies of parties
and public opinion at home. Galloway had written to him
that he had neariy finished writing a pamphlet entitled " Po-
litical Reflections on the Dispute between Great Britain and
her Colonies respecting her Right of Imposing Taxes on
them without their Consent." Something of the kind, he
wrote (January 13, 1765), "seems absolutely necessary to
allay the violent Temper of the Americans, which has been so
worked up as to be ready even for Rebellion itself. But the
difficulty will be in getting it Published : The Printers on the
Continent having combined together to print every thing in-
flammatory and nothing that is rational and cool. By which
means every thing that is published is ex parte, the people are
taught to believe the greatest Absurdities and their Passions
are excited to a Degree of Resentment against the Mother
Country beyond all Description." In the same letter Gallo-
way also wrote that " a certain Sect of People if I may judge
from all their late Conduct seem to look on this as a fa\x)ur-
able opportunity of establishing their Republican Principles
and of throwing off all Connection with their Mother
Country. Many of their Publications justify the Thought.
Besides I have other Reasons to think, that they are not
only forming a Private Union among themselves from one
end of the Continent to the other, but endeavouring also to
bring into their Union the Quakers and all other Dissenters
if possible. But I hope this will be impossible. In Pennsyl-
vania I am confident it will."

Again Galloway wrote (June 18, 1765) : "I cannot describe
to you the indefatigable Industry that have been and are con-
stantly taking by the Prop y Party and Men in Power

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 225

here to prevail on the people to give every kind of Opposition
to the Execution of this Law. To incense their Minds against
the King, Lords and Commons, and to alienate their Affections
from the Mother Country. It is no uncommon thing to hear
the Judges of the Courts of Justice from the first to the most
Inferiour, in the Presence of the attending Populace, to Treat
the whole Parliament with the most irreverent Abuse.
Scarcely an thing is too Bad to be said of the Ministry, and
that worthy Nobleman L^ Bute is openly cursed whenever his
Name is mentioned — These things are truly alarming to our
Friends and the Discreet and Sensible part of the People, as it
is Evident they tend with great rapidity to create in the
Minds of the Populace and weaker part of mankind a Spirit
of Riot and Rebellion, which will be hereafter Quelled with
great DiflSculty, if ever Quelled at all.

" It is already become Dangerous to Espouse the Conduct
of the Parliament in some parts of America, in any Degree,
as the Resolves before mentioned prove. And I fear will in
a very Short Time become so in this Province. For almost
every Pen & Tongue are employd against them, while not a
word scarcely is oflferd on their side."

Franklin firmly believed that the Stamp Act was, in his oft-
repeated phrase, "the mother of mischief," but he counselled
caution and moderation. Too stubborn resistance to its pro-
visions would break in pieces the loyalty and allegiance of the
colonies. Soon after the Act was passed, the colony agents
were called together by William Whateley, the secretary of
Mr. Grenville, and informed that it was the wish of the min-
ister "to make the execution of the act as little inconvenient
and disagreeable to America as possible ; and therefore did
not think of sending stamp officers from the country, but

VOL. X — Q

J26 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

wished to have discreet and reputable persons appointed in
each province from among the inhabitants, such as would be
acceptable to them ; for, as they were to pay the tax, he
thought strangers should not haw the emolument." '

In compliance with this plausible and seemingly candid
invitation Franklin named his old friend and stout defender,
John Hughes, to be stamp distributor for Pennsyh-ania, He
was soon to learn that he had strangely misread the temper
of his countrymen. Thomas Wharton wrote to him from
Philadelphia, October 5, 1765, "This day the Letter and the
August packet came to hand as well as the Vessell with the
stamp'd Paper came up to town, but such confusion and dis-
order it created as thou ne\'er saw with Us, the Inhabitants
collected to the State house by beat of Drum, and nothing
less than the Destruction of our dear Friend J. Hughes or the
Surrender of his OflGce were the objects, and 6nd'g Matters
thus circumstanc'd and he being reduced to a very low State
by a severe Indisposition, he at last promis'd that he would
resign on second day next."

Hughes was hung in eflGgy in the Jersey market, and not a
magistrate could be found who would order it to be taken
down. Threats were freely made to destroy his residence,
anil he thought it prudent to leave it and to remove his best
furniture and papers.

Maledictions were heaped upon Franklin as a betrayer of
the trust reposed in him by the people. The Chief Jus-
tice asserted in the House that Franklin had planned the
Stamp Act, and was the greatest enemy to its repeal. Frank-
lin replied in a letter to his wife (November 9, 1765): "I
ihank him that he does not charge me (as they [the Presby-

' Letter to Rev. Jo»i»h Tucker, FebruBT^ ib, 1 774,

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 227

terians] do their God) with having planned Adam's fall and
the Damnation of Mankind. It might be affirmed with equal
Truth and Modesty. He certainly was intended for a wise
man, for he has the wisest look of any Man I know — and
if he would only nod and wink, and could but hold his Tongue
he might deceive an Angel. Let us pity and forget him."
Franklin's house in Philadelphia was menaced. Mrs. Frank-
lin was entreated to seek safety in Burlington, New Jersey,
but she refused to leave. She wrote to her husband, " Cousin
Davenport came and told me that more than twenty people
had told him it was his duty to be with me. I said I was
pleased to receive civility from anybody, so he staid with me
some time ; towards night I said he should fetch a gun or two,
as we had none. I sent to ask my brother to come and bring
his gun also, so we turned one room into a magazine; I
ordered some sort of defense up stairs, such as I could manage
myself."

With his usual thriftiness Franklin had, as soon as he was
convinced that the Stamp Act would pass, sent over to David
Hall a quantity of unstamped paper in order that his partner
might have an advantage over his competitors. He wrote at
the same time, " The Stamp Act notwithstanding all the Oppo-
sition that could be given it by the American Interest, will
pass. I think it will affect the Printers more than anybody,
as a Sterling Halfpenny Stamp on every Half Sheet of a News-
paper, and Two Shillings Sterling on every Advertisement, will
go near to knock up one Half of both. There is also Four-
pence Sterling on every Almanack. I have just sent to Mr.
Strahan to forward 100 Reams of the large Half Sheets to you,
such as the Chronicle is done on, for present use, and shall,
as soon as possible, send you a Pair of Paper Molds for that

228 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

size, otherwise the Stamp on the Gazette will cost a Penny
Sterling, even when you do not print a Half Sheet." * Permis-
sion was not granted to have the paper stamped in America,
and it was sent back to England at Franklin's cost. He
wrote again to his partner (August 9, 1765) : "As to the paper
sent over, I did it for the best, having at that Time Expecta-
tions given me that we might have had it Stamped there, in
which case you would have had great Advantage over the
other Printers, since if they were not provided with such
Paper they must have either printed but a half sheet Conmion
Demi, or paid for two Stamps on each sheet. The Plan was
afterwards altered notwithstanding all I could do . . • I
would not have you by any means drop the newspaper, as I
am sure it will soon recover any present loss, and may be car-
ried on to advantage if you steadily proceed as I proposed
in former letters."

Quick as he was to take advantage in the way of business
of every varying gale of political fortune, he was occupied in
England, to the exclusion of every other subject, in attempting
the repeal of the obnoxious law. " In a continual hurry from
morning to night," as he told Lord Kames, he attended mem-
bers of both Houses, informing, consulting, disputing. He
wrote frequent letters to The Public Advertiser^ filled with co-
gent and practical argument, and with very obvious irony.

To John Hughes he wrote privately that he was by no
means sure of repeal. "In the meantime a firm Lo}^lty
to the Crown and faithful Adherence to the Gowmment of
this Nation which it is the Safety as well as Honour of the
Colonies to be connected with, will always be the wisest

1 To David Hall, February 14, 1765.
» See Vol. IV, pp. 393 d seg.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 229

Course for you and I to take, whatever may be the Madness
of the Populace or their blind Leaders, who can only bring
themselves and Country into Trouble and draw on greater
Burthens by Acts of rebellious Tendency." *

The stamped paper reached Philadelphia in October, 1765.
Upon the approach of the first vessel bearing the detested
cargo flags were put at half mast and bells were muffled.
Stamped paper wherever found was promptly burned. House-
wives resumed their knitting and spinning. Franklin, like
many another well-to-do householder, went clothed from head
to foot in garments of his wife's making. Not a joint of
lamb was to be seen on any table in America, throughout a
country of 1500 miles extent. American orders placed with
manufacturers in England were cancelled. Merchants en-
gaged in the colonial trade appealed in alarm and dismay to
Parliament for aid. /'Testimony was given at the bar of the
House for six weeks. Such evidence, said Burke, was never
laid before Parliament. On the second of February Franklin
appeared before the Conunittee of the whole House. The
" Examination of Dr. Franklin before the House of Commons "
is historically famous and valuable. Searching questions
intended to embarrass him were asked by the most astute men
of affairs in England. His answers were so informing and
illuminating, so indicative of extraordinary eminence of mind
and character that Edmund Burke compared the scene to
that of a schoolmaster being catechised by his pupils. It is
a mistake to suppose that Franklin was entirely unaware
before he submitted to interrogation of the character of the
questions that would be asked of him. He enjoyed a large
acquaintance among the membership of the House. They

* To John Hughes, August 9, 1765.

230 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

knew perfectly well the nature of his views and the range of his
knowledge. They framed questions that were wisely calcu-
lated to elicit information the most favourable to the cause
he represented. The entire ** Examination," as published
in 1767 is printed in volume IV, pp. 412-448, and it is unnec-
essary in this place to quote from that astonishing document.
It may be well however to relate that in a memorandum which
Franklin gave to a friend who wished to know by whom
the questions were put he admitted that many were asked by
friends to draw out in answer the substance of what he had
before said upon the subject. The following is the memoran-
dum as printed in Walsh's Life of Franklin, contained in
Delaplaine^s Repository: —

"I have numbered the questions," says Dr. Franklin, "for
the sake of making references to them.

"Qw. I, is a question of form, asked of every one that is
examined. — Qu. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, were asked by Mr. Hewitt,
a member for Coventry, a friend of ours, and were designed
to* draw out the answers that follow; being the substance of
what I had before said to him on the subject, to remove a
common prejudice, that the Colonies paid no taxes, and that
their governments were supported by burdening the people
here ; Qu. 7, was particularly intended to show by the answer,
that Parliament could not properly and equally lay taxes in
America, as they could not, by reason of their distance, be ac-
quainted with such circumstances as might make it necessan*
to spare particular parts. — Qu, 8 to 13, asked by Mr. Huske,
another friend, to show the impracticability of distributing the
Stamps in America. — Qu, 14, 15, 16, by one of the late ad-
ministration, an adversary. — Qu, 17 to 26, by Mr. Huske
again. His questions about the Germans, and about the

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 231

number of people, were intended to make the opposition to the
Stamp Act in America appear more formidable. He asked
some others here that the Clerk has omitted, particularly one,
I remember.

" There had been a considerable party in the House for sav-
ing the honour and right of Parliament, by retaining the Act,
and yet making it tolerable to America, by reducing it to a
stamp on commissions for profitable offices, and on cards and
dice. I had, in conversation with many of them, objected to
this, as it would require an establishment for the distributors,
which would be a great expense, as the stamps would not be
sufficient to pay them, and so the odium and contention would
be kept up for nothing. The notion of amending, however,
still continued, and one of the most active of the members for
promoting it told me, he was sure I could, if I would, assist
them to amend the Act in such a manner, that America should
have little or no objection to it. *I must confess,' says I,
* I have thought of one amendment ; if you will make it, the
Act may remain, and yet the Americans will be quieted. It
is a very small amendment, too; it is only the change of a
single word.' *Ay,' says he, 'what is that?' 'It is in that
clause where it is said, that from and after the first day of
November one thousand seven hundred and sixty-five, there
shall be paid, &c. The amendment I would propose is, for
one read two^ and then all the rest of the act may stand as it
does. I believe it will give nobody in America any uneasiness.
Mr. Huske had heard of this, and, desiring to bring out the
same answer in the House, asked me whether I could not pro-
pose a small amendment, that would make the act palatable.
But, as I thought the answer he wanted too light and ludicrous
for the House, I evaded the question.

232 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

^*Qu. 27, 28, 29, 1 think these were by Mr. Grenville, but I
am not certain. — Qu, 30, 31, 1 know not who asked them. —
Qu. 32 to 35, asked by Mr. Nugent, who was againSt us. His
drift was to estabhsh a notion he had entertained, that the
people in America had a crafty mode of discouraging the
English trade by heavy taxes on merchants. — Qu. 36 to 42,
most of these by Mr. Cooper and other friends, with whom I
had discoursed, and were intended to bring out such answers
as they desired and expected from me. — Qu. 43, uncertain
by whom. — Qu. 44, 45, 46, by Mr. Nugent again, who I
suppose intended to infer, that the poor people in America
were better able to pay taxes than the poor in England. —
Qu. 47, 48, 49, by Mr. Prescott, an adversary.

"Qw. 50 to 58, by different members, I caimot recollect
who. — Qu. 59 to 78, chiefly by the former ministry. — Qu.
79 to 82, by friends. — Qu. 83, by one of the late ministry. —
Qu. 84, by Mr. Cooper. — Qu. 85 to 90, by some of the late
ministry. — Qu. 91, 92, by Mr. Grenville. — Qu. 93 to 98,
by some of the late ministry. — Qu. 99, 100, by some friend,
I think Sir George Saville. — Qu. loi to 106, by several of
the late ministry. — Qu. 107 to 114, by friends. — Qu. 115
to 117, by Mr. A. Bacon. — Qu. 118 to 120, by some of the
late ministry. — Qu. 121, by an adversary. — Qu. 122, by a
friend. — Qu. 123, 124, by Mr. Charles Townshend. — Qu.
125, by Mr. Nugent. — Qu. 126, by Mr. Gren\ille. — Qu. 127,
by one of the late ministry. — Qu. 128, by Mr. G. Grenville.
— Qu. 129, 130, 131, by Mr. Welbore Ellis, late Secretary of
War. — Qu. 132 to 135, uncertain. — Qu. 136 to 142, by some
of the late ministry, intending to prove that it operated where
no service was done, and therefore it was a tax. — Qu. 143,

a friend, I forgot who. — Qu. 144, 145, by C. Townshend.

I

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 233

— Qu, 146 to J51, by some of the late ministry. — Qu. 152
to 157, by Mr. Prescott, and others of the same side. — Qu,
158 to 162, by Charles Townshend. — Qu. 163, 164, by a
friend, I think Sir George Saville. — Qu. 165, by some friend.

— Qu, 166, 167, by an adversary. — Qu, 168 to 174, by
friends.

"Mr. Nugent made a violent speech next day upon this
examination, in which he said, *We have often experienced
Austrian ingratitude and yet we assisted Portugal, we expe-
rienced Portuguese ingratitude, and yet we assisted America.
But what is Austrian ingratitude, what is the ingratitude of
Portugal, compared to this of America? We have fought,
bled, and ruined ourselves, to conquer for them; and now
they come and tell us to our noses, even at the bar of this
House, that they were not obliged to us,' &c. But his clamour
was very little minded."

Eight days after the Examination closed, or on the 21st of
February, a Repealing Bill was introduced into Parliament
which successfully passed both Houses and received the royal
assent on the eighth of March. The news was received in
America with uproarious and extravagant joy. The Gov-
ernor of Pennsylvania, the Mayor of Philadelphia, and the
gentlemen of the city drank the health of "our worthy and
faithful agent. Dr. Franklin." The chief feature of the pro-
cession in honour of the event was a barge forty feet in length,
named Franklin, from which salutes were fired. At the
annual election in October opposition was silenced and Frank-
lin was renominated agent, as Cadwallader Evans wrote to
him, " without any dirt being thrown at you ; — indeed it is
so notorious that you exerted all your abilities in favour of
the Colonies that none now are so hardy as to insinuate the

234 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

contrary — even the great Giant * acknowledged in the House
you had been of service." Historians have occasionally
censured Franklin for not more actively resisting the Stamp
Act. Five tracts concerning the bill, printed in London and
Paris (1765-69), which belonged to Franklin and in which
he wrote copious notes are now in the Lenox Library. A
random reading of these abundant and incisive conmients is
sufficient to demonstrate the whole-hearted aversion with
which Franklin regarded "the mother of mischiefs."

One of these tracts is entitled "The Claim of the Colonies
to an Exemption from Internal Taxes imposed by Authority
of Parliament, examined in a Letter from a Gentleman in Lon-
don to a friend in America" (London, for W. Johnston, 1765).
Franklin wrote upon the title-page "by Knox Esq. agent for
Georgia." I quote a few of his marginalia : —

Knox: "The parliament of Great Britain has exercised
supreme and uncontrouled jurisdiction, internally and ex-
ternally over the properties and persons of the subjects in the
colonies. Yet it is said, all these instances do not go to the
point of an internal tax that has never been imposed by
parliament."

Frankhn's note: "Highwaymen on Hounslow Heath
have for ages past exercised the same jurisdiction over sub-
jects here; but does that prove they had a Right so to do?"

Knox : "In the Charter granted by the crown to Mr. Penn.
the clause of exemption is to this purpose, That the inhabit-
ants of Pennsylvania shall not be subject to any taxes or
impositions, other than such as shall be laid by the House
of Assembly, or by the parliament of England. Here is an

1 The Chief Justice — William Allen.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 235

express reservation of the right of parliament to impose
taxes upon the people of Pennsylvania ; a right which, in the
opinion of a gentleman of that country, the only man whose
account of North America, it has been said, ought to be re-
garded, is equivalent to an authority to declare all the white
persons in that province, negroes. So little was that gen-
tleman acquainted with the constitution of the very province
he was bom and resided in."

Franklin: "The Charter says We nor our Successor will
impose no Tax, but such as shall be with the Consent of the
Proprietary & Assembly or by Act of Parliament. Suppose
it had said. We will impose no Tax on you but by Act of the
States in Holland, would this have given the States of Holland
a right to tax Pensilvania, if Holland had no such right before ?
A Right that never existed cannot be a Right Reserved.
Holland indeed had before a Right of taxing the Country
afterwards Pensilvania and therefore such a Right might be
given to Holland — If the Parliament had before no such
Right it could not be given to them by Words in the Charter."

Knox: "The question then will be. Can the Crown grant
an exemption to any Subject 0} Great Britain from the juris-
diction of Parliament ?" (p. 8)

Franklin: "The People of G. Britain are subjects of the
King. Great Britain is not a sovereign. The Parliament
has Power only within the Realm."

Kjiox: "The Crown, considered as the Executive power,
cannot controul the legislature, nor dispense with its acts."
(p. 8)

Franklin: "Does this Writer imagine that wherever an
Englishman settles he is subject to the Power of Parlia-
ment?"

236 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

Knox : " Not five years since did the parliament take away
from the fishmongers of London, the most material and bene-
ficial part of their charter, and destroyed the peculiar privi-
leges the crown had granted them ; and yet the charter of that
company stood upon as good authority as does the charter of
any colony in America." (p. 9)

Franklin : " It is not to the Honour of a King, to grant
a Charter as King, and afterwards take it away by assenting
to an Act of Parliament for that purpose. He may assent
to an act of Parliament for putting away his Queen, tho'
without Cause; but would this be just?"

Another tract is "Protest against the Bill, to Repeal the
American Stamp Act of last Session" (Paris, 1766). It is
crowded with marginalia, the suggestions for a formal reply.
Thus:—

"We have submitted to your Laws, no Proof of our ac-
knowledging your Power to make them. Rather an Acknowl-
edgement of their Reasonableness or of our own weakness.
Post office came as a Matter of Utility. Was aided by the
Legislature — Mean to take Advantage of our Ignorance.
Children should not be impos'd on : Are not, even by honest
shopkeepers. A great and magnificent Nation should dis-
dain to govern by Tricks and Traps, that would disgrace a
pettyfogging Attorney."

"The sovereignty of the Crown I understand. The sov^
of the British Legislature out of Britain I do not understand."

" The Fear of being thought weak is a Timidity & weak-
ness of the worst sort as it betrays into a Persisting in Errors
that may be much more mischievous than the Appearance of
Weakness. A great and powerful State like this has no cause

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 237

for such Timidity. Acknowledging & correcting an Error
shows great Magnanimity. . . . And do your Lordships
really think Force & Bloodshed more eligible than rectifying
an Error?"

The writer of the tract held that "This law, if properly
supported by Government would from the peculiar circum-
stances attending the disobedience to it, execute itself without
bloodshed" (p. 15). Franklin's note thereupon reads: "It
has executed itself, that is it has been ]elo de se. Observation
in one of the Colonies that there was no occasion to Execute
their Laws. They died of themselves. A Law universally
odious can never be executed in any Government."

Another tract liberally annotated with Franklin's margina-
lia is "The true Constitutional Means for putting an End to
the Disputes between Great Britain and the American Colo-
nies" (London, 1769). "The directive influence of the
British state," says the writer "remains with the British
legislature, who are the only proper judges of what concerns
the general welfare of the whole empire" (p. 14). Franklin
replies: "The British state is only the island of Great Britain.
The British Legislature are undoubtedly the only proper
judges of what concerns the welfare of that state : But the
Irish Legislature are the proper Judges of what concerns the
Irish state and the American Legislatures of what concerns
the American States respectively. By the whole Empire does
this writer mean all the King's dominions? If so the British
Parliament should also govern the Isles of Jersey & Guernsey,
Hanover etc. But it is not so." The author proceeds, "It is
plain that the Americans could have no reason to complain
of being exposed to a disproportionate tax ["It is only plain

238 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

that you know nothing of the matter." — F.]. Several of the
colonists of the rank of good livers have often been seen to pay
the price of a negro with gold. ["Was not the gold first
purchased by the Produce of the Land, obtained by hard
labour? Does gold drop from the Clouds of Virginia into the
laps of the indolent ? " — F.] As instances of Virginian luxury
I have been assured that there are few families there without
some plate; ["Their very purchasing Plate and other super-
fluities from England is one means of disabling them from
paying Taxes to England. Would you have it both in meal
and malt ?" — F.] and that at some entertainments the atten-
dants have appeared almost as numerous as the guests
[" It has been a great Folly in the Americans to entertain Eiig-
lish Gentlemen with a splendid hospitality ill suited to their
Circumstances ; by which they excited no other grateful Sen-
timents in their guests than that of a desire to tax the Land-
lord."—F.]."

Another copiously annotated pamphlet is entitled "An In-
quiry into the Nature and Causes of the Disputes between the
British Colonies in America and their Mother Country"
(London, 1769).

Extract. * ' That the late war was chiefly kindled and carried
on, on your account, can scarcely be denied."

Observation. It is denied.

" By the steps they seem to take toshake off our sovereignty."

Our sovereignty again! This writer, like the Genoese
queens of Corsica, deems himself a sprig of royalty 1

" For, as soon as they are no longer dependent upon Eng-
land, they may be assured they will immediately become de-
pendent upon France."

We are assured of the contrary. Weak states, that are

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 239

poor, are as safe as great ones, that are rich. They are not
objects of envy. The trade, that may be carried on with
them, makes them objects of friendship. The smallest
states may have great allies; and the mutual jealousies of
great nations contribute to their security.

"And whatever reasons there might exist to dispose them
in our favour in preference to the French ; yet, how far these
would operate, no one can pretend to say."

Then be careful not to use them ill. It is a better reason
for using them kindly. That alone can retain their friendship.
Your sovereignty will be of no use, if the people hate you.
Keeping them in obedience will cost you more than your profits
from them amount to.

"It is not, indeed, for their jealousy of their rights and
liberties, but for their riotous and seditious manner of assert-
ing them."

Do you Englishmen then pretend to censure the colonies
for riots ? Look at home ! ! ! I have seen, within a year,
riots in the country about com; riots about elections; riots
about w^k-houses; riots of colliers ; riots of weavers ; riots
of coal-heavers; riots of sawyers; riots of sailors; riots of
Wilkesites ; riots of government chairmen ; riots of smugglers,
in which custom-house officers and excisemen have been mur-
dered, the King's armed vessels and troops fired at, &c. In
America, if one mob rises, and breaks a few windows, or tars
and feathers a single rascally informer, it is called rebellion ;
troops and fleets must be sent, and military execution talked of
as the decentest thing in the world. Here, indeed, one would
think riots part of the mode of government.

"And if she had not thought proper to centre almost all
her care, as she has done, upon making the late peace, in pro-

240 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

curing them a safe establishment, and to sacrifice to it, in a
manner, every other object, she might, at least, expect from
them a more decent and dutiful demeanour."

In the last war, America kept up twenty-five thousand men
at her own cost for five years, and spent many millions. Her
troops were in all battles, all service. Thousands of her youth
fell a sacrifice. The crown gained an immense extent of
territory, and a great number of new subjects. Britain
gained a new market for her manufactures, and recovered and
secured the old one among the Indians, which the French had
interrupted and annihilated. But what did the Americans
gain except that sa]e establishment, which they are now so
taunted with? Lands were divided among none of them.
The very fishery, which they fought to obtain, they are now
restrained in. The plunder of the Havana was not for them.
And this very safe establishment they might as well have had
by treaty with the French, their neighbours, who would prob-
ably have been easily made and continued their friends, if it
had not been for their connexion with Britain.

CHAPTER V

THE SCENE IN THE COCKPIT

In the brief calm that followed the repeal of the Stamp Act,
Franklin enjoyed a visit to the Continent. His friend Sir
John Pringle, physician to the Queen, intended a journey to
Pyrmont to drink the waters. They set forth together, Jime
iS> 1766, and returned August 13, 1766. Information con-
cerning this tour is very meagre. No letters exist written at
that period by Franklin; nor did he keep any notes of his

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 241

travels. John D. Michaelis, the Orientalist, was presented
to him at Gotlingen by a student named Miinchhausen.
Michaelis ventured a prophecy that the colonies would one
day release themselves from England. Franklin replied that
the Americans had too much love for their mother country,
to which Michaelis said, "I believe it, but almighty interest
would soon outweigh that love or extinguish it altogether."
Another scholar who profited at the same time and place by
Franklin's conversation was Achenwall, who in the following
year published in the Hanaverische Magazine " Some Obser-
vations on North America and the British Colonies, from
verbal information furnished by Mr. B. Franklin." In
conclusion Achenwall said, '^I doubt not that other men of
learning in this country have used their acquaintance with
this honoured man as well as I. Could they be persuaded to
give the public their noteworthy conversation with him, 'it
would be doing the public a great benefit." *

A few days before Franklin left England he asked leave
of the Pennsylvania Assembly to return home in the spring.
His request appears to have been ignored, and on the first day
of the new session he was again appointed as the agent of the
colony. Georgia passed an ordinance, April 11, 1768, au-
thorizing him to act as agent for that colony at a salary of one
hundred pounds a year, his service to begin Jime i, 1768;'
and the House of Representatives of New Jersey, November

^ These observations were reprinted in 1769 at Frankfurt and Stuttgart,
and in 1777 at Helmstedt. See also Johan Putters* " Selbstbiographie,"
Gottingen, 1793, Vol. II, p. 490, for a brief account of Franklin's visit.

•The ordinance was reenacted, February 27, 1770. The dissolution of
the Assembly prevented the ordinance from going through its regular forms.
Georgia formally recorded a vote of thanks to Franklin for his conduct of the
affain of the commonwealth, March 13, 1774.

VOL. X — R

'».«'?

THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

8, 1769, unanimously chose him their representative in London
at a like salarw*

For a twelvemonth after his return from Germany Frank-
lin was busied with questions of paper money for the colonies,^
and the creation of "barrier states" by which he hoped to pro-
vide permanent defences for the Atlantic settlements and at the
same time to send a stream of immigration into the western
countr\\' In the summer of 1767 certain physical symptoms
warned him to slacken his eflPorts. He was socially indulgent
and physically indolent. He had already had several attacks
of gout. To keep his health he found it necessary to take
occasional journeys into strange countries. A slight but re-
current giddiness decided him to cross the Channel. In
company with Sir John Pringle he started for France on the
twenty-eighth of August, 1767, and remained there until the
eighth of October.* The travellers were presented to the
King, and Franklin wrote a familiar description of the Grand
Couveri, where the royal family supped in public, to his friend
Mary Stevenson, qualifying his admiration for the foreign
court by saying, "I would not have you think me so well
pleased with this King and Queen, as to have a whit less regard
than I used to have for ours. No Frenchman shall go beyond
me in thinking my own King and Queen the very best in the
world, and the most amiable."'

^ The appointment was continued during the time of Franklin's residence
in London.

2 See Vol. V, p. i. » /^,v.^ p. ^e^.

* At that time the Dover machine set out every morning at five o'clock
from the White Bear, Piccadilly, the Golden Cross, or the Bear at Westmin-
ster Bridge. It reached Dover the same night. Fare (inside) twenty shillings,
fourteen pounds of baggage allowed free, and all above that weight charged
for at three halfpence a pound. The passage to Calais cost ten shillings and
sixpence. Franklin stopped at the Calais Inn, — " La Table Royale."

* See letter to Mary Stevenson, September 14, 1 767.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 243

Immediately upon his return to London news arrived
of the retaliatory measures adopted in Boston upon the
recent revenue acts of Parliament. In Pennsylvania and
New England the people were again resolved to import no
more British manufactures, but to establish such industries
at home. The demand for British goods was constantly
diminishing. Lynn, Massachusetts, made yearly eighty
thousand pairs of women's shoes better and cheaper than
any made abroad, and not alone supplied the towns of New
England but sent large quantities to the Southern Colonies
and the West Indies. Humphry Marshall wrote to Franklin
expressing a hope that the American people would not forget
the cause of their late resentment but would continue to
manufacture the articles necessary for their use. The
newspapers of England were in full cry against America.
Franklin wrote to his son, "Colonel Onslow told me at court
last Sunday, that I could not conceive how much the friends
of America were run upon and hurt by them, and how much
the Grenvillians triumphed.'' *

To correct the English view of the agitation in America he
wrote "Causes of the American Discontents before 1768."'
When John Dickinson's " Farmer's Letters" reached England,
Franklin was so favourably impressed by the common sense,
sane argument, and perspicuous manner with which his old
adversary had stated the case for the Americans that he
immediately published the work in London with a preface
of his own writing.

To add to the uncertainties of the time numerous politi-
cal changes took place. Lord Hillsborough replaced Lord

^To William Franklin, December 10, 1767.
« See Vol. V, p. 78.

244 THE WRITiNGS OF BENJAMm FRANKUN

Shelbume and was made Secretary of State for America, a
new and distinct department. Conway resigned and Lord
Weymouth succeeded him. Lord Northington retired from
the Presidency of the Council and Lord Gower assumed the
duties of that office. Lord Sandwich became postmaster-gen-
eral, and several of the reactionaries, members of the House
of Bedford, followed him into office. A confidential letter
written by Franklin to his son, July 2, 1768 (Vol. V, pp. 142-
48), gives a graphic accoimt of the political manoeuvres and
the wary walking that he was obliged to do to avoid the pit-
falls prepared for him. His partnership with Da\id Hall
being dissolved, Franklin was deprived of one thousand
pounds a year, an income which he had enjoyed for eighteen
years. He was now to some extent dependent upon his
official salary. He knew that the ministry were criticising
his long stay in England and asking what service he was
rendering to justify his continuance as deputy postmaster in
America. The Duke of Grafton and Lord North held before
him the allurement of a permanent position in England as
under secretary to the newly created American office. He
wrote to his son, " For my own thoughts I must tell you that
though I did not think fit to decline any favour so great a
man expressed an inclination to do me, because at court if
one shows an unwillingness to be obliged, it is often construed
as a mark of mental hostility, and one makes an enemy;
yet so great is my inclination to be at home, and at rest, that
I shall not be sorry if this business falls through, and I am
suffered to retire with my old post ; nor indeed very sorry if
they take that from me too on account of my zeal for America,
in which some of my friends have hinted to me that I have
been too open. ... If Mr. Grenville comes into power

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 245

again, in any department respecting America, I must refuse
to accept of any thing that may seem to put me in his power,
because I apprehend a breach between the two countries."

Nothing came of the good wishes of the Duke of Grafton,
and Franklin refused to be drawn by the ill-tempered abuse
levelled at him in the newspapers. He knew that his ene-
mies were seeking to provoke him to resign. "In this,"
he said to his sister, "they are not likely to succeed, I being
deficient in that Christian virtue of resignation. If they
would have my office, they must take it."

There are abundant evidences in Franklin's correspondence
that he was apprehensive of a disaster impending over
England. Lawless riot and confusion were about him in
1768. He looked upon mobs patroUing the streets at noon,
roaring for Wilkes and Liberty, coal heavers and porters
pulling down the houses of coal merchants who refused to
give them more wages, sawyers destroying sawmills, soldiers
firing upon the mob and kiUing men, women, and children.
All respect of law and government seemed lost. A great
black cloud seemed to Frankhn to be coming on, ready to
burst in a general tempest. "What the event will be God
only knows. But some pimishment seems preparing for a
people, who are ungratefully abusing the best constitution,
and the best King, any nation was ever blest with, intent on
nothing but luxury, licentiousness, power, places, pensions,
and plimder." * The dread of some terrible calamity lurk-
ing in the future, and the haunting fear of national separa-
tion caused him to counsel temperance and forbearance in
America, and to try by all his logical persuasion to justify and
commend his coimtrymen in England.

1 To John Ross, May 14, 1768.

246 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

His writings were always conciliatory, irenic. He sought
by every means in his power to splinter the broken joint be-
tween the colonies and old England. From the first he was
loyal to the English government. He assured Lord Chatham
that **ha\ing more than once travelled almost from one end
of the continent to the other and kept a great variety of com-
pany, eating, drinking and conversing freely with them,
I never had heard in any conversation from any person,
drunk or sober, the least expression of a wish for a separa-
tion, or hint that such a thing would be advantageous to
America."

The British empire he likened, with homely comparison,
to a handsome China vase, — 'twere a great pity to break it ;
and he was convinced that the dismemberment of the empire
would mean ruin to all its parts. When it was urged that in
time the colonies by their growth would become the dominant
half, he answered, "Which is best, to have a total separation,
or a change of the seat of government?"* Here he seems
occasionally to have caught a glimpse of an historic vision of
which Lord Rosebery in dream has seen the phantom retro-
spect. Is it fanciful, asks that eloquent statesman, to dwell
for a moment on what might have happened if the elder
Pitt had not left the House of Commons when he became
first minister? "He would have prevented or suppressed the
reckless budget of Charles Townshend, have induced George
III to listen to reason, introduced representatives from Amer-
ica into the Imperial Parliament, and preserved the thirteen
American colonies to the British crown. The reform biU
would probably have been passed much earlier, for the new

^ Bishop Tucker said it was well known that Franklin wanted to transfer
^c seat of government to America.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 247

blood of America would have burst the old vessels of the
Constitution. And when, at last, the Americans became
the majority, the seat of Empire would perhaps have been
moved solemnly across the Atlantic, and Britain have
become the historical shrine and European outpost of
the world empire. What an extraordinary revolution it
would have been had it been accompUshed. The most
sublime transference of power in the history of mankind.
The greatest sovereign in the greatest fleet in the uni-
verse; ministers, government, ParUament, departing sol-
emnly for the other hemisphere; not as in the case of
the Portuguese sovereigns emigrating to Brazil under
the spur of necessity, but under the vigorous embrace of
the younger world."*

Some such vision wavered at times before the mind of
Franklin as he reflected upon the discontented politics of
the troubled years before the Revolution. But after years
of labour he could only say, "I do not find that I have gained
any point in either country, except that of rendering myself
suspected by my impartiality ; in England of being too much
an American, and in America of being too much an Eng-
lishman." He was entirely in accord with Burke and
Chatham, touching the unity and integrity of the empire and
with regard to the unjust taxation of America. To those who
regretted the repeal of the Stamp Act he said: "I can only
judge of others by myself. I have some Uttle property in
America. I will freely give nineteen shillings in the pound to
defend the right of giving or refusing the other shilling ; and
after all, if I cannot defend that right, I can retire cheerfully
with my little family into the boundless woods of America

* Lord Rosebery*s Rectorial Address at the University of Glasgow.

h

348 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

which are sure to afford freedom and subsistence to any man
who caa bait a hook or pull a trigger."

After the Boston massacres,' Franklin was chosen by the
Assembly of Massachusetts, October 24, 1770, to be their
agent in London, "to appear for the House at the Court of
Great Britain" and to sustain their interests, "before his
Majesty in Council, or in either House of Parliament, or
before any pubUc board." Thomas Cushing, the Speaker
of the Assembly, transmitted to him the certificate of his
appointment. Franklin repUed that he esteemed the appoint-
ment the greater honour as it was unsolicited on his part,
and that he would be very happy if in that capacity he could
render the coimtry any acceptable service. Lord Hills-
borough was now secretary, a man whose character accord-
ii^ to Franklin was "conceit, wror^-headedness, obstinacj^
and passion." A few weeks after recei\Tng his credentials
Franklin called upon Hillsborough when an interview oc-
curred of which he made a faithful record in his journal and
sent a copy to Rev. Samuel Coopyer, his confidential corre-
spondent in Boston. The secretary's speech was tart, and his
manner testy. The conversation is given in full in Vol. V,
pp. 21)8-304, and it is unnecessary to repeat here more than
the lalm and satisfied comment of Franklin upon the Inter-
view. Hillsborough having refused to recognize Franklin as

' " At s Meeting of tbe FTecboldeit & otbet Inh*biuuits of the Tovii of

Buiitoii <luly qoilitied & leg&Uy wuned in public Tows Meeting giueiiibled
Dt Fan'.'iiil Hall, on Thuraday the sA day of March, A.D. 1770.

■■Vm I ED thai the Hon: Jame»Bowdoin Esq. Dr: Joseph WurenA Samuel
Pcmhcrt'in Eiq. ■ Committee appointed on the Ij"' Instant to make Repre-
scnlalicme of the Ule horrid Masucre in Boston by the $o1diery, be desired
to I^BD'^[;liI by the Packet to Benjamin Franklyn Ex]. LL.D. a printed Copy of

"Alt

" William Coopkr Town Qetk."

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN' FRANKLIN 249

the duly accredited representative of Massachusetts, Franklin
withdrew, saying, "It is I believe of no great importance
whether the appointment is acknowledged or not, for I have
not the least conception that an agent can a/ present be of
any use to any of the colonies. I shall, therefore, give your
Lordship no further trouble." Hillsborough took great
offence at these last words and characterized them as "rude
and abusive." They were equivalent, he told one of Frank-
lin's friends, to telling him to his face that neither favour nor
justice during his administration could be expected by the
colonies. "I find he did not mistake me," said Franklin.

This new Hillsborough doctrine that no agent should be
received except such as had been appointed by a regular
act of the Assembly, approved by the governor, placed
additional barriers between the colonies and the government
of England. The agent could no longer transact the business
of the people, save by the consent of a governor who might be
opposed to the interests of the people. Moreover, it gave
to the English minister the power, through his instructions
to the royal governor, to prevent the appointment of any
agents who might not be his pliant tools. Hillsborough
stubbornly persisted in his interpretation of the colonial rela-
tions and obtained a vote of the Board of Trade forbidding
an agent who had been otherwise elected to appear before
that body. In reference to this condition Franklin addressed
the following open letter to Dennis de Berdt, the EngUsh
agent for the Assembly of the Massachusetts Bay.

"Sir,
" In the GazeUeer of Friday, Aug. 26, you have been so
obliging as to inform us, that the Report insinuating that the
Earl of Hillsborough had neglected to deliver a Petition from

250 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN^ FRANKLIN

the Assembly of the Massachusetts Bay to his Majesty, was
groundless, his Lordship not having even seen the Petition at
the time of such Report.

" We are very subject to be impos'd on by Reports espe-
cially such as convey any Reflection upon Ministers, an
Order of Men of whom we have not generally the best Opin-
ion. It is therefore kind to us as well as to them, to set us
right when we are misled. And as such Reports are generally
varied according to the Ignorance or Malice of the Reporters,
it would be well if all their Variations could be answered with
a Clearness equal to yours in that above mentioned.

" Now since it must be as much in your Power, we hope and
trust you will be as ready to refute this, ' That his Lordship
having had from Governor Barnard an Account of the Pur-
port of the Assembly's Petition, refused to receive it from you
on a Distinction newly started, to wit, that you were not a
regularly appointed Agent, being authorised only by the
Assembly y to transact their Business here, the Governor not
having consented to your Appointment.' We would just
obser\'e that this state of the Report is more probable than the
other, it being as unlikely that his Lordship should neglect
to present a Petition he had once received, as it is that you
would neglect to oflFer it to him.

"We are Sir, Yours, etc.

"The Pubuck.

"P. S. Excuse us if we add, that tho' we have no right
to ask what the Reasons were, that, in your Letters of March
last, you gave to the Assembly, for not proceeding with their
Petition ; yet, as in their Message to the Governor of June the
^o**" when they had probably received those Letters, they Siiy,

-A

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 251

*it had been revealed there that the late Provincial Applica-
tions for Redress of Grievances had been somehow strangely
obstructed,^ And as the Assembly of Marylandy in their
Message to their Governor, hint at * an Attempt in some of
his Majesty's Ministers to prevent the Supplications of
America from reaching the Royal Ear'; we own it would
be extreamly agreable to us to be rightly informed in this
important AflFair: And if you are, as we believe you are,
more desirous of obliging the Publick, and serving your
Constituents, than of screening a Minister, we doubt not you
will give us all reasonable Satisfaction."*

Franklin had now intrusted to him the affairs of four
colonies, but he could do little more than attempt to mould
public opinion by letters to the newspapers, and to keep the
colonists informed of the changes and tendencies of English
parties and politics. He wrote solemnly to the Committee
of Correspondence in Massachusetts (May 15, 1771), "I
think one may clearly see the seeds sown of a total disum'on of
the two countries, though, as yet, that event may be at a
considerable distance." He foresaw that the British nation
and government would become odious, and the subjection
to it intolerable ; that war would ensue, ending in the probable
ruin of Britain by the loss of her colonies. " But as the whole
empire must, in either case, be greatly weakened, I cannot
but wish to see much patience and the utmost discretion in our
general conduct, that the fatal period may be postponed, and
that, whenever this catastrophe shall happen, it may appear
to all mankind, that the fault has not been ours." ^ With
such gloomy forebodings Franklin lived in 1771. Great

* From the rough draft in A. P. S. * See Vol. V, p. 318.

V

^

JS2 THE WRITINGS Of BENJAMiN FRANKUN

empires, he reminded Lord Chatham, have always crumbled
at their extremities, and the apprehension of this dissolutioii
was now settling in his mind into conviction.

In the sprii^of 1771, he visited the manufacturing towns of
England, and called upon Priestley at Leeds, Dr. Perciwl
at Manchester, Erasmus Darwin at Litchfield, and Dr.
Brownrigg in Cumberland. In July and August he spent
three weeks at Twyford in Hampshire, at Chilbolton, the
residence of Jonathan Shipley, the Bishop of St. Asaph. It
was during this sojourn that he began, in a room that was
ever after known by the family as Franklin's room, the fainous
"Autobiography." Provided with letters of introduction
from "the good Bishop," he set out August ao, 1771, with his
old friend, Richard Jackson, to visit Ireland. He was received
in that country " by both parties, the courtiers and the patriots;
the latter treating him with particular respect." Entertained
by "gentlemen, extremely opulent, hving in the highest
affluence and magnificence," he was chiefly impressed by the
poor tenants living in sordid wretchedness in dirty hovels of
mud and straw, and clothed only in rags. "Had I never been
in the American colonies," he wrote to Joshua Babcock,'
"but were to form my judgment of civil society by what I
have lalily seen, I should never advise a nation of savages to
admit of civilization; for I assure you, that, in the possession
and enjoyment of the various comforts of life, compared to
these people, every Indian is a gentleman, and the effect of
this kind of civil society seems to be, the depressing multitudes
below the savage state, that a few may be raised above it,"

Franklin met accidentally with Lord Hillsborough at the
lord lieutenant's in Dublin. The secretary was surpris-

" Januaiylj, 1773.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN^ FRAMKUN' 253

ingly civil and pressed Franklin and his companions to call
upon him at Hillsborough. Franklin complied with the
invitation, and spent four days at his country-house. Hills-
borough entertained him with great civility and said that he
had always been of opinion that America ought not to be re-
strained in manufacturing anything she could manufacture to
advantage. He ordered his eldest son, Lord Kilwarling, to
drive him a round of forty miles that he might see the country,
the seats, and manufactures. His attentions were inexplicable
to Franklin, but on the supposition that he apprehended an
approaching storm, and was desirous of lessening before-
hand the number of enemies he had so imprudently created.
It was FrankUn's desire to see some of the principal Irish
patriots ; he therefore stayed in Dublin until the opening of
the Irish Parliament. He found them disposed to be friends
of America in which he endeavoured to confirm them. Rich-
ard Jackson being a member of the EngUsh Parliament', was
admitted, in accordance with custom, to sit in the House
among the members. Franklin was about to proceed to the
gallery when the Speaker acquainted the House that an
American gentleman of distinguished character and merit,
a member of some of the Parliaments of that country, was
desirous of being present at the debates of the House; that
he supposed the standing rule of the House for admitting
members of English Parliaments would apply also to American
Assemblies, but, as this was the first instance he would ask
for the directions of the House. "On the question, the
House gave a loud, unanimous Ay; when two members
came to me without the bar, led me in between them, and
placed me honourably and commodiously." *

1 To Williani Franklin, January 30^ 1772.

254 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

Seven weeks Franklin stayed in Ireland, and then pro-
ceeded to Scotland for a further sojourn of four weeks. He
spent five days with Lord Karnes at Blair Drummond, near
Stirling, two or three days at Glasgow, two days at Carron
Iron Works, and the rest of the month in Edinburgh, lodging
with David Hume. His old acquaintances, Sir Alexander
Dick, Drs. Robertson, CuUen, Black, Ferguson, Russel, and
others renewed the civiUties with which they had received
him on his first joyous visit to the "Athens of the North."

Returning into England, he turned aside at Preston, in
Lancashire, to meet his son-in-law, Richard Bache, whom
he had not before seen. He was favourably impressed with
Mr. Bache^s '^agreeable behaviour," and pleased that his
mother and sisters were "genteel and agreeable people."*

The three months of travelling in countries new to him,
and of social diversion among friends old and dear to him
had been delightfully refreshing, but when once more in
London, in January, 1772, he grew restless and impatient
under the enforced inactivity of his position. He grew
homesick, and apprehensive of the approach of some of the
infirmities of age. Death seemed not far distant, and some
important business affairs beckoned him back to the dear
country from which he had so long been in a state of exile.
His spirits rose again with the resignation from office of Lord
Hillsborough, "the omniscient and infallible minister," and
the succession to the secretaryship of Lord Dartmouth who
had always expressed great regard for Franklin and friend-
ship for America. In the getting rid of Hillsborough Franklin
played a leading part. In 1766 a company had been formed,
in which William Franklin, Joseph Galloway, Colonel

1 Sarah Franklin was married to Richard Bache, October 29, 1767.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 255

Croghan, Samuel Wharton, and Sir William Johnson were
interested, to purchase lands of the French west of the Alle-
ghany Mountains and to establish a new colony there. The
plan of purchasing the lands was soon abandoned, and the
company, consisting of twelve Americans and certain Eng-
lishmen "of character and fortune,** recommended by Dr.
Franklin, applied to the crown for a tract of land between the
Alleghanies and the Ohio River. At Franklin's request
Thomas Walpole, a wealthy financier, became the head of
the enterprise, and the territory was, in consequence, knowTi
as "Walpole's Grant." Franklin urged it as one means of
saving expense in supporting the outposts, enumerated among
its advantages the furnishing provisions cheaper to the
garrisons, securing the country, retaining the trade, and
"raising a strength there, which on occasion of a future war
niight easily be poured down the Mississippi upon the lower
country, and into the Bay of Mexico, to be used against Cuba
or Mexico itself." The petition was referred to the Board
of Trade where it lay inactive for five years. Hillsborough
was president of the Board of Trade and was secretly opposed
to the grant. To Mr. Walpole and Dr. Franklin when they
asked for two million five hundred thousand acres, he said,
"Ask for enough to make a province," whereupon Franklin
calmly asked for twenty-three million acres. The report of
the Board of Trade, drawn up by Lord Hillsborough,* opposed
the grant on the ground that "if a vast territory be granted
to any set of gentlemen who really mean to people it, and
actually do so, it must draw and carry out a great number of
people from Great Britain, and I apprehend they will soon
become a kind of separate and independent people and who

' See Vol. V, pp. 465 et seq.

256 THE WRrrmas of BENjAMm frankuat

will set up for themselves; and they will soon have manu-
factures of their own; that they will neither take supplies
from the mother country nor from the provinces at the back
of which they are settled ; that being at a distance from the
seat of government, courts and magistrates, they will be out
of the reach and control of law and government ; that it will
become a receptacle and kind of asylum for offenders who
will flee from justice to such new country or colony." Frank-
lin prepared an able and complete reply/ exposing the
fallacies and follies in Hillsborough's report, and repeating
the advantages that would flow alike to the colonies and to
Great Britain. His answer was presented to the Privy Coun-
cil, and the petition was approved. Hillsborough, mortified
and offended by the action of the Council, tendered his resig-
nation.

Lord Dartmouth succeeded Lord Hillsborough. He was a
friend of Dr. Franklin, and it was believed that Franklin was
instrumental in obtaining his appointment. At his first
interview Franklin handed to Lord Dartmouth a petition from
the Assembly of Massachusetts. Governor Hutchinson had
been receiving his salary from the crown, an innovation
indignantly resented by Massachusetts, and he had justified
the measure in his speeches to the House, and had asserted
the authority of Parliament over the colonies. The Assembly
passed resolutions of censure and petitioned the king to
correct these grievances. Dartmouth advised Franklin not
to present the petition, that it could not possibly be productive
of good, and that it would only offend his Majesty. Franklin
asked if his Lordship had received any late advices from
Boston. Dartmouth replied, "None since the governor's

* Sec Vol. V, pp. 479-527.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMm FRANKLm ^57

second speech. But what difficulties that gentleman has
brought us all into by his imprudence 1 Though I suppose
he meant well; yet what can now be done ? It is impossible
that Parliament can sufiFer such a declaration of the General
Assembly, asserting its independency, to pass unnoticed."
Franklin replied that in his judgement it would be better
to take no notice of it. "Acts of Parliament are still sub-
mitted to there. No force is used to obstruct their execution.
. . . Violent measures against the province will not change
the opinion of the people. Force could do no good." It was
Dartmouth's opinion that force would not be thought of, but
perhaps an act might be passed to lay the colonics under
some inconveniences till they rescinded that declaration.
Could they not withdraw it ? Franklin replied that such an
act would only put the colonies on some method of incom-
moding England till the act were repealed, "and so we shall
go on injuring and provoking each other, instead of cultivat-
ing that good will and harmony so necessary to the general
welfare."

"He said that might be, and he was sensible our divisions
must weaken the whole; 'for we are yet <me empirty said he,
'whatever may be the sentiments of the Massachusetts
Assembly'; but he did not see how that could be avoided,
He wondered, as the dispute was now of public notoriety.
Parliament had not already called for the dispatches; and
he thought he could not omit much longer the com-
municating them, however unwilling he was to do it,
from his apprehension of the consequences. 'But what,'
his Lordship was pleased to say, 'if you were in my
place, would or could you do? Would you hazard the
being called to account in some future session of Par-

VOL. X — S

258 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

liament, for keeping back the communication of dispatches
of such importance?'

"I said, ^his Lordship could best judge what, in his situa-
tion, was fittest for him to do; I could only give my poor
opinion with regard to ParUament, that, supposing the dis-
patches laid before them, they would act most prudently
in ordering them to lie on the table, and take no further
notice of them. For were I as much an EngUshman as I
am an American, and ever so desirous of estabhshing the
authority of Parliament, I protest to your Lordship I cannot
conceive of a single step the Parliament can take to increase
it, that will not tend to diminish it ; and after abundance of
mischief they must finally lose it.'" The remainder of this
very interesting interview is reported in full by Franklin in his
letter to Thomas Gushing, May 6, 1773.

We are now approaching the critical event in the life of
Franklin that rendered impossible the further maintenance of
his mediatorial position between England and the colonies.
It was the famous aflfair of the Hutchinson letters, one of the
commonplaces of American history. Certain letters written
by Thomas Hutchinson, royal governor of Massachusetts,
to friends in England, in which he recommended the sending
to America of troops and men of war, and advised the govern-
ment that in the colonies "there must be an abridgement of
what are called EngHsh liberties," fell into the hands of
Franldin. How he became possessed of them remains a
mystery. The source was undivulged by him. In the
elaborate "Tract relative to the AfTair of Hutchinson's Let-
ters,"* which he wrote in 1774, Franklin said that in the
latter part of 1772 he was speaking with some resentment to

1 See Vol. VT, pp. 258-289.

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 259

"a gentleman of character and distinction," about the send-
ing of troops to Boston and their behaviour to the people there,
and expressing the infinite uneasiness it gave him to learn that
it was considered there as a national measure, and as a proof
that Britain had no longer a parental regard for the colonists.
The gentleman assured him that this offensive measure and
all the other grievances did not originate with the ministry
or even in England, but that they were "projected, proposed
to Administration, solicited and obtained by some of the most
respectable among the Americans themselves, as necessary
measures for the welfare of that country." Franklin doubted
the probability of such a statement, whereupon the gentleman
undertook to convince him, and through him his coimtry-
men. Some days later he called upon Franklin and pro-
duced a budget of letters from Governor Hutchinson, Secre-
tary Oliver, and others. The address of the letters had been
removed, but they were said to have been written to William
Whately, a recently deceased member of Parliament, and
were evidently intended to influence Mr. Grenville and his
party.* Six of the letters were written by Hutchinson, four
by Oliver, and the other three by Robert Auchmuty, Charles
Paxton, and Nathaniel Rogers. They narrated events in
Boston from June, 1768, to October, 1769. They described
the people as factious and incendiary, recommended that the
"officers of the crown be made, in some measure, indepen-
dent of the people," that the people be punished and that the
penalties be of another kind than mere penal duties, and that
"there must be an abridgement of what are called English
liberties." The billeting of troops in Boston and the depen-

^ WiHiam Whately had been private secretary to Mr. Grenville and later
had been appointed by him secretary to the lords of the treasury.

26o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

dence of the Governor and judges upon the British govern-
ment for their salaries were plainly recommended and solicited
by the officials of Massachusetts.

The holder of the letters refused to permit Franklin to
make copies of them, but as it was his wish to convince the
Americans as he had convinced their Agent, he, at last,
allowed Franklin to send the original letters to Boston on con-
dition that they should not be printed, that no copies should
be taken of them, that they should be shown only to a few
of the leading people of the government, and that they should
be carefully returned. The first reference to the transmission
of the letters is in a communication from Franklin to Thomas
Gushing, dated December 2, 1772 : "On this occasion I think
it fit to acquaint you, that there has fallen into my hands part
of a correspondence that I have every reason to believe laid
the foundation of most if not all, our present grievances . . .
in confidence of your preserving inviolably my engagement,
I send you enclosed the original letters, to obviate every
pretence of unfairness in copying, interpolation, or omis-
sion." Gushing showed the letters to Drs. Ghauncy, Gooper,
and Winthrop, to the Gonmiittee of Gorrespondence of the
Massachusetts Assembly, and to a few other leading citizens.
John Adams carried them on his circuit and showed them to
whom he pleased. Franklin approved of the publicity given
to them and wrote: **I have permission to let the originals
remain with you as long as you may think it of any use. . . .
I am allowed to say that they may be shown and read to whom
and as many as you think proper."

The Assembly met in June and listened to the reading
of the letters. They resolved to petition the king to remove
Hutchinson and Oliver from office. The petition was sent

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN a6i

to Franklin and reached him about the time that copies of a
pamphlet containing the letters arrived in England. They
were published in the London newspapers and caused much
inquiry as to the source from which they had been derived.
Thomas Whately, the brother of the deceased recipient of the
letters, fell under suspicion; he himself believed that John
Temple, formerly governor of New Hampshire, who had
taken some of his own letters from among the Whately
papers, had at the same time abstracted this American
correspondence. A writer in the Public Advertiser (Decem-
ber 8, 1772) charged Temple with having taken the letters
dishonourably, and quoted Thomas Whately, well known as
a London banker, as his authority. Temple immediately
sought Whately, denied any knowledge of the letters, and
demanded a public exoneration from him. The follow-
ing day Whately published in the Advertiser a statement to
the efiFect that Mr. Temple had asked permission to take back
certain of his letters which existed among William Whatcly's
papers. Permission had at once been granted. **He, and
he only, had ever had access to any of the letters of my
brother's correspondents in America." . . . "Mr. Temple
assured me, in terms the most precise that (except some
letters from himself and his brother, which he had from
me by my permission) he had not taken a single letter, or
an extract from any, I had communicated to him. I saw
him twice afterwards on the same subject, and the same
assurances were invariably repeated by him, and confirmed
by him. in the most solemn manner." The statement was
not at all satisfactory to Temple. It seemed to him "strongly
to corroborate the anonymous charge." Whately had omitted
to state "what was wholly essential, that he did not know the

262 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAM/JV FRANKUN

*

letters in question were among those he put into my hands,
and that none of those he had intrusted to me appeared to be
missing." Thus given, as he thought, the lie direct, Temple
challenged Whately. The challenge was borne by Ralph
Izard of South Carolina, but as Whately in accepting it de-
clined to name a second, the principals went alone to the field
of honour in the morning of December ii, 1773. Pistol
shots were fired without effect, and the duel was then fought
with swords, when Whately was twice severely wounded.
Neither contestant was satisfied, the bad feeling continued
and found expression in wild stories in the newspapers, and
it was currently reported that as soon as Whately recovered
from his wounds a second encounter would take place.
Franklin had remained silent at the time of the duel, for his
Ups were sealed by the gentleman from whom he had received
the letters and who had given him what Franklin deemed an
important reason for desiring that his name should be con-
cealed. When, however, he learned that the duel was to be
repeated, he thought it time to interpose, and therefore wrote
to the printer of the Public Advertiser (December 25, 1773),
declaring that he alone was the person who obtained and
transmitted the letters in question to Boston. They could
not be communicated by Mr. Thomas Whately or by Mr.
Temple, for they were never in the possession of either
gentleman.

Some of his friends applauded his courage, others feared
that he was imprudent and that the administration would
resent his frank avowal of sending the letters. He read in one
of the London papers that he was **one of the most deter-
mined enemies of the welfare and prosperity of Great Britain."
He entertained httlc fear of serious consequences to himself,

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 263

and occupied himself seriously with the preparation for his
departure to America to settle some business with the post-
office there. The king, it was supposed, would consider
in his cabinet the Massachusetts petition for the recall of
Governor Hutchinson. Suddenly, as a bolt from the blue,
he received notice from the Clerk of the Council that the Lords
of the Committee for Plantation Affairs would meet at the
Cockpit on Tuesday, January 11, 1774, at noon, to consider
the petition referred to them by his Majesty, and that his
presence would be required. It was already Saturday.
The time for consideration was brief. He sent for Arthur
Lee, then a student of law in London, who had been chosen
by the legislature of Massachusetts to succeed Franklin in the
event of his absence or death. Lee was at Bath. Sunday
morning he called upon BoUan, a barrister and London agent
of the Council of Massachusetts. He found that Bollan had
also received notice to attend the meeting at the Cockpit.
It was Bollan's opinion that counsel should not be employed.
Lee had not yet been called to the bar. Distinguished law-
yers were fearful of offending the court and thereby jeopardiz-
ing their prospects of promotion. Bollan would move to be
heard in behalf of the Council of the province, and take occa-
sion to support the petition himself. Very late on Monday
afternoon Franklin learned that Israel Mauduit, agent for
the governor and lieutenant-governor, had asked and obtained
leave to be heard by counsel, and had retained Alexander
Wedderbum, the soUcitor-general.

At the meeting on the following day the petition was read,
and Franklin was called upon to speak in support of it. In
accordance with their concerted plan, he stated that Mr.
Bollan would speak to the petition. Objection was imme-

364 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

diately made that Bollan was not a party to the petiticm.
Several times he attempted to speak, but after repeated
interruptions he was ordered to desist. Franklin then said
that with the petition of the House of Representatives he had
received their resolutions which preceded it, and a copy of the
letters on which those resolutions were founded. These he
oflFered in support of the petition. The Resolutions were
read. Then occurred the following inquisition:—

^^Mr, Wedderbum, The Address mentions certain papers;
I could wish to be informed what are those papers.

"Z>r. Franklin. They are the letters of Mr. Hutchinson and
Mr. Oliver.

*^ Court, [Lord Chief Justice De Grey.] Have you brought
them?

*^Dr. Franklin. No; but here are attested copies.

"Court. Do you mean to found a charge upon them? If
you do, you must produce the letters.

"Dr. Franklin. These copies are attested by several
gentlemen at Boston, and a notary public.

"Mr. Wedderburn. My Lord, we shall not take advantage
of any imperfection in the proof. We admit that the letters
are Mr. Hutchinson's and Mr. Oliver's handwriting; reserv-
ing to ourselves the right of inquiring how they were obtained.

"Dr. Franklin. I did not expect that counsel would have
been employed on this occasion.

"Court. Had you not notice sent you of Mr. Mauduit's
having petitioned to be heard by counsel, on behalf of the
governor and lieutenant-governor?

"Z>r. Franklin. I did receive such notice; but I thou^t
this had been a matter of politics^ not of law, and have not
brouG[ht my counsel.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 265

^^CaurL Where a charge is brought, the parties have a
right to be heard by counsel or not, as they choose.

**^ Mr. Mauduit. My Lords, I am not a native of that
country, as these gentlemen are. I know well Dr. Franklin's
abilities, and wish to put the defence of my friends upon a
j>arity with the attack. He will not therefore wonder that I
choose to appear before your Lordships with the assistance of
counsel. My friends, in their letters to me, have desired,
(if any proceedings, as they say, should be had upon this
Address) that they may have a hearing in their own justifi-
cation, that their innocence may be fully cleared, and their
honour vindicated ; and have made provision accordingly.
I do not think myself at liberty, therefore, to give up the
assistance of my counsel, in defending them against this unjust
accusation.

"Court. Dr. Franklin may have the assistance of counsel,
or go on without it, as he shall choose.

"Dr. Franklin. I desire to have coimsel.

"Court. What time do you want?

"Dr. Franklin. Three weeks.

"Ordered^ that the further proceedings be on Saturday,
29th instant."

Wedderburn. — "Although, to save your lordship's time, I
have admitted these to be true copies of the original letters,
I give notice that when the matter comes on again, I shall
exercise the right to ask certain questions as how the Assem-
bly came into possession of them, through what hands, and
by what means they were procured."

Court — "Certainly; and to whom they were directed;
for the perfect understanding of the passages may depend
on that and other such circumstances. We can receive no

266 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

charge against a man founded on letters directed to nobody,
and perhaps received by nobody. The laws of this country
have no such practice."

Franklin proceeded at once to prepare his case. Several
friends advised him to retain John Dunning, formerly
solicitor-general and afterwards Lord Ashburton, the cleverest
as he was the homeliest lawyer practising at the English bar.
Franklin would have waited to consult with Arthur Lee,
supposing that he might prefer his friend Sergeant Glynn,
famous for his defence of John Wilkes. He was anxious,
however, to learn Dunning's opinion as to his own conduct if
questions should be asked of him concerning the history of
the letters. Upon this point the great lawyer was clear that
Franklin was not obliged to answer such questions against
his will. He promised to attend the meeting and object
to their putting such questions.

Until the 29th of the month the papers continued to de-
nounce Franklin as an incendiary, who shouM be dismissed
from office and sent to Newgate. Mr. Lee, coming up from
Bath, undertook to engage Sergeant Glynn who was "in a
fit of the gout" and unable to attend. The counsel retained
were Dunning and John Lee, afterwards solicitor-general
under Fox.

The little apartment in the Cockpit was crowded upon
the 29th of January. Thirty-five members of the Pri>7
Council attended — a number, Burke said, without precedent
in his memory. The Lord President Gower sat at the head
of the table. Among the distinguished personages were
Lord North, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Lord Shelbume,
Edmund Burke, and the Americans — Arthur Lee, Ralph
Izard, and Dr. Bancroft. Among the interested onlookers

THE LIFE OF BEiVJAMIN FRANKLIN 267

were Jeremy Bentham and Joseph Priestley. The latter,
who had got through the crowd that thronged the anteroom,
upon the arm of Edmund Burke, said, in his account of the
scene contributed to the Monthly Magazine in 1802, that
Franklin stood in a comer of the room, without the least
apparent emotion. Dr. Bancroft gave a slightly different
account in a communication to William Temple Franklin: —

"Dr. Franklin did not * stand in a comer of the room,* he
* stood close to the fireplace, on that side which was at the
right hand of those, who were looking toward the fire; in
the front of which, though at some distance, the members of
the Privy Council were seated at a table. I obtained a place
on the opposite side of the fireplace, a little further from the
fire ; but Dr. Franklin's face was directed towards me, and
I had. a full, unintermpted view of it, and his person, during
the whole time in which Mr. Wedderbum spoke. The Doctor
was dressed in a full dress suit of spotted Manchester velvet,
and stood conspicuously erecty without the smallest movement
of any part of his body. The muscles of his face had been
previously composed, so as to afford a placid, tranquil ex-
pression of countenance, and he did not suffer the slightest
alteration of it to appear during the continuance of the
speech, in which he was so harshly and improperly treated.
In short, to quote the words which he employed concerning
himself on another occasion, he kept his * countenance as
immovable as if his features had been made of wood.^ "

The hearing began with the reading of Franklin's letter to
Lord Dartmouth,* enclosing the petition, then the petition,
the resolutions of the Assembly, and lastly the letters. Frank-
lin's counsel, according to his opinion, "acquitted themselves

1 August 21, 1773.

268 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

very handsomely." Mr. Dunning stated that no cause had
been instituted, and no prosecution was intended. The As-
sembly appealed to the wisdom and goodness of his Maj-
esty ; it was a favour they were asking, not justice that they
were demanding. "As the Assembly had no impeachment
to make, so they had no evidence to ofiFer." Burke was im-
pressed with the excellence of Dunning's address : his points
were "well and ably put," Burke tolrf Lord Rockingham.
In his reply Wedderbum rehearsed what he called a history
of the province for the previous ten years, bestowing liberal
abuse upon the Assembly and the people of Massachusetts,
Then turning upon Franklin he assailed him with ribald
invective, so gross that large passages were omitted by the
friends of Wedderbum when the address was published.

It was a scene, as Lecky has said, well suited to the brush
of an historical painter. For more than an hour Franklin
stood, tranquilly, silently, before his malignant adversary,
his coolness and apathy in striking contrast with the violence
and clamour of the Scotch declaimer, while grave men
clapped their hands in boundless amused delight at the bait-
ing of the American.

"The letters could not have come to Dr. Franklin," said
Wedderbum, "by fair means. The writers did not give
them to him ; nor yet did the deceased correspondent, who
from our intimacy would otherwise have told me of it. Noth-
ing, then, will acquit Dr. Franklin of the charge of obtaining
them by fraudulent or cormpt means, for the most malignant
of purposes ; unless he stole them from the person who stole
them. This argument is irrefragable.

"I hope, my Lords, you will mark and brand the man,
"-^r the honour of this country, of Europe, and of mankind.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 269

Private correspondence has hitherto been held sacred, in
times of the greatest party rage, not only in politics but
religion." "He has forfeited all the respect of societies and
of men. Into what companies will he hereafter go with an
unembarrassed face, or the honest intrepidity of virtue?
Men will watch him with a jealous eye ; they will hide their
papers from him, and lock up their escritoires. He will
henceforth esteem it a libel to be called a man 0} letters; homo
TSIUM * lUerarum I

"But he not only took away the letters from one brother;
but kept himself concealed till he nearly occasioned the
murder of the other. It is impossible to read his account,
expressive of the coolest and most deliberate malice, with-
out horror." [Here he read the Utter dated December 25/A,
1773; Dr. Franklin being all the time present.] "Amidst
these tragical events, of one person nearly murdered, of an-
other answerable for the issue, of a worthy governor hurt in
his dearest interests, the fate of America in suspense; here
is a man, who, with the utmost insensibility of remorse, stands
up and avows himself the author of all. I can compare it
only to Zanga, in Dr. Young's Revenge.

*• * Know then *twas — I ;

I forged the letter, I disposed the picture ;
I hated, I despised, and I destroy.'

i ask, my Lords, whether the revengeful temper attributed
by poetic fiction only, to the bloody African, is not surpassed
by the coolness and apathy of the wily American?"

Jeremy Bentham said of the orator's manner: "I was not
more astonished at the brilliancy of his lightning, than as-
tounded by the thunder that accompanied it. As he stood

^ That is, FUR, or tkie/.

270 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

the cushion lay on the council table before him ; his station
was between the seats of two of the members, on the side
of the right hand of the Lord President. I would not for
double the greatest fee the orator could on that occasion ha>-e
received, been in the place of that cushion; the ear was
stunned at every blow ... the table groaned under the
assault." Dr. Priestley said : "At the sallies of his sarcastic
wit, all the members of the Council, the President himself
not excepted, frequently laughed outright. No person be-
longing to the Council behaved with decent gravity, except
Lord North, who, coming late, took his stand behind the
chair opposite to me." Burke and Shelbume were out-
raged by the violence and vulgarity of the attack : the f onner
spoke of it as "beyond all bounds and decency," and the
latter wrote to Lord Chatham of Wedderbum's "most
scurrilous invective" and of "the indecency of his behaviour."

In leaving the room Franklin pressed Priestley's hand in a
way that indicated much feeUng. The -next day (Sunday)
they breakfasted together in Craven Street, when Franklin
remarked upon the fortifying power of a good conscience,
"for that, if he had not considered the thing for which he
had been so much insulted, as one of the best actions of his
life, and what he should certainly do again in the same cir-
cumstances, he could not have supported it."

On Monday morning Franklin received a letter from the
secretary of the post-office, laconically informing him that
the postmaster-general had "found it necessary" to dismiss
him from the office of deputy postmaster-general in America.
The expression, said Franklin, was well chosen, " for in truth
they were under a necessity of doing it ; it was not their own
inclination."

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRAXKUN 271

However we may poise the cause in the scales of history,
and however we may decide upon the merits of Franklin's
part in the affair of the letters, it must always be remembered
as the critical incident which converted Franklin into a
stubborn opponent of the British government, and changed
the American sentiment toward him from lukewarm admira-
tion to inflamed respect, enthusiasm, and affection.

It was the one cherished hatred of his life, and how deep
the poisoned shaft had sunk into his soul we may perhaps
infer from the well-authenticated story that four years later,
when the treaty of alliance with France was signed, Franklin
dressed himself for that day's historic achievement in the
same Manchester cloak of velvet which he last wore when he
stood under the pitiless storm of Wedderbum's vituperation.^

It has often been said that the story of the cloak is a
legend, and that it has no foundation in fact. The only error
is in supposing that the suit was worn when the Treaty of
Peace was signed. It was first told by Priestley, and verified
by Dr. Bancroft. The following is the version given by the
latter: "It had been intended that these treaties [conmierce
and eventual alliance with France] should be signed on the
evening of Thursday, the 5th of February; and when Dr.
Franklin had dressed himself for the day, I observed that
he wore the suit in question ; which I thought the more re-
markable, as it had been laid aside for many months. This
I noticed to Mr. Deane ; and soon after, when a messen-

^ Horace Walpole was the author of a oDce famous epigram upon Wedder-
burs and Franklin : —

" Sarcastic Sawney, swol'n with spite and prate
On silent Franklin poured his venal hate.
The calm philosopher, without reply,
Withdrew, and gave his country liberty."

272 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

ger came from Versailles, with a letter from Mr. Greraid the
French plenipotentiary, stating that he was so unwell, from
a cold, that he wished to defer coming to Paris to sign the
treaties, until the next evening, I said to Mr. Deane, ^Let us
see whether the Doctor will wear the same suit of clothes
to-morrow; if he does, I shall suspect that he is influenced
by a recollection of the treatment which he received at the
Cockpit.' The morrow came, and the same clothes were
again worn, and the treaties signed. After which, these
clothes were laid aside, and, so far as my knowledge extends,
never worn afterwards. I once intimated to Dr. Franklin
the suspicion, which his wearing these clothes on that occa-
sion had excited in my mind, when he smiled, without telling
me whether it was well or ill founded. I have heard him
sometimes say, that he was not insensible to injuries, but
that he never put himself to any trouble or inconvenience
to retaliate."*

CHAPTER VI

PLANS OF CONCILIATION

The tone of Franklin's comment upon English politics is
noticeably changed after the scene in the Cockpit. He wrote
to Joseph Galloway, deploring any approach to a closer
union between the countries. He drew vivid contrasts be-

^ In the diary of Dr. Benjamin Rush^ the manuscript of which is in the

possession of the Library Company of Philadelphia, occurs the report of t

conversation between Silas Deane and Franklin as they went together to the

signing of the treaty of alliance. " Why do you wear that old coat to-day? '*

skerl Deane. " To give it its revenge ! " replied Franklin.

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 273

tween the "extreme corruption prevalent among all orders
of men in the old rotten state" of England, and the "glorious
public virtue so predominant in the rising country" of
America. He expressed a fear that England would drag
the colonies after them in all the plundering wars which
their desperate circumstances, injustice, and rapacity might
prompt them to undertake. Rewrote: "Here numberless
and needless places, enormous salaries, pensions, perquisites,
bribes, groundless quarrels, foolish expeditions, false accounts
or no accounts, contracts and jobs, devour all revenue, and
produce continual necessity in the midst of natural plenty.
I apprehend, therefore, that to unite us intimately will only
be to corrupt and poison us also. It seems like Mezentius's
coupling and binding together the dead and the living, —

"*Tormenti genus, et sanie taboque fluentes,
Complexu in muero, longd sic morte necabat.'

"However, I would try anything, and bear anything that
can be borne with safety to our just liberties, rather than
engage in a war with such relations, unless compelled to it
by dire necessity in our own defence." *

Josiah Quincy dined with Franklin, March 3, 1775, and
had three hours' conversation with him, the substance of
which he relates in his Diary. Franklin dissuaded from
France and Spain and was emphatic that no step of great
consequence, unless upon a sudden emergency, should be
taken without advice of the Continental Congress. "Ex-
plicitly, and in so many words, said that New England alone
could hold out for ages against this country, and if they were
firm and united, in seven years would conquer them. Said
he had the best intelligence that the manufacturers were

* To Joseph Galloway, February 25, 1775.

VOL. X — T

274 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

feeling bitterly, and loudly complaining of the loss of the
American trade. Let your adherence be to the non-im-
portation and non-exportation agreement, a year from next
December or to the next session of Parliament, and the day
is won."

The same conviction is expressed in the following letter to
his son : —

TO GOVERNOR FRANKLIN ^

'' London, June 30th, 1774.

"I hear a non-importation agreement is intended. K it is
general, and the Americans agree in it, the present Ministry
will certainly be knocked up, and their Act repealed ; other-
wise they and their measures will be continued, and the
Stamp Act revived.

" The Scotch in resentment of the Parliament's refusing to
lay an additional duty on foreign linen, or to give a bonus
upon theirs, are entering into like agreements with regard to
cloth and hats from England, and are setting up large
manufactures of both, which will be an additional distress to
manufacturers here.

" I should be sorry if Ireland is included in your agreement,
because that country is much our friend, and the want of
flax-seed may distress them exceedingly, but your merchants
can best judge. It can only be meant against England, to
ensure a change of measures, and not to hurt Ireland, with
whom we have no quarrel.

" The Bill for laying duties on spirits and liquors imported
into Quebec appoints three-pence a gallon in what is from

* From the original in the possession of the Earl of Leicester. Pablisbcd
in " Memoirs of the Marquis of Rockingham " (Albemarle), II, 299.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 275

Britain, six-pence on what comes from the West Indies, and
twelve-pence on all from any part of North America, or any
foreign country; so that after all our expense in helping to
conquer Canada for this Crown, we are put on the footing
of foreigners, in our trade with it. Will this, in a future war,
encourage us to assist in more conquests?"

While the great drama of politics was developing about
him, and the action was hastening on perhaps to a stupen-
dous catastrophe, Franklin still found abundant means to
satisfy his craving for social life. He made acquaintances
readily, and men of various occupations and professions
were eager to know him and to profit by his astonishing
stores of information and the alertness and versatility of his
mind. He attended the literary evenings of Mrs. Montagu,
and met Garrick at Lord Shelbume's country seat. He
knew Benjamin West, Horatio Gates, Charles Lee, John
Hawkesworth, Burke, Hume, Kames, Sir John Pringle, Dr.
Fothergill, and Dr. Canton. He dined frequently with cer-
tain scientists and liberal clergymen, who constituted what he
was wont to call "the club of honest Whigs," at the London
Coflfee House in Ludgate Hill. With Richard Price he be-
came acquainted at St. Paul's Coffee House ; Dr. Price was
then preaching every Sunday morning at Hackney, at the
meeting in the Gravel Pit field near the Church, and in the
afternoon at three o'clock at Newington Green, whither
Franklin and Sir John Pringle occasionally came to hear
him. Another favorite dining place on Thursdays was at
the Dog Tavern on Garlick Hill. Occasionally he sat down
with the Society of Friends to the Cause of Liberty, at Paul's
Head Tavern, Cateaton Street, where, upon the 4th of

276 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

November, the Society drank to the landing of King William
and to the Glorious Revolution.

At home in Craven Street his friends kept him well pro-
vided with good cheer. His wife sent him barrels of New-
town pippins, casks of hickory nuts, and Tndian meal,
cranberries, and dried fish. William Franklin sent a keg of
dried apples, Mrs. Holker supplied him with apple butter
from Rouen, English friends sent him turkeys from Nor-
wich, and a French acquaintance (O'Gorman, brother-in-
law of La Chevali^re d'Eon) sent him a hogshead of the
"right sort" of Burgundy. Craven Street overflowed with
dainties. He shook the superflux to his friends, accompanied
sometimes by graceful and witty notes like the following:
"Dr. Franklin presents his respectful compliments to Lord
Bathurst, with some American nuts ; and to Lady Bathurst,
with some American apples ; which he prays they will accept
as a tribute from that country, small indeed, but volunlary"

The sons of American parents who came to him with
letters of reconmiendation had the benefit of his counsel,
always carefully and conscientiously given ; and if they were
seeking education in Europe he assisted them in entering
school or college. Young men who were going to Edinburgh
to study were recommended by him to lodgings in the house
of the blind poet Thomas Blacklock, who had accommoda-
tions for eight young gentlemen. He obtained learned
degrees at Edinburgh for deserving scholars in America,
recommended candidates for the navy and East India Com-
pany, and for afternoon prcacherships at the Foundling Hos-
pital. He provided the Library Company of Philadelphia
with valuable books, and added to his own fast-growing
collection with liberal purchases from Pankouke in Paris.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 277

The Society for Promoting the Culture of Silk in Penn-
sylvania, organized as the "Filature," conunitted their adven-
ture to the hands of Franklin, and sent him of the first year's
product a quantity to be presented to the queen and to
the Penn family. In the second year (1772) they sent him
forty-five pounds of silk, saying, "We are sensible how much
the promoters of the culture of silk are obliged to Dr. Franklin
for the trouble he has taken in the business."

He interested himself in many of the infant industries of
the colonies, and always encouraged incipient manufactures.
Calico printing and glass blowing engaged his attention;
and when Samuel Noble, a tanner, in Philadelphia, sent
him (November, 1771) a pair of soles ("to keep thy feet
warm "), with a history of the leather from the time it was
the hide of a steer on Carpenter's Island, Franklin replied
after two years with a letter which shows at once his appre-
ciation of American industry and his prompt and generous
assistance of young artisans.

TO SAMUEL NOBLE ^ (p. C.)

London, Feby 4th 1774

Sm,

The Bearer, William Brown being bred to the Tanning
Business, is desirous of tr3dng his Fortune in America. He
is well recommended to me as a sober honest and diligent
young Man, — If it may not be inconvenient to you to afford
him Employment as a Journeyman, I shall consider it as a
Favour to me. —

The Soles you were so kind as to send me have now been

^ T am indebted for this letter to the present owner, Mr. Franklin Noble
of Brooklyn, a great-grandson of Samuel Noble.

278 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

in Wear two Years, in common with others of this Coimti}'
the best I could get being in Double Channel Pumps of half
a Guinea a Pair; and yours appear to excel them in Firm-
ness and Duration, — I showed them the other Day to Capt.
Falconer, who can teU you that they are still very good.

With much Esteem, I am, Sir
Your obliged Friend & hum! Serv't.

B. Franklin.

At this time he was in continual correspondence with
learned men, and students of all the professions.

Doctors and lawyers solicited his judgment upon medical
and legal cases. I find in an English legal work, dated 1775,
the opinion of Dr. Franklin touching that perpetually debated
question of the legality of a marriage with a deceased wife's
sister. The book is entitled, "The Legal Degrees of Mar-
riage stated and considered, in a series of Letters to a Friend.
By John Alleyne,^ Esq.; Banister at Law. The second
Edition, corrected and enlarged; with an Appendix con-
taining Letters from several Divines and others. London:
Printed for J. Almon, in Piccadilly, 1775." Franklin's letter
to the author appears in the Appendix (pp. 1-2) : —

Craven Street, 15th Oct. 1773.

Dear Sir,
I have never heard upon what principles of policy the law
was made, prohibiting the marriage of a man with his wife's
sister, nor have I ever been able to conjecture any political
inconvenience that might have been found in such marriages,
or to conceive of any moral turpitude in them. I have been
personally acquainted with the parties in two instances, both

^ See Vol. V, p. 156.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 279

of which were happy matches, the second wives proving most
affectionate mothers-in-law to their sisters' children; which
indeed, is so naturally to be expected, that it seems to me,
wherever there are children by the preceding match, if any
law were to be made relating to such marriages, it should
rather be to enjoin than to forbid them; the reason being
rather stronger than that given for the Jewish law, which
enjoined the widow to marry the brother of a former husband
where there were no children, viz. that children might be
produced who should bear the name of the deceased brother;
it being more apparently necessary to take care of the edu-
cation of a sister's children already existing, than to procure
the existence of children merely that they might keep up the
name of a brother.

With great esteem, I am, etc.

B. Franklin.

I am indebted to Dr. S. Weir Mitchell for permitting me
to publish a letter addressed to Dr. John Hawkesworth, the
editor of *'The Adventurer," which illustrates the intelligent
interest he took in the art of medicine.

TO DR JOHN HAWKESWORTH (P. C.)

London May 8. 1772.

Dear Sir:

Dining abroad yesterday, and not coming home till 12 at
night I did not get your letter in time to answer it by the
return of the post as you desired.

Dr. M'Bride of Dublin some time since discovered that
putrid flesh could not only be rendered sweet, but its firm-
ness restored by immersing it in Fix'd Air; which is air that

38o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

has made part of the solid substance of bodies, and is sepa-
rated and set at liberty from them in their dissolution, or
fermentation, or effervescence with other bodies. This air
is not fit for breathing; flame is extinguished by it; and,
taken into the limgs it instantly extinguishes animal life, but
taken into the stomach is deemed salutary, as in P>'rmont
water which contains much of it. Dr Priestley discovered
that two fourths of the air, one produced by suffering dead
mice to putrefy under glass, the other by the effen'cscence
of chalk and water with a small quantity of acid or vitriol,
in either of which airs Uving mice being put would instantly
die, yet the two being mixed both become good common air,
and mice breathe in it freely. From his own and Dr M'Bride's
Experiment (who thought Fix'd Air would prevent or cure
the sea scurvy) he was persuaded it might be of use in mor-
tification. But of this there has been only a single experi-
ment. A Physician of his acquaintance at Leeds wrote to
him while he was lately in town that a person dying as was
thought of a putrid fever with all the symptoms of a mortifi-
cation in the bowels had been suddenly relieved and re-
covered by the injection of Fix'd Air as a clyster. These are
all our present premises upon which you can judge as well
as I how far one may expect the same Fix'd Air wiU be of
service applied to a cancer, but, as you ask my opinion, as
the case might be other wise desperate and we know of no
danger in the trial I should be for trying it. I would first
syringe the sore strongly with warm water impregnated with
Fix'd Air so as to cleanse well the part. Then I would apply
to it a succession of glasses filled with Fix'd Air, each glass to
remain till the sore had absorbed the Fix'd Air contained in
it. It would require a long description to explain the readiest

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANK UN 281

methods of obtaining the air, applying it, and impregnating
the water with it, and perhaps I would not make myself
clearly understood. The best way is to show it which I will
do either here or at Bromley if you desire it.

Being ever my dear friend

Yours most affectionately

B Franklin.

On the 20th of March, 1775, Franklin sailed in the
Pennsylvania Packet^ Captain Osborne, for Philadelphia.
During the voyage he wrote an account of negotiations in
London for effecting a reconciliation between Great Britain
and the American colonies.* It is from this document that
we derive the knowledge that we have of the relations existing
between Franklin and Lord Chatham. In 1757 Franklin had
sought the acquaintance of William Pitt, but that great
statesman was then busied with foreign affairs of such mag-
nitude that he could spare no time for the consideration of
the petty particulars of a remote English province, and Frank-
lin was obUged to admire him at a distance and to regard
him as an inaccessible. He was flattered occasionally upon
hearing from Lord Shelbume that Chatham had mentioned
him as a person of respectable character, but they never
met until August, 1774, when Lord Stanhope called for him
and carried him to Hayes.*

He expressed to Chatham a hope that if his Lordship, with
the other great and wise men of the British nation, would
unite and exert themselves, the empire might yet be rescued
out of the mangling hands of the present set of blundering

1 See Vol. VI, pp. 318-399.

^ Franklin was stopping at the time with Mr. Sargent, M.P., at Halsted, in
Kent ; Lord Stanhope was at Qievining.

r^'E if-RJTJXSS OF BEXJAM/X FRANKLIN

iz5fcers: »-^^ diit the unioti and harmony between Britain
d h;;r ccCcc:e?w so neoessaiy to the welfare of both, might
be rtsccrtii, CLi±ain was particularly pleased to hear
F:xnkl£:i*5 ezuri^dc assurance that America did not aim at
iniec^oieace. a:ai drey parted mutually satisfied. In
Dec^m':>er iey nset again* when Franklin had important
news fre=r Aiaerica to impart to him. Congress had agreed
upcn a scler:ui peddon to the king, "that your Majesty, as
the lo\~ini: father of wur whole people, connected by the
san:e bands of law, loyalty, faith, and blood, though dwell-
ing in various oountriess will not suflFer the transcendent re-
lation forraed by these ties, to be further violated in uncer-
tain e3cpec:ation <rf effects, which, if attained, never can
compensate for the calamities through which they must
be gained." The colonial agents were instructed to pre-
sent the petition to the king, and to publish it in the news-
papers,*

^ How gnre the colonists f<eh the situatioii to be may be inferred from
the following letter from Charies Thomson to Franklin : —

••Norember i, 1774
••SiK.

" I hare the honour to forward to yon, the Addren to the King and an
Address to the people of Great Britain & these colonies. — I was in hopes by
this opportunity to have sent you the Joomal of the proceedings of the con-
gress which is in the press.

** I hope administration will see and be convinced that it is not a little
faction, but the whole body of American freeholders from Nova Scotia to
Georgia that now complain & apply for redress ; and who, I am sure, will
resist rather than submit

" When I look back and consider the warm affection which the Colonies
had for Great Britain till the present reign, the untainted loyalty, unshaken
fidelity & cheerful confidence that universally prevailed, till that time, and then
view the present heartburnings, jealousies, gloom & despair, I am ready to ask,
^ith the poet, ' Are there not some chosen thunders in the stores of heaven

^ed with uncommon wrath tu blast those Men,' who by their cursed schemes

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 283

The Massachusetts agents (Mr. Lee and Mr. Bollan) alone
responded to Franklin's invitation to join him in presenting
the petition. They called upon Lord Dartmouth and left it
for his consideration. After some days they were notified
that the secretary had laid the petition before the king, who
was pleased to receive it graciously and would submit it to
the consideration of Parliament. It came before Parliament
along with a multitude of miscellaneous documents but with-
out any word of recommendation. The agents requested in
vain to be heard by counsel at the bar of the House of Com-
mons. When at last it was read, it was assailed with bitter
denunciation and contempt. Before the vote was taken,
Franklin went to Hayes (December 26) to obtain Lord
Chatham's sentiments upon the petition. The great states-
man received him with "an affectionate kind of respect that
from so great a man was extremely engaging." Congress,
he said, had acted with so much temper, moderation, and
wisdom, that he thought it the most honourable assembly of
statesmen since those of the ancient Greeks and Romans in
the most virtuous times.

On the 19th of January (1775), Franklin received a card
from Lord Stanhope, acquainting him that Lord Chatham
desired his presence in the House of Lords on the following
day, when it was his intention to make an important motion.

At two o'clock on the morrow, Chatham met Franklin in
the lobby, and saying, "I am sure your being present at this
day's debate will be of more service to America than mine,"
led him to the entrance of the House. The great speech of

of policy are dragging friend & brothers into the horrors of civil War & in-
volving their country in ruin.

" Even yet the wound may be healed, & peace and love restored ; but we
are on the very edge of the precipice."

384 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

that day has been preserved but in meagre outline. The
conclusion of it is famous: "If the ministers thus peise\-ere
in misadvising and misleading the king, I will not say, that
they can alienate the affections of his subjects from his
crown, but I will affirm, that they will make the crown iw(
woTih his wearing. I will not say, that the king is be-
trayed, but I will pronounce, that the kingdom is undone."
The motion, which was that General Gage should remove
his Majesty's forces from the town of Boston, was-rejectcd.

Chatham continued to elaborate a plan of conciliation and
again sent for Franklin to consult with him on the 37th
of January. The imperfect and incomplete Plan was
read and discussed. Two days later Chatham called upon
Franklin in Craven Street, and left with him a copy of the
Plan desiring him to reflect upon it, and to communicate to
him such remarks upon it as should occur to him.

A copy of the Plan exists in six foUo pages in Franklin's
handwriting, in the Library of Congress.' At the end is a
note in Franklin's hand: "The above Plan was offered by
tilt' Ear! iif Chatham to the House of Lords on Wednesday
Feb. I, 1775 under the title of A Provisional Act for settling
the Troubles of America, and for asserting the supreme
Legislative Authority and Superintending Power of Great
Britain over the Colonies ; but being oppos'd by the Ministn'
it was reji'cted by a great Majority the Members being for
rejcctinp;, 61 and for retaining 32, so it was not suffered to lie
on tiic Table for further Consideration. Yet, when it is
considered that in the Majority were all the Ministerial Lords
^(Htb all tiic Scotch Lords and the Bishops who usually vote
^ the Ministers bid them, the Sense of the House, that is,

1 See Force, 4th Serial, I, 1504.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN PRANKLIN 385

the independent Part of it, does not seem to have been
generally against the Bill." *

It was upon this occasion that Lord Chatham paid his
extraordinary compliment to Franklin. Lord Sandwich had
said that he could never believe the Plan to be the produc-
tion of any British peer, and looking toward Franklin who
was leaning on the bar, said he fancied he had in his eye the
person who drew it up, one of the bitterest and most mis-
chievous enemies that country had ever known. Chatham,
in reply, assumed all responsibility for the document, but he
made no scruple to declare that if he were the first minister
and had the care of settling this momentous business, he should
not be ashamed of publicly calling to his assistance a person so
perfectly acquainted with the whole of American affairs as
the gentleman alluded to, and so injuriously reflected on;
one, he was pleased to say, "whom all Europe held in high
estimation for his knowledge and wisdom and ranked with
our Boyles and Newtons; who was an honour, not to the
English nation only, but to human nature!"

1 Among the Franklin papers (A. P. S.) is the foHowing brief note from
Pitt to Thomas Walpole : —

** Lord Pitt presents his Compliments to Mf Walpole and, being at Hayes
did not receive the honor of his obliging note, till Yesterday. Lord Chatham
desires him to present his Compliments to M[ Walpole, and is much honor'd
by his thinking of his health, which is better, the' he still continues very much
Ottt of order. Lord Chatham also desires me to express how sensibly he feels
the Conten.ts of the Extract communicated to him ; he is deeply touched by
such a remembrance, and truly honor'd by so Authentick and Respectable
a Testimony to his good Intentions.

" Hayes Thursday March 6"» "

The note is endorsed as follows : —

Note received by Mr. Walpole in answ' to one from him communicat-
ing an Extract of a Letter from me respecting Lord Chatham's Motion for
Conciliatory Measures made Feb. 1775. — B. Franklin."

386 THE WS/TtMSS OF BE/ffAMt^'

It is unnecessary here to enlarge ijpon the seers
tions carried on fram October, 1774, to March, 1775,
Franklin and the agents of the Ministr>-. The facts h«
been clearly and minutely recorded by Franklin (see \'ol- \T
pp. 318-399), The chief mediators between the colonid
and the crown were David Barclay and Dr. John Folho
gill, members of the Society of Friends. Mrs, Howe, sistt
of Lord Howe, with whom Franklin played chess and di
cussed mathematical problems, brought Franklin and h)
brother together, and again Franklin did all in his power 1
reach some common ground of agreement. Howe uig(
him to form some plan of reconciliation that would be ai
ceptable to the Ministry, and assured him that if he coul
accomplish such pacification, he "might with reason expel
any reward in the power of government to bestow." Thi
said Franklin, was to him "what the French \-uIgarly ca
spitting in the soup."

Franklin drew up a plan, the sane propositions of whic

could not be accepted by a demented govemmeni, an

agreed to accompany Lord Howe as his private sccretan- i

ijj3 Lordship should be appointed commissioner to America

y . even guaranteed without any assurance that he sbouli

reimbursed, or his conduct approved, that the tea throm

'j^-* hoard "^ Boston harbour should be paid for if justic

Tj./^'-i [jC granted lo the colonies, ^ "an engagement," h

^2 -^ , -„ »vhich I must have risked my whole fortune."

i^ . -^ reached Philadelphia, May 5, 1775. While h

^r'/-' pf^ ffC seas, the skirmishes at Lexington and ConcoD

U, y^'/> ^jp -^he land was in tumult. The morning after hj

^-ijs unanimously chosen one of the deputies 4

^^* of Pennsylvania to attend the Conlinena

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 287

Congress.' Changes, too, the years had brought for Frank-
lin's family. His new house, built nine years before but
during his residence in London, was ready for his occupation,
but the mistress of the house was dead. Deborah Franklin died
of paralysis in December, 1774. In the winter of 1 768-1 769,
she had suflFered "a partial palsy in the tongue and a sudden
loss of memory." She rallied from the shock though William
Franklin wrote to his father that her memory appeared to be
impaired. In 1771 he reported that "her memory has failed
her much and she becomes every day more and more unfit
to be left alone."

In May of that year, Franklin wrote to her a letter which
defines the financial arrangements that he made for his
family during his absence.

TO DEBORAH FRANKLIN (a. P. S.)

London, May i, 1771

My dear Child

I wrote to you per Capt. Osborne, and have since received
yours of Jan. 14, per Cousin Benezet, and of March 7, per
the Packet.

The Bill on Sir Alexander Grant for 30;^ which you so
kindly sent me inclos'd, came safe to hand. I am obliged too
to Mr. Hall for enabling you on a Pinch to buy it. But I
am sorry you had so much Trouble about it ; and the more
so, as it seems to have occasioned some Disgust in you
against Mess" Foxcrofts for not supplying you with Money
to pay for it. That you may not be offended with your
Neighbours without Cause ; I must acquaint you with what it
seems you did not know, that I had limited them in their

1 Thomas Willing and James Wilson were chosen at the same time.

388 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

Payments to you, to the Sum of Thirty Pounds per Month,
for the sake of our more easily settling, and to prevent Mis-
takes. This making 360 Pounds a Year, I thought, as you
have no House Rent to pay yourself, and receive the Rents
of 7 or 8 Houses besides, might be sufficient for the Main-
tenance of your Family. I judged such a Limitation ihe
more necessary, because you never have sent me any Account
of your Expences, and think yourself ill-used if I desire it;
and because I know you were not very attentive to Money-
matters in your best Days, and I apprehend that your Mem-
ory is too much impair'd for the Management of unlimited
Sums, without Danger of injuring the future Fortune of TOur
Daughter and Grandson. If out of more than 500^ a Year,
you could have sav'd enough to buy those Bills it might haie
been well to continue purchasing them. But I do not like
your going about among my Friends to borrow Money for
that purpose, especially as it is not at all necessary. .And
therefore I once more request that you would decline buying
them for the future. And I hope you will no longer lake it
amiss of Mess" Foxcrofts that they did not supply tou.
If what you receive is really insufficient for j-our sup-
port satisfy me by Accounts that it is so, and I shall oider

1 am much pleased with the little Histories )-ou give me of
your fine Boy, which are confirmed by all that hav'e seen
him, I hope he will be spared and continue the samt-
Pleasure and Comfort to you, and that I shall ere long partake
wth you in it. My Lo\-e to him, and to his Papa and Mama.
Mrs. Stevenson too is just made \-ery happy by her Daugh-
ter's being safely delivered of a Son: the Mother and ChiH
oih well. Present my affectionate Respects to Mrs. Mont-

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 289

gomery with Thanks for her most obliging Present. It
makes a nice Bag for my Ivory Chessmen, I am, as ever,

Your affectionate Husband

B. Fkanklin.

I venture to add to this letter an example of Mrs. Franklin's
epistolary style. Although written the year before her death,
it is neither better nor worse than the other laboured products
of her unwilling and unlettered pen.

PROM DEBORAH FRANKLIN (a. P. S.)

October ye 29, 1773

My Dear Child: — I have bin verey much distrest a
boute you as I did not aney letter nor one word from you
nor did I hear one word from oney bodey that you wrote to
so I muste submit and inde [ ?] to submit to what I am to
bair I did write by Capt Folkner to you but he is gon down
and when I read it over I did not like t and so if this donte
send it I shante like it as I donte send you aney news now
I donte go abrode

I shall tell you what Consemes my selef our youngest Grand
son is the forced child us a live he has had the Small Pox and
had it very fine and got a brod a gen. Capt All will tell you
aboute him and Benj Franklin Beache, bilt as it is so dificall
to writ I have deserd him to tell you, I have sent a squerel
for your friend * and wish her better luck it is a very fine one
I have had very bad luck they one kild and another run a
way all thow they are bred up tame I have not a Caige as I
donte know where the man lives that makes them my love
to Salley Franklin my love to all our Cusins as thow menshond

^ Miss Georgiana Shipley.
VOL. X — u

L

290 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

remember me to Mr. and Mrs, Weste doe you ever hear any
thing of Ninely Evans as was

I thanke you for the silke and hat it at the wonjons to make
it up but have it put up as you wrote [torn] I thonke it ii
is very prittey ; what was the prise ? I desier to give my ioi-e
to every bodey [torn] I shold lore Billey was in town S or 6
day when the chiW was in the Small Pox Mr Franklin [torn]
not sene him yit I am to teU a verey pritey thing about Ben
the players is cume to town and they am to ackte on Munday
he wanted to see a play he unkill Beache had given him a
doler his mama asked him wuther he wold give it for a ticket,
or buy his Brother a neckles he sed his Brother a necklas he
is a charmm child as ever was Borne my Grand cheldren
are the Best in the worid Salley will write I cante write aney
mor I am your a feckshone wife,

D. Franklin.

The Continental Congress convened on the loth of May-
Never had Franklin's time been more fully employed. "In
the morning at six," he wrote to Joseph Priestley, "I am at
the Committee of Safety, appointed by the Assembly to put
the province in a stale of defence, which Committee holds till
near nine, when I am at the Congress, and that sits till after
four in the afternoon." Twenty-five members served upon
the committee. It was their duty to call the militia into acti^t
service, to pay and furnish them with supplies and to provide
for the defence of the province. To meet their expenses
bills of credit for thirty-five thousand pounds were issued and
put into iheir hands. They prepared and executed plans
for (he defence of Philadelphia, erecting fortifications and
consirurting armed boats. Upon this committee Franklin
Ki-rvfv) as chairman for eight months.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 291

Congress made provision for a new post-ofl&ce establish-
ment, and Franklin was appointed chairman of a committee
of six to consider the best means of establishing posts for
conveying letters and intelligence throughout the continent.
The plan outlined by Franklin is that upon which the post-
office of the United States is conducted at the present time.
He was unanimously chosen postmaster-general, at a salary
of one thousand dollars per annum. It was at this time that
in franking letters he was wont to write "B free Franklin"
instead of the original form "free, B. Franklin."

He served with zeal and energy upon ten committees. He
was head of the commissioners for Indian affairs in the
middle department ; he was on the committee for engraving
and printing continental money; on the conmiittee to con-
sider Lord North's conciliatory resolution in Parliament;
on the investigation of the sources of saltpetre ; for employing
packet-ships and disposing of captured vessels ; on a plan for
protecting commerce ; and on the plan of treaties to be pro-
posed to foreign powers.

In July (1775), he prepared a sketch of a plan of permanent
union of the colonies. Each colony was to retain its indepen-
dence, but to be represented in an annual congress which
should deal with all measures of resistance to injustice and
oppression. Besides the thirteen already represented, Ire-
land, Canada, the West Indies, Bermuda, Nova Scotia and
Florida were to be invited to join. The plan was presented
to Congress, but was not acted upon.* The original draft
as drawn by Franklin is in The American Philosophical
Society.

^ The plan of union was published in the Annual Register for 1775. The
editor omitted " Ireland " from the list of colonies.

292 THE WR!TINGS OF BEATJAMm FRANKUN

AmucA

Maattchosetts Bay
PensUTania
Virginia
S. Carolina

eachl
four J

three j

each
one

}•

ao

Jamaica

New York

Maryland

Canada

Connecticutt 1 each 1

E. & W. Jerseys j two J * * *

New Hampshire
Nova Scotia
Rhode Island
Lower Countries of
Pensilvania

8

North Carolina
Georgia
East Florida
West Florida

Barbadoes

Antigua each 1

S! Christophers one / ' * '

Bahamas

Bermuda

Monserat all ..•••• I

Nevis

Grenadas 2

New Foundland & St. Johns . • i

Dominica

S* Vincent h ...... • I

Tobago

Lords for the principal prov>
inces and Islands, as soon as
found convenient, to be cre-
ated by the Royal Preroga-
tive

Ireland

Each Province 4 Membeia • •
Dublin

Cork

Kinsale

Waterford

Limerick

Kilkenny

Wicklow

Wexford

eachl
one /

Dundalk

Drogheda

Voughall

Gal way
Belfiut
Londonderry

each 1
one /

And proportionate Numbers of
Lords to be elected by the
Irish Lords from among them-
selves

Fecit in the whole

American Commons . . .

Lords ....

Irish Commons . .

Lords . . .

A

10

16

2

3
30

Commons

50

10

50

10

IP
100

In September, with Thomas Lynch of South Carolina
and Benjamin Harrison of Virginia, he was sent to Cambridge
to consult with Washington relative to the military condition
of the colonies, and to determine upon methods of supplying

^ governing the continental army. Order was to be

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 293

brought out of chaos ; the army was unprepared for winter, —
clothing, fuel, provision, gunpowder, were imperatively needed.
Ammunition was so scarce that at Bunker Hill there were
but five rounds for each soldier. None knew so well as
Franklin the inadequacy and unpreparedness of the army,
yet the day before he set forth for Cambridge he wrote to
Priestley in a tone of confident irony : " Britain, at the expense
of three millions, has killed one hundred and fifty Yankees
this campaign, which is twenty thousand pounds a head ; and
at Bunker's Hill she gained a mile of ground, half of which
she lost again by our taking post on Ploughed Hill. During
the same time sixty thousand children have been bom in
America. From these data Dr. Price's mathematical head
will easily calculate the time and expense necessary to kill us
all, and conquer our whole territory."

The conference at the camp of General Washington began
October the eighteenth and continued four days. It was
agreed that an army of twenty-six regiments should be
raised, and that preparations should be made for recruiting.
Rules were made for selling prize ships, and for exchanging
prisoners, and methods of raising from among the colonies
the money necessary for paying -the troops were determined
upon.

A secret committee was appointed November 29, 1775,
"to correspond secretly with friends in Great Britain, Ire-
land, and other parts of the world." Benjamin Franklin,
Benjamin Harrison, John Dickinson, Thomas Johnson, and
John Jay were immediately appointed upon the committee
with full powers to employ confidential agents in Europe and
to send such agents from America. The first business of the
committee was the employment of Charles W. F. Dumas, a

294 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

resident of The Hague, a man-of-letters, and a student of
international law who had presented Franklin with his anno-
tated edition of Vattel. Franklin wrote to him, enclosing a
draft for two hunditd pounds, as preliminary pajment, and
requested him to sound the foreign ambassadors at The
Hague and ascertain if an alliance would be possible with
any of the friendly powers/ Arthur Lee, in London, was
addressed upon similar terms, and a strategic letter was sent
to his Serene Highness, Don Gabriel of Bourbon, in the hope
of striking some show of friendship from Spain. The letters
were carried to Europe by Thomas Story. Large orders for
arms and clothing were given to M. Penet, a French merchant,
who departed for France, bearing with him other letters from
Franklin, the most important of which was to Dr. Barbeu
Dubourg, the translator and editor of Franklin's works.

The next important act of the Committee of Secret Corre-
spondence was the sending abroad of Silas Deane to treat
A\ith the French government. He was to seek out Dr.
Dubourg upon his arrival in Paris and be presented by him
to Count de Vergennes, the Minister of Foreign Affairs. He
was to request the assistance and alliance of France, and
promise that the American trade should be diverted from
England to that countr)'. He was to ask for clothing and
arms for twenty-five thousand men, a quantity of ammunition
and one hundred pieces of field artillery. He was to ask

^ The letter was written by Franklin, December 9, 1775, and was approved
and confirmed by John Dickinson and John Jay. It concluded: "As what
we now request of you. besides taking up your Time an<l giving you Trouble
may put you to some Expence we send you, for the present, inclosed, a Hill
of two hundred pounds sterling to defray such Expences, and desire you to
be assured that your services will be considered and honourably rewarded by
^^■^ Congress." Dumas was to sign his letters " L'Ami des Col," or " L'Habi-
". Academic dc Leyde."

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 295

convoy for these articles and for the Indian goods he was
instructed to purchase. Forty thousand pounds' worth of
tobacco and rice were despatched to the ports of France so
that he might be furnished with the means of paying for his
purchases. Secrecy was maintained with great caution and
mystery. The correspondence between the committee and
their agent was to be upon specially prepared paper, written
upon with invisible ink.

These manifold activities might have seemed a heavy tax
upon one man, but fresh burdens were soon to be fastened
upon FrankUn. In the spring of 1776, he was appointed
one of three conunissioners to go to Canada, a long and
laborious journey for one who was then seventy years of age.
His fellow-travellers were Samuel Chase and Charles Carroll,
his fellow-commissioners, and the Rev. John Carroll, a
Jesuit priest, afterward Archbishop of Baltimore, who was
requested to accompany them because of the influence he
might be expected to have over the Roman Catholics of
Canada. The purpose of the commission was to promote
or form a union between the colonies and the people of
Canada. Montreal was reached April 29 after a journey
of twenty-seven days.* Franklin lodged in "the best built
and the best furnished house in the city." It belonged to
Thomas Walker, an English merchant, who was an active
sympathizer with the colonies.

The Canadians would have nothing to do with the very
doubtful experiment of joining the colonies. The commis-
sioners tried in vain to borrow money for the needs of the
amiy. Franklin was suffering from the severity of the

1 Sec " Diary of Charles Carroll," edited by Colonel Brantz Mayer, in
Transactions of the Maryland Historical Society, Vol. I.

296 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

weather, and after a fortnight in Montreal returned in com-
pany with Dr. John Carroll, reaching Philadelphia in June.
On the morning of his departure Franklin wrote the follow-
ing letter which was signed by the other commissioners.

Montreal 11"* May 1776

Dear Sir
We desire that you will shew to Mrs. Walker every civility
in your power and facilitate her on her way to Philadelphia ;
the fear of cruel treatment from the enemy on account of
the strong attachment to, and zeal of her husband in the cause
of the united Colonies induces her to depart precipitately
from her home; & to undergo the fatigues of a long and
hazardous journey. We are sorry for the occasion of writing
this letter & beg your attention to alleviate her distress;
your known politeness and humanity, we are sensible, without
this recommendation from us, would prompt you to perform
the friendly ofl&ce. We are with great esteem & sincere
regard for yourself & family

D' Sir Your aflFectionate hum Serv*"

Sam* Chase

Ch. Carroll of Carrollton

B. Franklin.*

^ Thomas Walker had been accused of defacing the bust of George III is
Place d'Armes, Montreal. A string of potatoes for a rosary was found one
morning in 1775 about the neck of the bust with an inscription, " Voici le
Pape du Canada et de Sot des Anglais." Some persons in Montreal, offendetl
by his rebellious speeches, entered his house at night and mutilated him by
cutting off an ear. Franklin suddenly resolved to accompany the fair and
"precipitate" Mrs. Walker, and on the score of ill health left his fellow-com-
missioners to pursue their ineffectual task in Canada. How little pleasure he
had in the companionship of Mrs. Walker, who taunted him cruelly upon the
ill success of his mission, may be learned from Franklin's letter to the com-
missioners. See Vol. VI, p. 448.

The original of the above letter, which was probably addressed to General

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 297

He was in time to take part in the historic proceedings
which have made the 4th of July a day of imperishable
memories. The Conmiittee of Safety had reconmiended the
election of delegates to a conference. Franklin was one
of the twenty-five chosen by Philadelphia. The conference
sat in Philadelphia from June 18 to 23, forswore al-
legiance to the king of England, and vowed obedience
to Congress, and provided for the election of delegates
from Philadelphia to meet in convention and form a con-
stitution. Franklin was chosen one of the eight delegates
from Philadelphia. The Declaration of Independence was
drafted by Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, John
Adams, Robert R. Livingston, and Roger Sherman. It is
well known that when John Hancock said, as they were about
to sign the document, "We must be unanimous; we must all
hang together," Franklin replied, "We must indeed all
hang together, or, most assuredly, we shall all hang sepa-
rately." ^

John Adams wrote to his wife: "Dr. Franklin will be
governor of Pennsylvania ! The new members from this
city are all in this taste — chosen because of their inflexible
zeal for Independence. All the old members left out because
they opposed Independence, or were lukewarm about it,
Dickinson, Morris,. and Allen all fallen like grass before the
scythe, notwithstanding all their vast advantages in point
of fortime, family, and abilities." On the 8th of July

Schayler, is now in the council room of the Chdteau de Ramezay, Montreal,
which was the headquarters of the commissioners, and the place where the
letter was written. The house in which Franklin lodged was demolished to
make room for the extension of the Bonsecours Market. It stood at the
comer of Jacques Cartier Square and Notre Dame Street.
' See also VoL I, p. 38.

298 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

Franklin was elected president of the Constitutional Con-
vention, and on the 20th was chosen by that body a
member of Congress by the highest number of votes cast
for any candidate. When the Convention adjourned, they
adopted unanimously the following resolution, "That the
thanks of this Convention be given to the President for the
honour he has done it by filling the chair during the debates
on the most important parts of the bill of rights and frame
of government, and for his able and disinterested advice
thereon."

Lord Howe and his brother, General William Howe, were
appointed joint commissioners to bring about a reconcilia-
tion with the colonies. Lord Howe's fleet of one hundred
and twenty sail reached New York early in July, 1776. An
exchange of letters immediately took place between Franklin
and the admiral.* The "Declaration" issued by the latter,
stating his powers to grant pardons, etc., was sent to Wash-
ington, who transmitted it to Congress. That body directed
it to be printed in the newspapers, "that the few who still
remain suspended by a hope founded either in the justice
or moderation of their late King, may now at length be con-
vinced that the valour alone of their country is to save its
liberties." No other notice was taken of the commissioners.
Military operations began. The battle of Long Island was
fought, and General Sullivan who fell into the hands of the
British was paroled and sent to Philadelphia to ask Congress
to name representatives to treat with the British commission-
ers. Congress appointed Franklin, John Adams, and Edward
Rutledge, a committee to ascertain from Lord Howe whether
he had any authority to treat with persons authorized by

1 See Vol. VI, p. 458 et seq.

THE LIFE OF BEN/AM/AT FRANKLIN 299

Congress for that purpose on behalf of America, and what that
authority is, aftd to hear such propositions as he shall think fit
to make respecting the same.

Franklin wrote to Howe, naming the house on Staten Island
opposite to Amboy, or the governor's house at Amboy, as
places suitable for the rendezvous. Howe preferred the first
named, and Franklin and his colleagues started September
9 to keep the appointment. The admiral sent his barge
to receive them and to leave an officer as a hostage. The
committee took the officer back with them in the barge.
Lord Howe met them at the landing and led them to a reno-
\-atcd n)om in an ancient stone house where they found an
abundant collation of "good claret, good bread, cold ham,
tongues, and mutton." Nothing satisfactory resulted from
the conference. The committee reported to Congress, " Upon
the whole it does not appear to your committee, that his Lord-
ship's commission contained any other authority of impor-
tance than what is expressed in the act of Parliament, namely,
that of granting pardons, with such exceptions as the commis-
sioners shall think proper to make, and of declaring America,
or any part of it, to be in the King's peace, upon submission." ^

1 **Lord Howe was profuse in his expressions of gratitude to the State
of Massachusetts for erecting a marble monument in Westminster Abbey
to his elder brother, Lord Howe, who was killed in America in the last French
war, saying, ' he esteemed that honour to his family aben'e all things in this
world. That such was his gratitude and affection to the country on that
account that he felt for America as for a brother, and if America should fall,
he should feel and lament it like the loss of a brother.' Dr. Franklin, with
an easy air and a collected countenance, a bow, a smile, and all that naivete
which sometimes appeared in his conversation, and is often observed in his
writings, replied, * My Lord, we will do our utmost endeavours to spare your
Lordship that mortification.' His Lordship appeared to feel this with more
Kcnsibility than I could expect ; but he only returned, * I suppose you will
endeavour to give us employment in Europe.' " " The Life and Works of
John Adams," Vol. HI, p. 79; and sec also " Life of Josiah Quincy," p. 414.

300 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

CHAPTER Vn

PLENIPOTENTIARY TO FRANCE

John Jay related a strange incident which occurred in
November, 1775.* An old gentleman of French appearance,
lame, and with a military bearing, appeared in Philadelphia
and promised to Congress the assistance of Louis X\T
"Gentlemen," said the mysterious foreigner, "if you want
arms, you shall have them; if you want ammunition, you
shall have it ; if you want money, you shall have it." Of all
these things the Congress had urgent need, but it was also
necessary that they should know the name and credentials of
the eiivoy who promised so liberally. In answer to such
inquiries he drew his hand with a significant gesture across
his throat, and said, "Gentlemen, I shall take care of my
head." Nothing further was learned of him, and in another
day he had vanished from Philadelphia, rather than removed
in any bodily sense.

Many were convinced that he was really an emissary of the
French government. Help was eagerly and confidently looked
for from abroad . Spain, Holland , and France were unsleeping
enemies of Great Britain. Congress was prepared to believe
that France would welcome an opportunity to loosen the
ties between America and England. A committee of secret
correspondence was appointed, and Franklin penned letters
to his liberal friends in England, to a grandee in Spain, a
physician in Paris, and a lawyer at The Hague. Silas Deane
was despatched to France with instructions drawn up by
Franklin to engage in extensive business operations for the

1 Sec •* Life of John Jay," VoL I, p. 3^

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 301

benefit of the colonies.* Ten months passed away while the
country tossed in nervous impatience, waiting for some word
in answer to the letters, or for some sign from Silas Deane.
The letter that then arrived, in September, 1776, from Dr.
Barbeu Dubourg encouraged Congress to send an embassy
to France. On the 26th of December they unanimously
elected Franklin and Jefferson. The latter declined on
account of the ill health of his wife, and Arthur Lee was
chosen in his stead. Silas Deane was retained as the third
commissioner. Turning to Dr. Rush who sat beside him,
Franklin said, when the result of the balloting was annoimced,
"I am old and good for nothing; but, as the store-keepers
say of their remnants of cloth, ^ I am but a fag end, and you
may have me for what you please.' " His last act at home,
before departing upon a journey from which it was probable
he would never return, was to lend to Congress between three
and four thousand pounds.

He arrived in France on the Reprisal^ after a stormy
voyage, beaten for thirty days by November gales. They
brought in with them to Quiberon Bay two prizes, a brigantine
laden with tar, turpentine, and claret, and another with a
cargo of cognac and flaxseed. Franklin went ashore at
Auray, in Brittany, so weakened by the voyage that he
could scarcely stand, and on the 7th of December reached
Nantes. His coming was unexpected, but he had friends in
the city, and elaborate entertainment was at once prepared

^ Deane arrived in France, June, 1 776, and was in Paris on the 5th of
July. He travelled by Bermndas and Spain, the route of greatest security.

* A sixteen-gun ship, commanded by Captain Wickes. Franklin was ac-
companied by William Temple Franklin (aged seventeen) the illegitimate son
of William Franklin, and Benjamin Franklin Bache (aged seven), eldest son
of Sarah (Franklin) Bache.

/J

302 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

for him. Lord Stormont, the British ambassador in Paris,
wrote to Lord Weymouth (December ii, 1776): **I learnt
yesterday evening that the famous Doctor Franklin is arrived
at Nantes, with his two grandchildren. They came on an
American privateer, which took several English vessels in
her passage. Some people think that either some private
dissatisfaction or despair of success have brought him into
this country.* I carmot but suspect that he comes charged
with a secret conmiission from the Congress, and as he is a
subtle artful man, and void of all truth, he will in that case
use every means to deceive, will avail himself of the general
ignorance of the French, to paint the situation of the rebels in
the falsest colours, and hold out every lure to the ministers,

to draw them into an open support of that cause. He has the

«

ad\^ntagc of several intimate coimexions here, and stands
high in the general opinion. In a word, my Lord, I look upon
him as a dangerous engine, and am very sorry that some
English frigate did not meet with him by the way."

A second letter, written the next day (December 12) by
Lord Stormont to the same correspondent, and marked
**most confidential," read as follows: —

**I am forced to trouble Your Lordship with a few Words
more. My suspicions with regard to Franklin are con-
firmed. He came over in a Forty Gun Ship to give more
Eclat to his Mission and was at Versailles last Night as I am
positively assured. He pressed to be instantly rec* as a
Minister from the Independent Colonies but in a Council that
was held last Night upon the occasion. It was resolved

1 A belief expressed by Franklin's old friend, Sir Grey Cooper, who wrote

from New York (October 28, 1776), "The arch Dr. Franklin has Utdy

eloped under the cloak of plenipotentiary to VersaiUes.**

THE LIFE OP BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 303

to decline this for the present. He talks the Language I
expected, represents the Affairs of the Rebels as being in the
most flourishing Condition, says that General Howe never
will dare to attack Washington and adds that the Hessians
who were advanced before the Main Army had attacked, and
had been repulsed with loss. It is not to be doubted that he
will make France the Most insidious and tempting offers,
and there is, I think, but too much Reason to fear that he will
draw her into the Snare."

Stormont corrected his error concerning the visit to De
Vergennes in a letter of December the eighteenth. Half Paris
believed that Franklin had gone at once to Versailles; but
he tarried a fortnight at Nantes, while his presence in Europe
continued to excite universal interest and curiosity. Madame
du Deffand wrote to Horace Walpole: "The object of Dr.
Franklin's visit is still problematical; and what is the most
singular of all is that no one can tell whether he is actually in
Paris or not. For three or four days it has been said in the
morning that he had arrived and in the evening that he had
not yet come." *

While the ministers with more or less success sought to
persuade themselves that Franklin was seeking safety in
selfish flight from a forlorn cause, statesmen, like Burke
and Rockingham, were undeceived. "I persuade myself,"
wrote Burke, "that Franklin is come to Paris to draw from

^ Deane wrote to the Committee of Correspondence that for a long time
nothing had so occupied the minds of people as the arrival of Franklin.
The prefect of police informed De Vergennes that a great sensation in Paris
had been occasioned by the approach of Franklin, and that the departure of
Beaumarchais had caused no less sensation. The public connected the two
circumstances and found in the coincidence a proof that the insurgents had
no desire for reconciliation. See Doniol, Vol II, p. loi.

304 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

that court a definitive and satisfactory answer concerning
the support of the colonies. If he cannot get such an answer,
(and I am of opinion that at present he cannot,) then it is to
be presumed he is authorized to negotiate with Lord Stor-
mont on the basis of dependence on the crown. This I take
to be his errand : for I never can believe that he is come thither
as a fugitive from his cause in the hour of its distress, or that
he is going to conclude a long life, which has brightened every
hour it has continued, with so foul and dishonourable flight."

Lord Rockingham, replying to some correspondent who had
communicated to him the news of Franklin's arrival, said :
"In regard to this event I cannot refrain from paying my
tribute of admiration to the vigour, magnanimity and deter-
mined resolution of the Old Man, The horrid scene at a
Privy Council is in my memory, though perhaps not in his. It
may not excite his conduct. It certainly deters him not. —
He boldly ventures to cross the Atlantic in an American little
frigate, and risks the dangers of being taken, and being
once more brought before an implacable tribunal. The
sight of Banquo's ghost could not more offend the eyes of
Macbeth, than the knowledge of this old man being at
Versailles, should affect the minds of those who were prin-
cipals in that horrid scene.

" Depend upon it he will plead forcibly. He has but to
combat a degree of folly in a very few in France. He is so
armed with proofs of the facility with which France and Spain
may now give a deadly blow to this country, that I can no
longer enjoy the chief comfort I had in the reliance, that
though the political conduct of this country was weak or
infatuated beyond all bounds — yet the Courts of France and
Spain were still more weak and blind.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 305

" I am very curious to know what reception yourinformation
will meet from the Ministers. Inwardly they will tremble at
it. They may appear to think slightly of the effects it will
have. They will cherish a fond hope that France will not
listen. In the mean time they will try to raise more and more
indignation here against the Americans for this strong effort
of application to France." *

When his strength was somewhat restored, Franklin pro-
ceeded to Paris, and entered the city at two o'clock in the
afternoon of December 22. Dr. Barbeu Dubourg had al-
ready sent cards to all his acquaintance to announce his com-
ing. Beaumarchais, in the luxurious office of Hortalez & Co.,
— the mysterious firm that was to finance the American Revo-
lution, — a harp by his hand, and a score book on the table,
awaited an interview with the only man who was his equal in
wit, courage, versatility and sagacity. Madame du Deffand
immediately reported the news of his arrival to Horace Wal-
pole, as the event of most sensational interest. He went at
once to the ancient H6tel d'Hambourg, in the rue de TUni-
versit^, where Silas Deane lodged. Later, to escape the
curious crowds that pressed about his doors, intruded upon
various pretexts into his presence, and followed him with
applause, whenever he walked abroad, he removed to Passy,
where, in the H6tel Valentinois, a dependance of the luxuri-
ous home of Le Ray de Chaumont, he found a quiet retreat
where it was possible for him to command time for the de-
spatch of public business, and the conduct of his incredibly
voluminous correspondence with all the world. Chaumont

* Letter dated " Wentworth, Thursday night, December (1776)," published
in ** Memoirs of the Marquis of Rockingham " (Albemarle), 1852, VoL II,
p. 302.

VOL. X — X

3o6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

was Grand Maltre des Eaux et Forets de France and
Intendant Honoraire des Invalides. He was rich and oc-
cupied the Ch&teau of Chaumont, on the Loire, and a
house at Passy/ He was the close friend of the Due de
Choiseul, his neighbour at Chaumont, and had declined
his invitation to enter the Ministry, as he preferred to
act as an intermediary between the conmiissioners and
Versailles.

Everywhere Franklin was received wth an abundant cor-
diality, respect, and affection for which history furnishes
scarcely a parallel. Every word he uttered was caught and
pondered, and remembered; every action was studied and
imitated. In him was the promise of better days and the
augury of a more fortunate social order.

On the 23d of December, the commissioners, giving
themselves the title of plenipotentiaries, addressed their
first official communication to the Count de Vergennes: —

Sir
We beg leave to acquaint your Excellency that we are ap-
pointed and fully impowered by the Congress of the United
States of America, to propose and negotiate a Treaty of
Amity and Commerce between France and the said States. —
The just and generous Treatment their Trading Ships have
received, by a free Admission into the Ports of this Kingdom,
with other Considerations of Respect, has induced the Con-
gress to make this Offer first to France. We request an
Audience of your ExcellT wherein we may have an Oppor-
tunity of presenting our Credentials ; and we flatter ourselves,

' John I^cke was in Paris in 1679, and mentioned the H6tcl de Chaumont
among the twenty-four belles maisons best worth seeing in the city.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 307

that the Propositions we are instructed to make, are such as
wiU not be found unacceptable.

With the greatest Regard, we have the Honour to be,

Your Excellency's most obedient

And most humble Servants

B. Franklin
Silas Deane
Arthur Lee.

The audience was granted December 28. The commis-
sioners were received with great respect. They presented
their credentials and proposed the terms of a treaty of amity
and commerce they desired to conclude with France. They
asked the government to furnish Congress with eight ships of
the line, for which Congress would pay in full. They received
in reply good words cautiously uttered. De Vergennes com-
plimented Franklin on his celebrity, and his knowledge, and
spoke of the honour of seeing so distinguished a person, on an
errand of the first consequence.* But he was fearful of a
sudden rupture with Great Britain; he was not yet certain
of the strength of the colonies. He assured the commissioners
of the good-will and protection of the king, and desired them
to submit their propositions in writing to M. Gerard de
Rayneval, Secretary of the Foreign Office.

The watchful Stormont gathered from his informants some
inkling of the interview, and reported it in dreadful secrecy
to Lord Weymouth : —

Paris Jany i". 1777

My Lord.

^p ^^ ^^ ^p ^p ^^ ^c

Franklin, who came back from Versailles much dissatisfied,

* Paul Wentworth to the Earl of Suffolk, January 25, 1777.

3o8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMm FRANKUN

has since that time, made several endeavours, to be admitted
to see M. de Vergennes, and I strongly suspect, did see him
on Saturday last, I know at least that He, and Dean went to
Versailles that day. M de Vergennes has affected to say, to
several Persons, of late, that it would be impossible for him to
refuse to see M' Franklin, as it was a General Rule with
Ministers, to see and hear everybody. Franklin who is much
at home, is, I am told, frequently visited by different Persons
of the Choiseul Party, but particularly by M de Flainville.
The Duke of Choiseul, Franklin, and Deane, met on Monday
Evening, at a Ladys House of my acquaintance, and I
am much inclined to believe, that the Meeting was not
Accidental.

It is certain, that the Choiseul Party take Franklin by the
Hand, openly espouse the cause of the Rebels, and Rail in all
companies, at the Weakness of the present french Ministers,
who say they, lose such an opportunity, of giving the Natural
Rival, and enemy of France a Mortal Blow. Your Lordship
sees that by this Means, Franklin will become an Instru-
ment of Faction, which I hope will rather obstruct, than
facilitate his Negotiations. The Language he Effects to
hold, to his intimates, is, that he accepted this commission
very unwillingly, that he told the Congress, that all he could do,
was to go to France, and die there in their Service, that the
siu^ was almost worn out, but the last thread of it was at their
Disposal. I purposely repeat all this, to shew your Lordship,
the canting Tone he assumes.

I cannot yet pretend to form any decisive Judgement, as to
his success : My poor opinion is, that the present French Min-
isters wish to wound, but are afraid to strike, and tho' the
offers he makes, may tempt them, they will think twice, before

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 309

they expose themselves, and their Country, to the Hazard of an
unnecessary War; however this may be, I am persuaded, that
it is on our constant Vigilance, at Home and uninterrupted
Success in America that the Continuance of the public Tran-
quillity, must ukimately depend. I am with the greatest
Truth and Respect, etc.

Stormont

The conunissioners presented their memorial to Gerard.
They received no positive promise of aid, or loan of ships, but
were told that they could have two million francs without
interest, to be repaid when the United States should be settled
in peace and prosperity. Franklin wrote of this loan to the
Secret Committee (January 17, 1777): "No conditions or
security are required, not even an engagement from us. Wc
have accepted this generous and noble benefaction; five
hundred thousand francs, or one quarter, is to be paid into
the hands of our banker this day, and five hundred thou-
sand more every three months." On the 22d of January he
added a postscript to his letter, "We have received the five
hundred thousand francs mentioned above, and our banker
has orders to advance us the second payment if we desire it."

January the fifth, Franklin asked Vergennes to admit him
and his colleagues to a second audience the next day. The
minister, fearful of the reports that might be flung abroad by
the English spies who were watching every movement made
by Franklin, instructed Gerard to reply that he could not
receive them upon that day at Versailles, but that he would see
them on Tuesday in Paris. The meeting actually took place
January the ninth, at Versailles, when a memorandum was
submitted relating to the financial resources of the United

3IO THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

States. At this meeting, according to Paul Wentworth's
report to the Earl of Suffolk, the deputies were ^'attended
by the gentleman your Lordship knows, by the name of
Edwards, as their secretary." The mysterious person named
Edwards is generally beUeved to have been Dr. Edward
Bancroft, concerning whom very different opinions have been
entertained by historians. Bancroft called him "a double
spy," George III believed him to be "entirely an American,"
while Henri Doniol declared him to be **au gages du foreign
office." English spies abounded in Paris, and the corre-
spondence of Franklin and Deane was intercepted and furtively
examined. Captains of American vessels were tracked by
spies who pandered to their vices, or paid them out of hand
for secret intelligence that they might have from America, or
which they might become aware of in France. The ** Rev-
erend" John Vardill sought the acquaintance of Captain
Joseph Hynson, and communicated what he learned to Lord
North.^

George Lupton ingratiated himself into the favour of the
group that gathered about Deane, who kept a table at the
H6tel d'Hambourg for Carmichael, Wickes, Hynson, Nichol-
son, Moylan, W. T. Frankhn, and others of his countrymen
who were engaged in the service of the Congress. Several
of them lodged in the house and were supplied with money
by Silas Deane. Hynson, who was a brother-in-law of Cap-
lain Wickes, the captain of the Reprisal, in which Franklin
had crossed the ocean, lived in particular intimacy with Car-

^ Stormont wrote to William Eden (April i6, 1777)* "I am more and
more persuaded that Hynson is, in some respects at least, an instrument in
Deane's hands, but taking him upon that footing some use may be made of
him, as he is not a man of real ability and may easily be drawn on to say
more than he intends."

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 311

michael. Captain Nicholson, too, was upon terms of con-
fidence with Carmichael, and their mistresses, who had lived
together in London, were now dwelling together in Paris.

It was through Carmichael that Lupton discovered the
name (M. Benson) under which Deane received letters from
England.^

The most singular document of this kind is the engage-
ment of Dr. Edwards [Bancroft?] to correspond with Paul
Wentworth and Lord Stormont, and the means of conducting
that correspondence, written in the hand of Paul Wentworth,
and now among the Auckland Manuscripts at King's College,
Cambridge.

" D. Edwards engages to Correspond with M. Wentworth
& to communicate to him, whatever may come to his knowl-
edge on the following subjects. —

" The progress of the Treaty with France, & of the As-
sistance expected, or Commerce carryed on in any of the ports
of that Kingdom, — The Same with Spain, & of every other
Court in Europe. The Agents in ye foreign Islands in
America, & the means of carrying on the Commerce with
the Northern Colonys.

" The means of obtaining Credit — EflFects & Money : &
the Channells & agents used to apply them ; the secret moves
about the Courts of France & Spain, & the Congress
Agents & having the lines from one to the other.

" Franklins & Dean's Correspondence with the Congress,
& their Agents: and the secret as well as the ostensible
Letters from the Congress to them. Copys of any transactions,

^ Lupton quoted Carmichael as saying that "neither Franklin nor Deane
are capable of doing the business for which they were designed."

312 THE WRirmCS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

committed to Paper, & an exact account of all intercourse
& the subject matter treated of, between the Courts of
Versailles & Madrid, and the Agents from the Congress.

'^ Subjects to be communicated to Lord Stormont.

" Names of the two Carolina Ships, Masters both English
& French, description of the Ships, & Cargoes: the time
of sailing, & the port bound to —

" The same Circumstances respecting all equipments in any
port in Europe : together with the names of the Agents im-
ployed.

" The intelligence that may arrive from America, the Cap-
tures made by their privateers, & the instructions they
receive from the deputys.

" How the Captures are disposed of.

" Means for conducting the correspondence.

" For Lord Stormont — all Letters directed to Mr. Richard-
son— written on Gallantry — but the white Parts of
the paper to contain the intelligence written with invisible
Ink — the Wash to make which appear, is given to L* St.
" In these Letters, or the Covers not visibly written on, will be
contained what IJ St. : will be pleased to fold up, & direct
in a Cover to W. Wentworth — & send it by messenger.
" All packetts which M. Mary may send to Lord Stormont, to
be sent unopened to W. W. by Messenger only. Mr. Jeans
will call every Tuesday Evening after halfpast Nine, at the
Tree pointed out on the S. Terrace of the Tuilleries & take
from the Hole at the root — the Bottle containing a Letter :
— " And place under the Box-Tree agreed on, a bottle con-
taining any Communications from Lord Stormont to Dr.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 313

Edwards. All Letters to be Numbered with white Ink, The
bottle to be sealed — & tyed by the Neck with a common
twyne, about half a Yard in length — the other end of which
to be fastened to a peg of wood, split at top to receive a very
small piece of a Cord — the bottle to be thrust under the Tree,
& the Peg into the Ground on the west side."

So numerous and questionable were the strangers who
prowled about the neighbourhood of Passy that Lenoir, the
chief of police, received orders to take particular precautions
for Franklin's safety. The following paragraph appeared
in the NouveUes de Divers EndroitSy Supplement, No 67,
August 20, 1777: "Certain sinister-looking persons, seen
lurking around Dr. Franklin's lodgings at Passy, and others
no less suspected, who have even penetrated to his presence
upon different pretexts, have led the government to give
positive orders to the Lieutenant General of Police to watch
over the safety of this respectable old man, and take all the
precautions to this end that prudence could suggest."

By means of these secret sources of information Stormont
learned of the proceedings in the ports of France, and by his
remonstrances to the court succeeded in having vessels de-
tained, and the transportation of goods impeded. "Pray
recollectwhat I told you," Vergennes wrote to Dubourg (June,
1776), "one can connive at certain things but one cannot
authorize them." With the best will in the world the Min-
ister dared not carry his cheerful connivance so far as to give
occasion to Stormont to ask for his passports.

Franklin's letters, too, were opened by Anthony Todd, the
secretary of the general post-office in London, their contents
copied, and reclosed and fastened with imitations of the seals.

314 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

Stormont had discovered that Franklin carried on at least an
occasional correspondence with Lord Shelbume, Lord
Camden, Thomas Walpole, Samuel Wharton (Lisle Street),
Thomas Wharton (SuflFolk Street), and Mr. Williams of
Queen Street, Cheapside, and that these letters were addressed
to Jones, Jackson, Johnson, Watson, and Nicholson,

In the spring of 1777 the envoys turned their attention to
other courts. At the suggestion of Vergennes, Franklin had
entered into communication with Conde d'Aranda with a
view to winning the aid of Spain. Carmichael had sounded
the Swedish Minister at The Hague on the possibility of getting
stores from Sweden, but had been discouraged from under-
taking a journey to Stockholm. Arthur Lcc started for
Spain, but was informed before he reached that country that
the government would prefer not to be embarrassed by the
presence of an American envoy at Madrid. Lee obtained a
few supplies and, seeing further concessions impossible, re-
turned to Parisand set forth for Berlin,tra veiling in an English
postchaise, painted deep green, and with A.L. in cipher upon
the panels. Sayre, an American adventurer who had formerly
been an alderman in London, accompanied him with the in-
tention of proceeding to St. Petersburg to make a conquest of
the empress. Lee could not persuade Frederick the Great
into an alliance, and by his expedition rendered to his country
only the negative service of leaving his colleagues in Paris
free for six months to act according to their wisdom without
his arrogant interference.

Now began nine years of toil incredible, of heart-breaking
disappointments, worries innumerable, through all which
Frankh'n moved patiently, tranquilly, deliberately, emerging
triumphantly at last to throw himself into the arms of the

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 315

Due de Rochefoucauld, after signing the treaty of Peace, ex-
claiming, " My friend, could I have hoped, at my age, to enjoy
such a happiness?"

The business of the embassy was enormous. Franklin
was constantly harassed by troops of young military officers
who craved positions in the continental army. Commis-
sions and letters of recommendation descended upon him in
overwhelming volume. He dreaded to dine abroad, being
almost sure of meeting with some officer, or officer's friend,
who as soon as he should be put in good humour by a glass or
two of champagne, would begin his attack upon him.

To further the accomplishment of the objects urged upon
him by the Secret Committee he lived with the pen in his
hand. He wrote to various continental papers, letters and
articles upon "American Credit," "A Catechism relative to the
English National Debt," and "A Dialogue between Britain,
France, Spain, Holland, Saxony, and America," all calculated
to embarrass England in the negotiation of loans, and to pro-
mote the credit of America. The official correspondence of
the embassy entailed heavy burdens. Four or five copies had
to be made of every document. No provision had been made
for a secretary, and Franklin was obliged to rely upon his
grandson to sort and arrange the ever increasing mass of
papers relating to the office and to make copies of the de-
spatches to America.*

He had now arranged his household at Passy. He em-
ployed a maltre d'hdtel, who, according to the agreement, was
to provide daily dejeuner and dinner for five persons. The

> Franklin paid him, for the first year, six hundred and fifty dollars : for
the second year, eight hundred ; the third, nine hundred ; the fourth, twelve
hundred ; and thereafter, fifteen hundred.

3i6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

dSjeuner was to consist of bread and butter, honey, and coflFee
or chocolate with sugar. The dinner was to include a joint
of beef, or veal or mutton, followed by fowl or game with
"deux plats d'entremets, deux plats de legumes, et un plat de
Pattisserie, avec hors d*ceuvre, de Beurres, comichons,
radis, etc. ; pour le Dessert deux de Fruit en hiver, et 4 en Et6.
Deux compottes. Un assiette de f romage, un de Biscuits, et
un de bonbons. — Des Glaces, 2 fois par Semaine en Et6
et un fois en Hyver." For this service Franklin paid 720
livres a month for the family, and 240 livres for his nine
domestic servants. For extra dinners to guests he allowed
400 livres per month. Thus his table cost him 1360 francs.
Upon the first of February (1778) he had in his cellar 1040
bottles of wine, classified as follows : —

Vin rouge de Bordeaux .... 85

Vin de Chairaisse 148

Vin blanc de Bordeaux .... 34

Vin rouge de Bordeaux (1761) . . 15

Vin rouge de Bordeaux (bottled at Passy) 159

Vin blanc de Champagne . . . 21

Vin blanc de Moussie .... 326
Vin de bourgogne, rouge .... 113

Vin rouge ordinaire 209

Vin blanc ordinaire 10

Vin inconnu demi bouteille . • . 12

Rum 48

Upon the ist of September, 1782, he again took account of
the contents of the cellar, and found that he had 1203
bottles in stock. His hired carriage cost him 12 livres and 24
sols per day, but as he had to clothe his coachman, to have him
appear "decent," and his clothes cost 200 livres a year, the

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 317

total cost of his carriage and coachman was 5018 livres per
year. Chaumont gave his house freely to the envoys and
stripped himself of his fortune to supply American necessities.
"So much the worse," said he, "for those who would not do
the same if they had the opportunity ; so much the better
for me to have immortalized my house by receiving into it
Dr. Franklin and his associates."
John Adams wrote him (September 16, 1778): —

"Sir,
"As our finances are at present in a situation seriously
critical, and as I hold myself accountable to Congress for
every part of my conduct even to the smallest article of my
expenses I must beg the favour of you to consider what rent
we ought to pay you for this house and furniture, both for
the time past and to come.

" Every part of your conduct towards me and towards our
Americans in general, and in aU our ailairs, has been polite
and obliging, as far as I have had an opportunity of observing,
and I have no doubt it will continue so ; yet it is not reasonable
that the United States should be under so great obligation to a
private gentleman as that two of their representatives should
occupy for so long a time so elegant a seat with so much fur-
niture and such fine accommodations, without any compensa-
tion; and in order to avoid the danger of the disapprobation of
our constituents on the one hand for living here at too great
or at too uncertain an expense, and, on the other, the censure
of the world for not making sufficient compensation to a gentle-
nian who has done so much for our convenience, it seems to me
necessaiy that we should come to an imderstanding upon this
head.

3i8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

"As you have an account against the Commissioners, or
against the United States for several other matters, I should be
obliged to you if you would send it in as soon as possible, as
every day makes it more and more necessary for us to look
into our affairs with the utmost precision."

Chaumont replied : —

"Passy, September i8, 1778.

"Sre,
"I have received the letter which you did me the honour to
write to me on the 15th inst. making inquiry as to the rent of
my house in which you live for the past and the future.
When I consecrated my home to Dr. Franklin and his as-
sociates who might live with him, I made it fully understood
that I should expect no compensation, because I perceived
that you had need of all your means to send to the succour
of your country, or to relieve the distresses of your country-
men escaping from the chains of their enemies. I pray you,
sir, to permit this arrangement to remain, which I made when
the fate of your country was doubtful. When she shall en-
joy all her splendour, such sacrifices on my part will be super-
fluous or unworthy of her; but at present they may be
useful, and I am happy in offering them to you."

John Adams submitted to Franklin a plan with regard to
their accounts.

"Passy September 22, 1778
" Sir,

" Upon looking over the account of the expenditure of the

money for which we have jointly drawn upon the banker,

since my arrival at Passy, I find some articles charged for

similar ones to which I have paid in my separate capacity.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 319

I do not mean to be difficult about these things, but that we
may have a plan for the future, I beg leave to propose, that the
wages and expenses of the maiire dChdiel and cook, and of all
the servants, their clothes, and every other expense for them,
the wages, clothes, and other expenses of the coachman, the
hire of the horses and carriage, the expenses of postage of
letters, of expresses to Versailles and Paris, and elsewhere, of
stationary ware, and all the expenses of the family, should be
paid out of the money to be drawn from the banker by our
joint order. If to these Dr. Franklin chooses to add the
washerwoman's accounts for our servants etc. as well as our-
selves, I have no objection ; receipts to be taken for payments
of money, and each party furnished with a copy of the account
and a sight of the receipts once a month, if he desires it. The
expenses of a clerk for each may be added, if Dr. Franklin
pleases, or this may be a separate expense, as he chooses.
Expenses for clothes, books, and other things, and transient
pocket expenses, to be separate. Or, if any other plan is
more agreeable to Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams begs him to
propose it. The accounts for our sons at school may be
added, if Dr. Franklin chooses it, to the general account, or
otherwise. For my own part, when I left America, I ex-
pected, and had no other thought, but to be at the expense
of my son's subsistence and education here in my private
capacity, and I shall be very contented to do this, if Congress
should desire it. But while other gentlemen are maintaining
and educating large families here, and enjoying the exquisite
felicity of their company at the same time, perhaps Congress
may think it proper to allow this article to us as well as to
them ; and I am sure I do not desire it, nor would I choose to
accept it, if it was not allowed to others, although, perhaps, the

320 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

duties, labours, and anxieties of our station may be greater
than those of others.
"I am sir, your inmate and most obedient servant.

"John Adams."

Franklin's total expenses in France appear to have been
about $15,000 a year. Arthur Lee learned from the banker's
books that Deane received on his private accoimt from De-
cember, 1776, to March, 1778, $20,926; and that in the
same fifteen months Lee drew $12,749, and Franklin $12,214. '

Congress passed the following resolution, August 6, 1779:

**Resolvedy That an allowance of eleven thousand four hun-
dred and twenty-eight Livres Tbumois per Annum, be made
to the several Commissioners of the United States in Europe
for their services, besides their reasonable expenses respec-
tively. That the Salary, as well as the Expenses, be com-
puted from the Time of their leaving their places of abode
to enter on the duties of their offices, and be continued three
months after Notice of their Recall, to enable them to return
to their families respectively."

Franklin's associates were more in the nature of hindrances
than helps. The bigoted and egotistical Ralph Izard was
sent to Tuscany, the haughty and insolent Arthur Lee to
Spain, John Adams to Holland, and Dana to Russia; but
they never really reached or influenced the courts to which
they were accredited, nor did they receive any favourable
replies to their reiterated petitions. Among themselves they

^ Jefferson could not afford to keep a riding horse : ** Be assured," he once
said, '* we are the lowest and most obscure of the whole diplomatic tribe."
Vergennes told Noailles that Franklin's style of living was *' modest"

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 321

were devoured by envy and anger. They plotted against
each other and cherished feehngs of jealousy and malice.
Silas Deane fell into disfavour with Congress and was re-
called. Franklin looked leniently upon his alleged tres-
passes. He had himself been so beset and pestered by army
officers ambitious of commanding positions in the American
forces that he was ready to condone Deane's indiscretions in
employing and recommending foreign soldiers. When sum-
moned home (December 8, 1777), Deane enjoyed the confi-
dence of Franklin and Vergennes, but Arthur Lee declared
that he had put into his purse ;^6o,ooo sterling while he was
in Paris. Other letters Lee wrote full of charges and insinua-
tions against the loyalty and moral character of his colleagues.
He characterized Bancroft as ''a notorious stock jobber, Uving
in defiance of religion and decency ; a friend of Deane who has
just published a most false and scandalous libel in New
York GazeUe and Courtier de VEuroftP Always envious
and suspicious, Lee was restless and irritable under the supe-
rior eminence of Franklini and altogether unwilling to admit
the authority of either Franklin or Deane. He had been
appointed a Commissioner to France (October 22, 1776)
in the place of Jefferson when the latter had declined the
appointment. He had ineffectually sought aid from Spain
and Prussia. He was jealous of Deane's control of the ac-
coimts and of his intimacy with Beaumarchais, whom Lee
had met in London when he was a companion of the Wilkes
set. Lee's egotistic and suspicious nature caused him at times
to act like an insane person. There can be little doubt that
his mental obsessions disqualified him for rational judgment
and conduct. He was possessed by the belief that the
friends of Deane were plotting to destroy his reputation and to

VOL. X — Y

322 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIX FRAAKUX

traduce his character. He beUe\'ed that his ccJleagues were
withhoUing official iiifoniiati(Ni from him, and were secretly
engaged in intrigues to maUgn him in European newspapers
and to misrepresent him in letters to America. He wearied
Franklin with constant conmiunications that obstructed pubUc
buaness, and wrote to Congress uiging the recall of Franklin,
and his own promotion to his place in France. *'I Y^\t
within this year," he wrote to Samuel Adams, ''been at the
several courts of Spain, Vienna, and Berlin, and I find this of
France the great wheel that moves them all. Here therefore
the most acti\ity is requisite and if it should ever be a question
in Congress about my destination I should be much obliged
to you for remembering that I should prefer being at the court
of France." He recommended that Franklin should be sent
to Vienna because that court was most respectable and
quiet !

He wrote to his brother: "Things go on worse and worse
every day among ourselves and my situation is more painfuL
I see in every department neglect, dissipation, and private
schemes. Being in trust here, I am responsible for what I
cannot prevent, and these very men will probably be the instru-
ments of having me called to account one day for their mis-
deeds. There is but one way of redressing this and remedying
the public evil, that is the plan I before sent you, of appoint-
ing the doctor, honoris causa to Vienna, Mr. Deane to Hol-
land, Mr. Jennings to Madrid, and leaving me here. In
that case I should have it in my power to call those to an
account through whose hands I know the public money has
passed, and which will either never be accounted for, or
misaccounted for by connivance of those who are to share in
the public plunder."

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 323

The dispute between Deane and Lee had its origin in the
jealousy of the Southern and Eastern spirit, and this ancient
antagonism had been heightened by a bitter personal quarrel.
Their disUke and contempt for each other were beyond all
reconciliation. By means of letters from France the fierce
feud was extended to America, and the partisans of Lee and
the friends of Deane engaged in bitter factional warfare.
"Nothing short of the Ruin of the Reputation of Arthur
Lee," wrote James Lovell to FrankUn, "will' glut the Mahce
of a party formed against him by that Spirit of assassinating
Iimuendo which so eminently governs his Arch enemy." *

Nothing testifies more strongly to the sane and calm
philosophy of life that FrankUn held and practised than the
imperturbable way in which he discharged his duties amid
the jarring interests and malicious slander of his associates.
If ever an enterprise seemed foredoomed to failure it was the
American cause in Europe. Greed, treachery, and jealousy
marked its course. Deane detested Lee, Izard and Lee hated
Franklin. Adams, unyieldingly honest, and almost fanati-
cally patriotic, was at times egotistically mad.^ Carmichael
was feeding a company of spies at his Paris table; and at
Nantes and at Havre, bankers and merchants were contend-
ing for the spoils of prize ships. Lord North declared that
Franklin was the only man in France whose hands were not
stained with stock jobbery. Stephen Sayre, who made
infinite protestations of patriotism, was constantly impor-
tuning Franklin for lucrative offices, and while professing his
eternal regard for him, wrote at the same time to Capellen a

1 April 29, 1779.

* Franklin characterized him as " always an honest man, sometimes a great
man, and sometimes positively mad."

324 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

venomous letter in which FrankUn was stigmatized as a
"great villain." The letter is so characteristic of the kind
of slander that was current upon both sides of the Atlantic
that I quote it in full.

<' Amsterdam, Dec. 14, 1779

"I have ever had a favourable opinion of that man [Frank-
lin], I mean at Passy, except on one or two former occasions,
which I had pardon'd, as a compliment to his virtues. I
wish it had been in my power, for I have no personal preju-
dices to shut my eyes against some later transactions, for it
shakes my confidence, & hurts my feelings more than any-
thing else.

" The field is so lai^ge, a volume would not explain all. But
what opinion could you hold of any man, let his reputation be
ever so well established, that would deliberately pass the ac-
counts of an agent, employed by himself, & now his devoted
servant, when this very agent has been detected in purchas-
ing bad arms for the Americans in 1776 & 1777 such as were
fit only for that infamous trade of America. They had been
condemned, above 12 years since, as unfit for service. This
very Agent wrote so to a Gentleman who now holds his letter.
He wrote also, that they were not worth above three livres each.
They were however bought by this very agent, and charged to
the public account at twenty-three livres. — He has had the
money, & they were sent to America to defend the most
glorious cause the sun ever saw — the unhappy men who
used them, had hearts but no arms & of course were
sacrificed.

" The French Officers in America who saw and knew the
arms, will tell you the story now, with tears in their eyes.

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 325

This man however is, more than ever, now patronized by the
great villain, who is his imcle."*

John Adams toiled amid heart-breaking discouragements
to negotiate loans in Holland. Some of the business houses of
that country were disposed to oblige America, others were
partisans of England. John de Neufville & Son, Hend^
Steenbergen, de la Lande and Fynje, and Homeca Fizeau
& Co. were friendly to America; Hope & Co., Richard
Wilkinson, Ten Broeck & Co., and Van der Pol were closely
allied with English interests. One of the earliest Dutch
sympathizers with America was Joan Derck van der Capellen.
He wrote twice to Franklin, and receiving no reply, asked Dr.
Price to introduce him. Price replied: "You intimate that
you would be glad to be introduced to an acquaintance with
Dr. FiankUn. I wish I could obUge you in this, but it is
scarcely in my power. While in England he was one of my
most intimate friends, but from mutual regard we have since
avoided writing to one another."

Under the name of Hortalez & Co., Caron de Beaumar-
chais directed the business of America in France. The affair
of the Amphitrite, a ship owned by Beaumarchais, was the
first to convince Great Britain of the encouragement that
France was giving to the Americans.

Silas Deane, pressed by Beaumarchais and Vergennes,
recommended a French officer, Du Coudray, to Congress as a
military leader of great experience. With a letter of intro-
duction from Franklin and Deane, and a commission as

* See " Bricven van en aan Joan Derck van der Capellen van de Poll.
Qttgegeven door Mr. W. H. De Beaufort." Utrecht, Kemink & Zoon, 1879
(p. 162). This book contains the correspondence of Capellen with Americans,
and much information concerning American business transactions in Europe.

326 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

general of artillery granted by Deane, he sailed upon Beau-
marchais' vessel, AmphilrUe. The assumed name of Durand
was a thin disguise for a man so widely known as Caron
Beaumarchais. He wrote extravagant letters to the Com-
mittee of Correspondence, hurried to French seaports, engaged
vessels to transport merchandise and military stores to Amer-
ica, paying two-thirds of the freight in advance and finding
security for the remainder. He loaded vessels in the secrecy
of night after being forbidden by the government to engage in
such illegal operations. To quote his own words : " If govern-
ment caused my vessels to be unloaded in one port I sent them
secretly to reload at a distance in the roads. Were they
stopped under their proper names I changed them imme-
diately or made pretended sales, and put them anew under
fictitious commissions. Were obligations in writing exacted
from my Captains to go nowhere but to the West India Isl-
ands, powerful gratifications on my part made them )deld
again to my wishes. Were they sent to prison on their return
for disobedience, I then doubled their gratifications to keep
their zeal from cooling, and consoled them with gold for the
rigour of our government. Voyages, messengers, agents,
presents, rewards, — no expense was spared. One time, by
reason of an unexpected counter order, which stopped the
departure of one of my vessels, I hurried by land to Havre
twenty-one pieces of cannon, which, if they had come from
Paris by water, would have retarded us ten days." *

Maurepas, the Prime Minister, was a frivolous character
who was amused by the wit and good humour of Beaumar-

^ The capital which Beaumarchais employed was the million from the
French treasury in June, 1776 ; the million from Spain, September, 1776; and
another million from France in 1777.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN^ FRANKLIN 327

chais. He influenced De Vergennes to allow Beaumarchais
a free hand, and the latter succeeded in despatching the
Amphitriie. When the vessel returned in three weeks by
orders of Du Coudray who was dissatisfied with his quarters,
Beaumarchais in wrath turned the General of Artillery out
of the ship and succeeded again in gaining the assent of the
ministers to the second sailing of the vessel. Stormont wrote
to Lord Weymouth (January 29, 1777) : "What has happened
with regard to the Amphitrite is a strong proof of Monsieur
de Maurepas' Unsteadiness and Irresolution. I have no
doubt that orders were sent to Havre which would have
prevented her sailing at all if they had not arrived too late.
It was most natural to infer from thence that stress of
weather and other accidents having forced her to put into
L'Orient she would be ordered to remain there. This was
in contemplation, but an Unwillingness to combat the
Intrigues of the diflferent Parties who from various Causes
favour the Rebels, or Apprehension of appearing to be dic-
tated to by Great Britain, a Dread of Beaumarchais' Indis-
cretion, if he was made desperate, and perhaps a little of that
paltry Policy that wishes to stab in the Dark made M. de
Maurepas connive, at least, at this second Departure of the
AmphiirUe. A Friend of M. de Maurepas to whom I was
talking upon the Subject dropped this unguarded Expression.
Mais que voulez vous, si peut-etre on a lach^ indiscretement
quelque Parole a ce Beaumarchais on quelque Billet que
sais je moi ? on est bien embarrasse quand en a eu aflfaire k
le parolles gars." *

^ Du Coudray sailed upon another ship. When he arrived in America,
the artillery service was already arranged, and General Knox appointed to
the chief command. Much contention ensued, many officers resigned, and

338 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

CHAPTER Vin

VAST EUROPEAN FAME

Jonathan Loring Austin carried the despatches that
brought to France the news of the capture of Burgoyne's army.
The excitement in Paris was immense. Beaumarchais, lifted
from the depth of despair and of financial ruin, drove in such
haste to the city to congratulate Franklin that his glass coach
was overturned, and he was so badly cut about the face and
body by the broken glass that he lay in danger of his life.
Europe rejoiced at the check administered to England in
America. Paris rejoiced as though the victory had been won
by French troops over the enemies of France. There was
tumultuous and tremendous joy.* Three days after Austin
arrived, Franklin drew up a memorial proposing a tripartite
alliance of France, Spain, and America. De Vergennes
promised an answer in two days when it should be known
how well disposed he was to serve the cause of America.

The treaties of amity and conmierce with his most Christian
Majesty, and of alliance for mutual defence were signed

Deane was blamed for the confusion and dissension. Du Coudray was
drowned in the Schuylkill. The Ampkiirite returned with a cargo of rice
and indigo valued at one hundred and fifty thousand francs, consigned not
to Hortales & Co., but to Lee, Dcane, and Franklin. Beaumarchais produced
his contract with Deane, plead with Franklin to save his house from ruin,
and obtained the cargo in spite of the protests of Arthur Lee.

1 Burgoinised became a popular word in both France and America,
Madame Brillon used it in her correspondence, and John Adams, speaking of
the Elizabethtown affair, April 29, 1779, said, "It appears that the English
were repulsed and lost the cattle and horses they had taken and if they had
not fled with uncommon dexterity they would have been inrgoinissts, a tech-
nical term which I hope the Academie will admit into the language by lawful
rity."

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 339

by the plenipotentiaries on both sides, February 6, 1778.'
For a few weeks the treaties were kept secret thiough some
doubt of their ratification by Congress. When they were
publicly avowed, the commissioners were received at court
(February 20) and established in full diplomatic relations with
the government of France. Madame du Deffand wrote to
Horace Walpole (March 22, 1778) : "Mr. Franklin has been
presented to the King. He was accompanied by some
twenty insurgents, three or four of whom wore a uniform.
Franklin wore a dress of reddish brown velvet, white hose,
his hair hanging loose, his spectacles on his nose, and a white
hat under his arm. I do not know what he said, but the reply

1 On the last day of 1777 one of William Eden's spies wrote to him :
" Doctor Franklin is all life and full of Spirits — he dined last week with
the Doctor of the Invalids at this place — after dinner the Gen'll' gave Success
to the American Arms — and if you please says Franklin we'll add — a per-
petual and everlasting understanding between the House of Bourbon and
the American Congress — this has made much noise here — & the General
opinion of the people is — that Alliance is absolutely concluded between
this Court and the Americans — for my part I cannot say much at present —
as am just arrived — and have hardly had time to turn myself — However
by next Courier expect a full account of their whole proceeding as far as I
can come at, — I am sorry to be the Messenger of bad news — yet I am con-
fident— 'tis absolutely necessary you should have the best and most Authen-
tic Intelligence — You may depend on me for every thing that possiable for a
man to do in my situation — and shall exert myself more than common (if
Possiabe) to come at the bottom of everything — Doctor Franklin is a life
— and does nothing but fly from one part of Paris to t'other — Possiably his
course may be StopM Shortly — as I hope and flat[ter] myself you'll have
some favourable Intelligence from other side the Atlantic which will Check
him and his boasting followers — Indeed tis highly necessary — as they carry
their heads much above the common Run — on acct : of the disaster of Gen^
Bonrgoyne — Adieu ? D*" Sir expect News in my Next if any — I have not
seen Ogg yet but hope to find — the NeedfuU there — as this Season of year
here — is attended with unusual Expenses — which is Customary — I am with
Respect— ^Yonr Hum Set'

" Geo. Lupton
••Dec. 31, 1777 ••

330 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

of the king was very gracious, as well towards the United
States as towards Franklin their deputy. He praised his
conduct and that of all his compatriots. I do not know what
title he will have, but he will go to court every Tuesday like
all the rest of the diplomatic corps."

Lord Stormont was instructed to return to England.* A
French fleet under the command of Coimt d'Estaing put to
sea in April. M. G€rard sailed to America to represent the
court of France.* Deane was recalled and replaced by John
Adams.

While these diplomatic and naval manoeuvres were in
progress, England made secret overtures of peace. James
Hutton, an old and honoured friend of Franklin and a worthy
of the Church of the United Brethren, David Hartley, a member
of Parliament and a son of the philosopher admired by
Coleridge, Sir Philip Gibbes, William Pulteney, and Dr.
Fothergill sounded Fninklin in the hope of discovering some
basis of peace without humiliating England and without
granting independence.

Dr. Fothergill outlined to Franklin what he called his Court
of Arbitration : "In the warmth of my affection for mankind
I could wish to see engrafted into this League [of Nations]
a resolution to preclude the necessity of general wars — the
great object of universal civilization; the institution of a

^ When Stormont left Paris, he advertised a sale of his household effects.
Among other things was mentioned a great quantity of unused table linen,
concerning which no surprise was expressed, for, said the Frenchmen, he never
asked any one to dine.

* Gerard negotiated the first treaty of Alliance, February 6, 1778. He

arrived in Philadelphia, July, 1778, and acted as minister for one year. He

took final leave of Congress, September 17, 1779. He returned to Europe

on the same vessel with John Jay. His successor was Count de la Luzerne,

•arrived in Philadelphia, September 21, 1779,

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 331

College of Justice, where the claims of sovereigns should be
weighed — an award given — and war only made on him
who refused submission. No one man in the world has it so
much in his power as my honoured Friend to infuse the
thought into the hearts of princes, or those who rule them and
their aflfairs."

Lord North speedily introduced two conciliatory bills into
Parh'ament, and in March, 1778, Lord Carlisle, Richard
Jackson, and William Eden were named Commissioners for
restoring Peace and sailed from Portsmouth for America on
the Tridenl on the i6th of April.*

Benjamin Vaughan sent Franklin the following minutes
taken memoriter from Lord Shelbume's speech, March 6,
1778. (A. P. S.)

" Not a time to talk about ministers incon-
sistency, but to explain our views.

" The war must end, and troops be with-
drawn : but no independence alluded to ; for
when that happens England's sun is set. —
We must go back to as much of the con-
nection as we can; and have "one friend,
one enemy, one purse, and one superintend-
ence of commerce." The mutual checks

^ Jackson was suggested by William Eden who characterized him as " a
man of uncommon abilities on American matters, and well beloved in the
colonies." George III, however, wrote to Lord North, April I, 1778, "I am
very clear he ought not to be allowed to go." (Donne, Vol. II, p. 166.)

Jackson's sentiments may he gathered from the following sentence from a
letter he addressed to William Eden (February 28, 1778).

"The Commencement of the American War always appeared to me an
impolitic measure, the continuance of it cannot be less than Ruin to this
Empire, & will be an Object that I cannot be near without an Anxiety that
will be too much for me to bear."

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THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 335

every thing peaceable and safe. I well re-
member the attorney and soHcitor generals
testified under their hands the calm that had
intervened. It is one cause of my objections
to independence, that it will be impracticable
to avoid having rendered to us shocking
personal accounts.

" (N.B. Much extraneous matter occurred
which is omitted. The Lords Mansfield,
Hertford, Denbigh & Lord Bute's son were
absent. I verily believe the believe was
meant to unite some at home and divide
America. It failed in the first, partly from

its humility impracticability of ; and

when this was seen, it fell down upon the
minister, and has become a derehct in both
houses. People did not know their part;
and had it been balloted might have been
lost — Yet we are really tired of the war —
and of the ministers."

The envoys reconunended Congress to appoint a single
plenipotentiary to the court of France. Congress revoked the
commission by which the United States had been repre-
sented, and on the 28th of October, 1778, elected Franklin
sole plenipotentiary.* Lafayette brought the new commission,
credentials, and instructions, upon the nth of February.
Upon being invested with his new responsibilities, Franldin
wrote to John Adams: "Dr. Franklin presents Compli-

^ Pennsylvania was the only state that voted against Franklin. The
adverse vote was the result of the influence of Roberdeau, whose chief argu-
ment was the association of William Temple Franklin with his grandfather.

333 THE WRITINGS QF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

Entered into a his-
tory of these treat-
ies ; and spoke of
oommercial treaties
in generaL

Had formerly plan-
ned to leave them
to election of the
people themselves
in projected new
settlements ; as per-
sons could be
brought to their bar
to prove.

But M' Grenville
over^niled.
He found difficul-
ties to get fit coun-
try gentlemen, sea
officers or land of-
ficers to accept of
governments.

would be of mutual use. Commercial treaty
of no avail, either to England or France;
witness Bacon's intercursus magnus which in
ten years was called intercursus inalus ; and
M' Methuens Portu^ treaty —

" To make this go down with congress we
must give Canada, Scotia, the lakes, New-
foundland, Cape Breton, The Floridas, and
the Mississippi, to be governed by Congress,
by name. In congress there are many honest
& sagacious men. — If we are left with these
stations, they [the congress] will have us
waiting for their dissensions then to interfere ;
and we, on our part, shall have extent enough
to swallow up our present force — which
must not occupy where it is. The paltrj*
governors and low views of patronage, must
be given up: they never were useful, never
could be well assorted. America will have
the capital of our merchants ; and a harmless
king who might save a worse power being
looked for among themselves. And this
also joined by a thousand uses, privileges,
and ties. — And when I made such proposals,
I would seek dignified language, and soften
all lunbrageousness. I know what is to be
urged on the other side, but I would say with
Bacon, revenge is not infinite, and vindictive
war goes not beyond the injury.

"As I assent heartily to the matter of two
of the bills, and shall let the other pass, I

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN PRANKUN

333

Talked about a re-
jection of an article
in the treaty of
Utrecht by parlia-
ment, which L'.
Bolingltfoke had
presumed to treat
for, though relating
to mn act of parliap

must explain the vote. I dont like the pre-
amble &c &c. [He went into a short dis-
cussion.] I shall when I vote thus, shew that
I foresee the effects.

"When Fiance comes abreast with us to
congress, let us suppose that they state our
merits in columns side by side; for it is
lawful to learn method even from a rebel
(Dr. Franklin.) In one column will come the
offers of France, as we may conceive, fair and
large. In the other will come the bill, as we
see it offered by the minister — by the minis-
ter who starved/ who tomahawked them, &
who bribed their servants to cut their throats ;
who spread catholic despotism along one
frontier, and plimder and prohibition on the
other; who violated governments, refused
petitions, and broke faith &c &c &c. And
what hold has America in our country? Is
it in parliament ; which echoes and changes,
as its leaders give the word and change?
Is it in ministers, who are seen in minorities
even when bringing inquiry upon the enor-
mity of the east? Is it -in the faith of minis-
ters? There are countries where the w^ord of
ministers would be taken; in France and
Austria, a Choiseul and a Kaunitz have re-
fused to break theirs for a king ; and the time
has come when their kings have thanked them ?

" But now to look at home. We have been
told we are on the eve of war, and yet not one

334 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

Step taken to prepare. We have just repro-
bated our navy. And what is the number
of our allies? We have memorialized away
the attachment of Holland ; we have detached
Portugal ; and no one knows our standing in
Germany; it is no longer the country of
independent Barons ; it is getting into 7 or 8
successions, and Germany & Prussia swal-
lowing up the few that remain. When I
read of the petition just voted by the city, I
thought they might have sununed up their
intentions in the short words of the Spanish
Statesman in Bacon to PhiUp. "For your
majesty's comfort, you have upon earth but
two enemies ; one the whole world, the other
your own ministers." Yet when I hear of
.the many miUions assembled against us and
the few for us, I know what is to be done by
vigor. When Scotland was still separated, I
remember the eflFect Clarendon states as
produced by one man's vigor, Cromwell,
upon Europe. Ministers may injure, and
things be delayed, beyond redemption; but
yet I say this ; that we may not sink our spirit
along with our hope.

"When the mention of independence comes
from ministry, it is, in vulgar language, the
thief that first robs and then fires the house
in Older to cover his escape. K America is
independent, we must demand of ministers
the blessings they have lost ; for they received

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 335

every thing peaceable and safe. I well re-
member the attorney and solicitor generals
testified under their hands the calm that had
intervened. It is one cause of my objections
to independence, that it will be impracticable
to avoid having rendered to us shocking
personal accounts.

" (N.B. Much extraneous matter occurred
which is omitted. The Lords Mansfield,
Hertford, Denbigh & Lord Bute's son were
absent. I verily believe the believe was
meant to unite some at home and divide
America. It failed in the first, partly from

its humihty impracticability of ; and

when this was seen, it fell down upon the
minister, and has become a derelict in both
houses. People did not know their part;
and had it been balloted might have been
lost — Yet we are really tired of the war —
and of the ministers."

The envoys recommended Congress to appoint a single
plenipotentiary to the court of France. Congress revoked the
commission by which the United States had been repre-
sented, and on the 28th of October, 1778, elected Franklin
sole plenipotentiary.* Lafayette brought the new commission,
credentials, and instructions, upon the nth of February.
Upon being invested with his new responsibilities, Franklin
wrote to John Adams: "Dr. Franklin presents Compli-

^ Pennsylvania was the only state that voted against Franklin. The
adverse vote ¥ras the result of the influence of Roberdeau, whose chief argu-
ment was the association of William Temple Franklin with his grandfather.

336 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

ments to Mr. Adams and requests that all the Public Papers
may be sent him by the Bearer. Dr. Franklin will undertake
to keep them in order ; and will at any time chearf ully look
for and furnish Mr. Adams with any Paper he may have occa-
sion for." Immediately upon the receipt of this note Mr.
Adams put all the public papers then in his possession into
the hands of W. T. Franklin.
A similar letter was sent to Arthur Lee, who replied in very

different tone, —

ChaiUot,3i February 1779.

Sir: — Your grandson delivered to me, between 10 and 12
o'clock on the 19th, your letter dated the i8th, in which you
desire I will send by the bearer all the papers belonging to
this department.

I have no papers belonging to the department of Minister
Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles. But if you mean,
sir, the papers relating to the transactions of our late joint
Commission, I am yet to learn and cannot conceive on what
reason or authority any one of those who were formerly in that
Commission can claim or demand possession of all the papers
evidencing their transactions, in which, if they should appear
to have been equally concerned, they are equally responsible.

Of these papers Mr. Deane, by his own account, has taken
and secured such as he chose. The rest, a very few excepted,
you have. Many of these I have never even seen, but ha\«
been favoured with copies. Of the few originals in my pos-
session there are, I know, dupUcates of the most part at Passy,
because it was for that reason only that I took them. The rest
are necessary evidence to answer Mr. Deane's accusations,
which you know to be most base and false that ever the malice
and wickedness of man invented.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 337

If it were indeed agreed that all the papers belonging to our
late Commission should be brought together, numbered,
docketed and deposited where the late Commissioners, and
they only, might have access to them, I would very readily
contribute the few I have. But on no other terms can I
part with them, and must therefore desire you to command
me in some other service.

Still, however, I am in the judgement of Congress, and if
upon our mutual representations, should you think it worth
troubling them with it they should be of a different opinion,
I shall abide by their decision and obey their orders.

I hope your gout is better, and have the honour to be, etc.,

Arthuk L££.

In addition to the diplomatic correspondence of the
American Revolution and the private correspondence of the
representatives of the United States there remain a few frag-
ments of Franklin's diary from which some slight information
may be obtained of the succession of events. Portions of
the diary, from December 18, 1780, to January 29, 1781;
and from June 26 to July 27, 1784, exist among the Franklin
papers in the Library of Congress, and are here reprinted.

Dec. 18, 1780. — Consented in conversation with Mr.
Grand that Mr. Williams, on being put in possession of the
policies of insurance of the ship Marquis de LafayeUCj for
200,000 livres, shouki draw on me for the freight to that
amount.

Mr. Chaumont writes, pressing an advance of the money
on security. Replied that if the security was such as the
Congress banker approved of I would advance the sum.

Heard that transports are taking up here for America, and

VOL. X — Z

that bank-bills in England had been counterfeited to ai
amount.

Dec. iglh. — Went to Versailles at M. Vergermes;
^"as said to me in faTOurof M. de Chaumont'sdcmaiK
was owned that he had been wrong in demanding as a
what he ought to have asked as a favour; but that a
among friends should not be transacted with rigoui
amicably and with indulgent allowances. I found I had
represented as unkindly exact in the business. I promij
do all in my power lo make it easy to M. Chaumont.
came to me in the evening after my return, but with
heat against Mr. Grand, which I endeavoured to alia
it was really very unjust. Offered him to accept hia
drawn on me, as the operation through Mr. Williai
Nantes would lake too much time to suit with his exige
He said he would consult with his banker. Exclaimed j
against the judgement at Nantes, etc.

Requested Mr. Grand to transfer out of the public
the amount of the several balancies of ray private aco
with the Congress, and give me credit for the same i
particular account.

Dec. 2otli. — Certified, or, as they call it here, lega
the papers relative to the taking a Portuguese ship b
Mars of Boston, and sent them to the Porto' ambass.

Accepted M. dc Chaumont's drafts dated November ]
the 200,000 li\-res freight at 4 usuanccs, and he gave xt
engagement to return the money in case the ship Marqi
Lajayelte did not arri\*e at L'Orient to take in our g
Prince de Montbarey, Ministre de la Guerre, resignaJ
successor not yet known, I

Dec. 3ist. — Wrote 10 M. de Chaumonl pressingly ft

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 339

account with the Congress, that it may be settled now Mr.
Deane is here.

M. de Segur succeeds the Prince de Montbarey.

Dec. 22(/. — Received an account between Mr. Chaumont
and Mr. Deane, which includes Congress artic [mutilated];
copy it, as it must be sent to Mr. Deane.

Dec. 2^d. — Hear by letters from L'Orient of the depart-
ure of Capt. Jones in the Ariel on the i8th.

Dec, 24/A. — Received Gourlade and Moylan's account of
fresh expenses, upwards of ;£2o,ooo, by Capt. Jones.

Two young Englishmen, Scot and Williams, would go to
America; discouraged them.

Dec. 2S/A. — Gave an order to Mr. Grand to remit 150
sterling to Mr. Wm. Hodgson, London, for the relief of
American prisoners.

Received information from a good hand that the G.
Pensionaire had been with Sir J. Y., and acquainted him
that an answer would be given to his memorials, but that it
could not be precipitated contrary to the constitution; it
was necessary to have the advice of the provinces.

The S. H. has behaved well in the resolution for arming.

The Duke A. G. C, the Pensionary of Amsterdam, a
brave, steady man.

Dec. 26th. — Went to Versailles to assist at the ceremony
of condolence on the death of the Empress Queen. All the
foreign ministers in deep mourning, — flopped hats and
crape, long black cloaks, etc. The Nuncio pronounced the
compliments to the king and afterwards to the queen in her
apartments. M. de Vergennes told me of the war declared
by England against Holland. Visited at the new Ministers
of War and Marine; neither of them at home. Much fa-

340 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

tigued by the going twice up and down the palace staits,
from the tenderness of my feet and weakness of my knees;
therefore did not go the rounds. Declined dining with M.
de Vergennes, as inconsistent with my present mode of
living, which is simple, till I have recovered my strength.
Took a partridge with M. de Chaumont. No news yet of
Count d'Estaing.

Wednesday^ 2 7/ A. — Much talk about the new war. Hear
of the hurricane in the West Indies. English fleet under
Admiral Darby put into port. Wrote to J. Williams, at
Nantes, to send advice to America by every possible oppor-
tunity of the English declaration against Holland.

Thursday, 28/A. — Mr. Grand has some time since carried
an advance of my salary for one quarter {;£i 5,000) out of
the pubhc monies, to my private account ; and I afterwards
gave him a receipt for that sum, which should have been
mentioned before.

Friday y 29/fe. — Went by particular invitation to the Sor-
bonne, to an assembly of the Faculty of Physic in the College
Hall, where we had the doge of my friend M. Dubourg and
other pieces. Suffered by the cold.

M. de Chaumont has [mutilated] J. Williams' draft on me
for ^£428,000 on account of the cloth, but declined . . . why
[ ? I know not why] presenting it. I ought to give him. . . .
[line here mutilated, the only words legible are " Congress,"
"above," or "about," and "livres."]

Saturday, 30/A. — Breakfasted at Mad. Brillon's. Re-
ceived of Mr. Grand ;£4,8oo on private account, which was
put into the hands of W. T. Franklin to pay bills and family
expenses.

^^'nday ? 315/. — Much company at dinner; among

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 341

Others, M. Perrier and M. Wilkinson, ingenious mechani-
cians. M. Romayne, of Hackinsack, in the Jerseys. No
news.

Monday^ Jan. i, 1781. — News that an expedition is on
foot against Jersey and Guernsey, some frigates with trans-
ports and 2,500 men having sailed from Granville the 26th
past.

Mr. Dana is returned from Holland, which he left the be-
ginning of last month. Mr. Adams remains there, who writes
me December ist that there is Uttle or no hopes of a loan.

Tuesday, Jan. ad. — Went to Versailles. No foreign
ministers there but one or two; the rest having been there
yesterday. Visited the new Secretary at War, who was very
polite. Wrote to M. de Castries, Minister of the Marine.
Not strong enough to go up to M. de Maurepas. Visited
M. Le Roy and dined with M. and Mad. de Renneval.
News of disappointment of Jersey expedition. Wind and
tide contrary [mutilated, the word "Etres" only visible] the
offices in part.

Wednesday, Jan. 3d. — Letters from Holland. The Dutch
seem not to have known on the 28th past that war was
actually declared against them. Informed here that the
English court has sent copies of the papers taken with Mr.
Laurens to the northern courts, with aggravated complaints
against the States- General ; and that the States had also
sent their justification. Important news expected by the re-
turn of the courier.

Thursday, Jan. ^ih. — Learnt that the states had given
orders for building 100 ships of war. Gave an order on Mr.
Grand [mutilated; qr. "for"] paying Sabbatier's balance,
the sum ^^3,526 18 6 being for carriage of the clothing.

342 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

Friday^ Jan, s/A. — Signed recommendation, to the minis-
ters, of M. de La Neuville, oflScer formerly in the American
Service.

Saturday, Jan. 6th. — Accepted a number of loan-oflSce
bills this day and every day of the past week. No news yet
of Count D'Estaing, which begins to give great uneasiness,
as his fleet was not provided for so long a voyage.

Sunday, Jan. ph. — News of the safe arrival of Count
D'Estaing at Brest; more accounts of the terrible hurricane
in the West Indies. Accepted a vast number of loan-ofl&ce
bills. Some of the new drafts begin to appear.

Monday, Jan. 8th. — Accepted many bills. Hear from
Holland that they had but just received news of the declara-
tion of war against them ; and that the English church was
burnt at the Hague, unknown by what means.

Tuesday, gth. — Count D'Estaing arrives at Passy. Hear
of ships arrived at L'Orient from America. No letters come
up. Indisposed and did not go to court.

Wednesday, loth. — Letters arrived from Philadelphia.
Reports there of advantages gained to the southward ; and
that Leslie had quitted Virginia. Informed that my recall
is to be moved for in Congress. News that the troops have
made good their landing in Jersey and taken all but the
castle.

Thursday, nth. — Gave Mr. Dana copies of the letters
between M. de Sartine and me concerning Mr. Dalton's
affair. Proposed to him to examine the public accounts
now while Mr. Deane was here, which he declined.

Friday, 12th. — Sign acceptation [qu. **of"; mutilated]
many bills. They come thick.

Saturday, Jan. 13/ A. — Learn that there is a violent com-

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 343

motion in Holland ; that the people are violently exasperated
against the English ; have thrown some into the canals ; and
those merchants of Amsterdam who have been known to
favour them, dare not appear in the streets ; that the return
of their express to Russia brings good accoimts of the favour-
able disposition of the Empress.

Sunday, Jan. 14th. — Mr. Grand acquaints me that he
learns from Mr. Cotin, banker of M. de Chaumont, that
the Marquis de Lafayette will be stopped by creditors of M.
de Chaumont unless 50,000 crowns are advanced, and sub-
mitted it to my consideration whether I had not better buy
the ship.

Vexed with the long delay on so many frivolous pretences,
and seeing no end to them, and fearing to embarrass myself
still further in affairs that I do not understand, I took at once
the resolution of oflFering our contract for that ship to the
government, to whom I hoped it might be agreeable to have
her as a transport, as our goods would not fill her, she being
gauged at 1,200 tons. Accordingly I requested Mr. Grand
to go to Versailles and to propose it to M. de Vergennes.

Monday, Jan, 15/A. — Signed an authority to Mr. Bon-
field to administer [mutilated] oath of allegiance to the
United States to Mr. Vaughan.

Accepted above 200 bills, some of the new.

Mr. Grand calls on his return from Versailles, and ac-
quaints me that Mr. Vergennes desires the proposition may
be reduced to writing. Mr. Grand has accordingly made a
draft, which he presented for my approbation.

Tuesday, Jan. 16th. — Went to Versailles and performed
all the ceremonies, though with difficulty, my feet being still
tender.

344 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

Left th^ pacquets for Mr. Jay with M. de Renneval, who
promised to send them with the next courier.

Presented Mr. Gmnd's paper to M. de Vergennes, who
told me he would try to arrange that matter for me. I ac-
quainted M. de Chaumont with [mutilated] step [qu. "with
the step,"] who did not seem to approve of it.

Heard of the ill success of the troops in Jersey, who were
defeated the same day they landed : 150 killed, 200 wounded,
and the rest taken prisoners.

Wednesday^ Jan. iph, — Accepted many bills and wrote
some letters.

Thursday, Jan. 18/ A. — Mr. Grand informs me that he
has been at Versailles and spoken with M. de Vergennes
and M. de Renneval ; that the minister declined the propo-
sition of taking the vessel on account of the government,
but kindly offered to advance me the j^i 50,000 if I chose to
pay that sum. He brought me also the project of an engage-
ment drawn up by Mr. Cotin, by which I was to promise
that payment, and he and Co. were to permit the vessel to
depart. He left this paper for my consideration.

Friday, Jan. igth, — Considering this demand of Messrs.
Cotin and Jauge as an imposition, I determined not to submit
to it, and wrote my reasons.

Relieved an American captain with five guineas to help
him to L'Orient.

Saturday, Jan, 2olh, — Gave a pass to a Bristol merchant
to go to Spain. He was recommended to me as having
been a great friend to American prisoners. His name
[nothing has been written here apparently].

Sunday, Jan. 21st. — Mr. Jauge comes to talk with me
about the ship, and intimated that if I refused to advance

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 345

the )gi 50,000 I should not only be deprived of the ship, but
lose the freight I had advanced. I absolutely refused to
comply.

Monday^ Jan. 22d. — Mr. Grand informs me that Mr.
Williams has drawn on me for 25,000 livres to enable him
to pay returned acceptances of M. de Chaumont. I ordered
pa)anent of his drafts. Received a letter from Mr. Williams
and wrote an answer, which letters explained this affair.

Letter from M. de Chaumont informing me he had re-
ceived remittances from America. I congratulated him.

Tuesday y Jan. 23^. — Went to court and performed all
the round of levees, though with much pain and difficulty,
through the tendemess and feebleness of my feet and knees.
M. Vergennes is ill and unable to hold long conferences. I
dined there and had some conversation with M. Renneval,
who told me I had misunderstood the proposition of ad-
vancing the 150,000 livres, or it had not been rightly repre-
sented to me; that it was not expected of me to advance
more for M. de Chaumont; that the advance was to have
been made by M. de Vergennes, etc. I see clearly, however,
that the paper offered me to sign by Messrs. Cotin & Co.,
w^ould have engaged me to be accountable for it. Had some
conference with the Nuncio, who seemed inclined to en-
courage American vessels to come to the ecclesiastical state,
acquainting me they had two good ports to receive us, Civita
Vecchia and Ancona, where there was a good deal of busi-
ness done, and we should find good vente for our fish, etc.
Hear I [no words legible].

Wednesday, Jan, 24th. — A great number of bills. Visit
at M. de Chaumont's in the evening; found him cold and
dry. Received a note from Mr. Searle, acquainting me with

346 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

his [mutilated] sal [qu. dismissal, or arrival] from Holland on
Satuiday last.

Thursday, Jan, 25/A. — Hear that M. de Chaumont pays
again, being enabled by his remittances [mutilated] bills.
Holland begins to move, and gives great encouragement
[mutilated] turning. M. de L' [mutilated] comes to see me,
and demands breakfast; chear [cheerful?] and frank.
Authorize Mr. Grand to pay the balance of Messrs. Jay's
and Carmichael's salaries, and Mr. Digges's bill.

Friday, Jan. 26/A. — Went to Paris to visit Princess
Daschkaw; not at home. Visit Prince and Princess Mas-
serano. He informs me that he despatches a messenger [a
word or two obliterated] on Tuesday. Visit Duke de Roche-
foucauld and Madame la Duchesse d'Enville. Visit Messrs.
Dana and Searle; not at home. Leave invitations to dine
with me on Sunday. Visit Comte d'Estaing; not at home.
Mr. Turgot ; not at home. Accept bills.

Saturday, Jan. 27/A. — Write to Madrid, and answer all
Mr. Jay's and Mr. Carmichaers letters received during my
illness.

Sunday, Jan, 28/A. — Mr. Dana comes ; Mr. Searle ex-
cuses himself. Invite him for Tuesday.

Monday, Jan. 29/A. — Hear of the arrival of the Duke of
Leinsler, with Mr. Ross, at Philadelphia, which gives me
great pleasure, as she had much cloth, etc., for the Congress.
Despatched my letters for Madrid.

Passy, June 26/A, 1784. — Mr. Walterstorf called on me,
and acquainted me with a Duel that had been fought yester-
day Mor*, between a French Officer * and a Swedish Gentle-
man of that king's Suite, in which the latter was killed on

^ The Count de la Marck.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 347

the Spot, and the other dangerously wounded; — that the
king does not resent it, as he thinks his Subject was in the
Wrong.

He asked me if I had seen the king of Sweden ? I had not
yet had that Honor. He said his Behaviour here was not
liked; that he took little Notice of his own Ambassador,
who being acquainted with the usages of this court, was
capable of advising him, but was not consulted. That he
was always talking of himself, and vainly boasting of his
Revolution, tho' it was known to have been the work of M.
de Vergennes. That they began to be tired of him here,
and wish'd him gone: but he proposed staying till the 12th
July. That he had now laid aside his Project of invading
Norway, as he found Denmark had made Preparations to
receive him. That he pretended the Danes had designed to
invade Sweden, tho' it was a known fact, that the Danes had
made no Military Preparations, even for Defence, till Six
Months after his began. I asked if it was clear that he had
had an Intention to invade Norway. He said that the
inarching and disposition of his Troops, and the Fortifica-
tions he had erected, indicated it very plainly. He added,
that Sweden was at present greatly distressed for Provisions;
that many People had actually died of Hunger! That it
was reported the king came here to borrow Money, and to
offer to sell Gottenburgh to France ; a thing not very prob-
able.

M. Dussaulx called, and said, it is reported there is an
alliance treating between the Emperor of Austria, Russia,
and England ; the Purpose not known ; and that a counter-
alliance is propos'd between France, Prussia, and Holland,
in which it is supposed Spain will join. He added that

348 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

Changes in the Ministry are talked of ; that there are Cabals
against M. de Vergennes ; that M. de Calonne is to be Gonfe
des Sceaux, with some other Rumours, fabricated perhaps at
the Palais Royal.

June 29. — Mr. Hammond, Sec^. to Mr. Hartley, call'd to
tell me that Mr. Hartley had not received any Orders by the
last Courier, either to stay or return, which he had expected ;
and that he thought it occasioned by their Uncertainty what
Terms of Commerce to propose, 'till the Report of the Com-
mittee of Council was laid before Parliament, and its Opinion
known ; and that he looked on the Delay of writing to him as
a sign of their intending to do something.

He told me it was reported that the king of Sweden had
granted the free use of Gottenburg as a Port for France,
which alarmed the neighbouring Powers. That in time of
War, the Northern Coast of England might be much en-
dangered by it.

June 30/A. — M. Dupont, Inspector of Commerce, came
to talk with me about the free Port of L*Orient, and some
Difficulties respecting it; I referred him to Mr. Barclay, an
American Merchant and Com' for Accounts; and as he
said he did not well understand English when spoken, and
Mr. Barclay did not speak French, I oflFer'd my Grandson to
accompany him as Interpreter, which he accepted.

I asked him whether the Spaniards from the Continent of
America did not trade to the French Sugar Islands? He
said not. The only Commerce with the Spaniards was for
Cattle between them and the French at St. Domingo. I had
been told the Spaniards brought Flour to the French Islands
from the Continent. He had not heard of it. If we can
find that such a Trade is allow'd (perhaps from the Miss-

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIS^ FRANKL/AT 349

issippi), have not the U. States a Claim by Treaty to the
same Privilege?

July isL — The Pope's Nuncio called, and acquainted me
that the Pope had, on my Recommendation, appointed Mr.
John Carroll, Superior of the Catholic Clergy in America,
with many of the Powers of a Bishop; and that probably
he would be made a Bishop in partibus before the End of
the Year. He asked me which would be most convenient
for him, to come to France, or go to St. Domingo, for Ordi-
nation by another Bishop, which was necessary. I men-
tioned Quebec as more convenient than either. He asked
whether, as that was an English Province, our Government
might not take Offence at his going there? I thought not,
unless the Ordination by that Bishop should give him some
Authority over our Bishop. He said, not in the least; that
when our Bishop was once ordained, he would be independent
of the others, and even of the Pope ; which I did not clearly
imderstand. He said the Congregation de PropagandA Fidei
had agreed to receive, and maintain and instruct, two young
Americans in the Languages and Sciences at Rome ; (he had
formerly told me that more would be educated gratis in
France). He told me, they had written from America that
there are 20 Priests, but that they are not sufficient ; as the
new Settlements near the Mississippi have need of some.

The Nuncio said we should find, that the Catholics were
not so intolerant as they had been represented; that the
Inquisition in Rome had not now so much Power as that in
Spain; and that in Spain it was used chiefly as a Prison of
State. That the Congregation would have undertaken the
Education of more American youths, and may hereafter,
but that at present they are overburthened, having some

350 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

from all parts of the World : He spoke lightly of their new
Convert Thayer's (of Boston) Conversion; that he had
advised him not to go to America, but settle in France. That
he wanted to go to convert his Countrymen; but he knew
nothing yet of his new Religion himself, &c.^

Rec* a Letter from Mr. Bridgen of London, dated the 2 2d
past, acquainting me that the Council of the Royal Society
had voted me a Gold Medal, on ace' of my Letter in favor
of Capt. Cook.* Lord Howe had sent me his Journal, 3 vols.
4to, with a large Volume of Engravings, on the same Acct.,
and as he writes ^^wiih the King^s Approbation"

1 See Vol. IX, p. 303.

^ The gold medal had been struck in recognition of the aid given to Cap-
tain Cook by the king of England, and the empress of Russia. Sir Joseph
Banks, President of the Royal Society, wrote to Franklin, August 13, 1784
(U. of P.) : —

*■ Dear Sir

" Willing as much as is in my Power to Qear the R. Society & myself
from our share of the charge of Illiberal treatment towards you with which I
fear this Countrey may too justly be accusd, I take my Pen with no small
Pleasure to inform you that I am instructed by the Council of the Royal
Society to Present to you in their name the Gold medal they have struck in
honour of Cap'.^ Cook as a testimony how truly they respect those liberal
sentiments which indued you when his return to Europe was expected to
Issue your orders to such American Cruizers as were then under your direc-
tion to abstain from molesting that great Circumnavigator an act worthy
those sentiments of General Philanthropy by which I have observed your
Conduct was actuated since I have had the honour of your acquaintance at
the same time give me leave to Congratulate you on the honorable manner
in which you received a Copy of Cap*? Cooks voyage sent to you by his
Britanic Majesties orders as a testimony of his Royal approbation of the same
liberal Conduct.

"As I suppose you would wish to know to whom you are obliged for the
representation which induced his Majesty to send it I can inform you that it
was L<* Howe, when I, who by desire of the admiralty conducted the General
Business of that Publication reported the names of those to whom Presents
of the work ought in my opinion to be sent I did not venture to insert your
name in the List but when L^ Howe on hearing my reasons for sending one

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 351

Jidy 3^. — Mr. Smeathman comes and brings two English
or Scotch Gentlemen; one a Chevalier of some Order, the
other a Physician who had lived long in Russia. Much
Conversation. Putrid Fevers common in Russia, and in
Winter much more than in Summer; therefore supposed to
be owing to their hot Rooms. . In a gentleman's House there
are sometimes one hundred domestics; these have not beds,
but sleep twenty or thirty in a close room warmed by a
stove, lying on the floor and on benches. The stoves are
heated by wood. As soon as it is burnt to coals, the chimney
is stopped to prevent the escape of hot and entry of cold air.
So they breathe the same air over and over again all night.
These fevers he cured by wrapping the patient in linen wet
with vinegar, and making them breathe the vapor of vinegar
thrown on hot bricks. The Russians have the art of distil-
ling spirit from milk. To prepare it for distillation it must,
when beginning to sour, be kept in continual motion or
agitation for twelve hours ; it then becomes a uniform vinous
liquor, the cream, curd, and aqueous part or whey, all in-
timately mixed. Excellent in this state for restoring emaci-
ated bodies. This operation on milk was discovered long
since by the Tartars, who in their rambling life often carry
milk in leather bags on their horses, and the motion pro-
duced the eflFect. It may be tried with us by attaching a
large keg of milk to some part of one of our mills.

Jidy 6. — Directed W. T. F., who goes to Court, to men-
tion 3 Things at the Request of M. Barclay. The main levie

to his most Christian Majesty approvd of them in warm Terms I thought it
proper to acquaint him that you had an equal right to the same compliment
a circumstance of which he was ignorant on which his Lordship of his own
mere motion & without hesitation ordered your name to be inserted in the
list & obtain^ his Majesties Royal assent with a little difficulty."

352 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

of the arrested Goods, the port of L*Orient, and the Con-
sular Convention ; which he did. The Port is fix'd, and the
Convention preparing. Hear that Gottenburg is to be a
free Port for France, where they may assemble Northern
Stores, &c.

Mr. Hammond came and din'd with me. He acquaints
me, from Mr. Hartley, that no Instructions are yet come
from England. Mr. Hartley is lame.

July 7. — A very hot Day. Receiv'd a Visit from the
Secretary of the King of Sweden, M. Frank, accompanied
by the Secretary of the Embassy.

July 8. — M. Franke dines with me, in Company with
Mad. Helv^tius, Abb^ de la Roche, M. Cabanis, and an
American captain. The king of Sweden does not go to
England. The Consul did not come.

July loih. — Mr. Grand came to propose my dining with
the Swedish Court at his House, which is next door, and I
consented. While he was with me, the consul came. We
talked about the Barbary powers; they are four, Morocco,
Algiers, Tunis, and TripoU. He informed me that Salee,
the principal port belonging to the Emperor of Morocco,
had formerly been famous for corsairs. That this prince had
discouraged them, and in 1768 published an edict declaring
himself in peace with all the world, and forbade their cruis-
ing any more, appointing him consul for those Christian
states who had none in his country. That Denmark pays
him 25,000 piastres forks yearly, in money; Sweden is en-
gaged to send an ambassador every two years with presents;
and the other powers buy their peace in the same manner,
except Spain and the Italian states, with whom they have
-instant war.. That he is consul for Sardinia and Prussia,

THE LIFE OF BENJAMm FRANKUN 353

for whom he procured treaties of peace. That he proposed
a peace for Russia; but that, the Emperor having heard
that Russia was going to war with his brother, the Grand
Seignior, he refused it.

M. Audibert Caille, the. consul, thinks it shameful for
Christendom to pay tribute to such canaiUe^ and proposes
two ways of reducing the barbarians to peace with all Europe,
and obliging them to quit their piratical practices. They
have need of niany articles from Europe, and of a vent for
their superfluous commodities. If therefore all Europe would
agree to refuse any conunerce with them but on condition of
their quitting piracy, and such an agreement could be faith-
fully observed on our part, it would have its effect upon
them. But, if any one power would continue the trade
with them, it would defeat the whole. There was another
method he had projected, and communicated in a memorial
to the court here, by M. de Rajmeval; which was, that
France should undertake to suppress their piracies and give
peace to all Europe, by means of its influence with the
Porte. For, all the people of these states being obliged by
their reUgion to go at times in caravans to Mecca, and to
pass through the Grand Seignior's dominions, who gives
them escorts of troops through the desert, to prevent their
being plundered and perhaps massacred by the Arabs, he
could refuse them passage and protection but on condition
<rf their Uving peaceably with the Europeans, &c. He spoke
of Montgomery's transaction, and of Crocco, who, he under-
stands, was authorized by the court. The barbarians, he
observed, having no commercial ships at sea, had vastly the
advantage of the Europeans; for one could not make re-
prisals on their trade. And it has long been my opinion,

VOL. X — 2 A

354 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

that, if the European nations, who are powerful at sea, were
to make war upon us Americans, it would be better for us to
renounce commerce in our own bottoms, and convert them
all into cruisers. Other nations would furnish us with what
we wanted, and take off our produce. He promised me a
note of the commerce of Barbary, and we are to see each
other again, as he is to stay here a month.

Dined at Mr. Grand's, with the Swedish gentlemen. They

were M. Rosenstein, secretary of the embassy, and ,

with whom I had a good deal of conversation relating to
the commerce possible between our two countries. I found
they had seen at Rome Charles Stuart, the Pretender. They
spoke of his situation as very hard ; that France, who had
formerly allowed him a pension, had withdrawn it, and that
he sometimes almost wanted bread !

July nth, — M. Walterstorf called. He hears that the
agreement with Sweden respecting the port of Gottenbuig
is not likely to be concluded ; that Sweden wanted an island
in the West Indies in exchange. I think she is better with-
out it.

July i7,th. — MM. Mirabeau and Champfort came and
read their translation of (American) Mr. Burke's pamphlet
against the Cincinnati,* which they have much enlarged, in-
tending it as a covered satire against noblesse in general. It
is well done. There are also remarks on the last letter of
General Washington on that subject. They say General
Washington missed a beau moment, when he accepted to be
of that society (which some affect to call an order). The
same of the Marquis de la Fayette.

1 A pamphlet by .Edanus Burke, of South Carolina, entitled •* Considera-
' upon the Order of the Cincinnati." — Ed.

THE LIFE OF BEAT/AM/JV FRANKLY 355

July 14/A. — Mr. Hammond calls to acquaint me, that
Mr. Hartley is still without any instructions relating to the
treaty of commerce; and supposes it occasioned by their
attention to the India bill. I said to him, "Your court and
this seem to be waiting for one another, with respect to the
American trade with your respective islands. You are both
afraid of doing too much for us, and yet each wishes to do a
little more than the other. You had better have accepted
our generous proposal at first, to put us both on the same
footing of free intercourse that existed before the war. You
will make some narrow regulations, and then France will go
beyond you in generosity. You never see your follies till
too late to mend them.'' He said, Lord SheflSeld was con-
tinually exasperating the Parliament against America. He
had lately been publishing an account of loyalists murdered
there, &c. Probably invented.

Thursday, July 15/A. — The Duke de Chartres's balloon
went off this morning from St. Cloud, himself and three
others in the gallery. It was foggy, and they were soon out
of sight. But, the machine being disordered, so that the
trap or valve could not be opened to let out the expanding
air, and fearing that the balloon would burst, they cut a hole
in it, which ripped larger, and they fell rapidly, but received
no harm. They had been a vast height, met with a cloud
of snow, and a tornado, which frightened them.

Friday, 16/A. — Received a letter from two young gentle-
men* in London, who are come from America for ecclesiastical
orders, and complain that they have been delayed there a
year, and that the Archbishop will not permit them to be
ordained unless they will take the oath of allegiance; and

* Messrs. Gant and Weemes. See Vol. IX, p. 238.

JS6 THE WRtTINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

dedring to know if they may be ordained here. Inquired,
and teamed that, if ordained here, they must vow obedience
to the Archbishop of Paris. Directed my grandson to ask
die Kiincio, if their bi^op in America might not be in-
stnictc-d to do it literally ?

Saturday, i -Jh. — The Nundo says the thing is impossible,
unless thL' gentlemen become Roman Catholics. Wrote
them an answir.

Sunday, i8i/i. — A good abb^ brings me a large manu-
script coniaining a scheme of reformation of all churches and
status, rvligion. commerce, laws, &c., which he has planned
in his closet, without much knowledge of the world. I have
promised to look it over, and he is to call next Thursday.
It is amazing tho number of legislators that kindly bring nK
new plans for jjovcming the United States.

Mondiiy. July igtk. — Had the Americans at dinner, with
Mr- While ami Mr. Arbuthnot from England. The latter
was an officer at Gibraltar during the late siege. He says
the Spanianis. might have taken it; and that it is now a
place of no \-Lilue to England. That its supposed use as a
port for a lluet, to prevent the junction of the Brest and
Toulon squadrons, is chimerical. That while the Spaniards
are in possession of Algcziras, they can with their gun-boats,
in the use of which they are grown veiy expert, make it im-
possible for any fleet to lie there.

Tuesday, 20/h. — My grandson went to court. No news
there, except that the Spanish fleet against Algiers is sailed.
Recci\'C only one American letter by the packet, which is
from the College of Rhode Island, desiring me to soticit
benefaction^ of the King, which I cannot do, for reasons
■liail ^i\'c them. It is inconceivable why I have no

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 357

letters from Congress. The treaties with Denmark, Por-
tugal, &c., all neglected I Mr. Hartley makes the same
complaint. He is still without orders. Mr. Hammond
called and dined with me ; says Mr. Pitt begins to lose his
popularity ; his new taxes, and project about the navy Mis,
give great discontent. He has been burnt in eflSgy at York.
His East India bill not likely to go down ; and it is thought
he cannot stand long. Mr. Hammond is a friend of Mr.
Fox; whose friends, that have lost their places, are called
Fo:>^s Martyrs,

Wednesday, July 21.— r Count de Haga* sends his card to
take leave. M. Grand tells me he has bought here my bust
with that of M. D'Alembert or Diderot, to take with him to
Sweden. He set out last night.

Thursday, 22d. — Lord Fitzmaurice, son of Lord Shelbume,
arrives; brought me sundry letters and papers.

He thinks Mr. Pitt in danger of losing his majority in the
House of Commons, though great at present ; for he will not
have wherewithal to pay them. I said, that governing by a
Parliament which must be bribed, was employing a very
expensive machine, and that the people of England would
in time find out, though they had not yet, that, since the
Parliament must always do the will of the minister, and be
paid for doing it, and the people must find the money to
pay them, it would be the same thing in effect, but much
cheaper, to be governed by the minister at first hand, without
a Parliament. Those present seemed to think the reasoning
clear. Lord Fitzmaurice appears a sensible, amiable young
man.

Tuesday, 27/A. — Lord Fitzmaurice called to see me. His

* The king of Sweden.

358 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAAfIN FRANKLIN

father having requested that I would give him such instruc-
tive hints as might be useful to him, I occasionally mentioned
the old story of Demosthenes' answer to one who denmndcd
what was the first point of oratory. Action, The second?
Action, The third? Action, Which, I said, had been
generally understood to mean the action of an orator with his
hands, &c., in speaking; but that I thought another kind of
action of more importance to an orator, who would persuade
people to follow his advice, viz. such a course of action in the
conduct of life, as would impress them with an opinion of his
integrity as well as of his understanding; that, this opinion
once established, all the difl&culties, delays, and oppositions,
usually occasioned by doubts and suspicions, were prevented ;
and such a man, though a very imperfect speaker, would al-
most always carry his points against the most flourishing ora-
tor, who had not the character of sincerity. To express my
sense of the importance of a good private character in public
affairs more strongly, I said the advantage of having it, and
the disadvantage of not having it, were so great, that I even
believed, if George the Third had had a bad private charac-
ter, and John Wilkes a good one, the latter might have
turned the former out of his kingdom. Lord Shelbume,
the father of Lord Fitzmaurice, has unfortunately the char-
acter of being insincere; and it has hurt much his useful-
ness ; though, in all my concerns with him, I never saw any
instance of that kind.

John Adams declared that Franklin's reputation was more

universal than that of Leibnitz or Newton, Frederick or

'^Mtaire; and his character more beloved and esteemed than

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 359

any or all of them. Surely there never lived a man more idol-
ized. Everything about him was imitated and extolled, — his
spectacles, his marten fur cap, his brown coat, his bamboo
cane. Men carried their canes and their snuflFboxes h la
Franklin^ women crowned him with flowers, and every
patrician house in Paris showed a FranWin portrait on the
wall, and a Franklin stove in one of the apartments. Busts
were made of him in Sevres China, set in a blue stone with
gold border, and barrels of miniatures made of the clay from
Chaumont found eager purchasers. When Voltaire and
Franklin kissed each other in the hall of the Academy, the
enthusiastic sages and tribunes thundered their applause, —
"Behold Solon and Sophocles embrace." ^

His fame was almost as great elsewhere in Europe as in
France. He was elected to membership in learned societies
from Russia to Spain. He was appointed one of the eight
foreign associates of the "Academic des Sciences," an honour
only once repeated in the history of America, and he was one
of the four commissioners of that august and learned Society.
He was elected a member of the Royal Academy of Arts
and Sciences of Padua (April 26, 1782), of Turin (July 28,
1783), of La Socift^ Royale de Physique d'Histoire Naturelle
et des Arts d'Orleans (April 5, 1785), of the Royal Academy
of History of Madrid (July 9, 1784), of Rotterdam (Bataafsch

^ Franklin was present at the Apotheosis of Voltaire at the lodge of the Neuf
Sceurs, of which he was a member. It was said that if jealousy could enter
the hearts of Free Masons all the lodges in Paris would envy Neuf Soeurs the
honour of possessing Franklin as a member.

Franklin presented his grandson to Voltaire, who said to him, " Love God
and liberty." Governor Hutchinson was dining with Lord Mansfield when
the latter told this anecdote. I^Iutchinson observed that it was difficult to say
which of those two words had been most used to bad purposes — "His Lord-
ship seemed pleased with my remark."

56o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

Genootschap der Proefondervindelijke Wijsbegeerte), in 1771,
foreign member of Konigliche Gesellschaft der Wissen-
schaften at Gottingen, 1766.

Franklin's vast European reputation rested primarily upon
his scientific achievement. The eighteenth century was
restlessly curious about natural phenomena, audacious in its
inquiry, and sceptical in philosophical speculation. It recog-
nized and welcomed in Franklin a sagacious, clear-sighted
observer who had explored strange worlds of thought, and wrrmg
new and tremendous secrets from nature's close reserve. The
mind of Europe, pondering with all the intensity of fresh
enthusiasm upon natural science, was thrilled and amazed by
the magnitude and meaning of his researches. He became,
in a world enamoured of natural science, the object of imiversal
interest and admiration. Artists painted him with light-
nings playing in the background of the picture, or lighting up
his benign features. Condorcet addressed him as the modem
Prometheus; and men of learning, the foremost in their pro-
fessions, modestly solicited his explication of old problems
and his judgment upon new theories.

The audacity of eighteenth-century thought was not con-
fined to natural science. The spirit of the age interrogated the
social order, tested its foundations, sank its probe deep into
the crumbling substance of government and found only decay.
What seemed so firmly based as to endure forever was built on
stubble. Through law, religion, letters, politics, a subtle
poison had diffused itself, and rank corruption mining all
within infected unseen. The outside was fair and tranquil :
ancient glories shone upon a radiant Versailles; LucuUus
feasts were daily given ; gay and silken throngs chattered in
the dazzling halls of palaces ; red-heeled courtiers dined and

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 361

danced ; while here and there, in town and country, men who
had drunk bitter draughts of penury and despair saw upon the
horizon images of portentous things to come.

Filangieri relentlessly examined the European systems of
law, civil and criminal, and at each step of his progress turned
to Franklin for direction. Lorenzo Manini created the
Cisalpine Republic, and leaned upon the encouraging arm of
Franklin. The Physiocrats, Dupont de Nemours, Dubourg,
Mirabeau, Turgot, Morellet, and the venerable apostle,
Quesnai, were strengthened by the presence of Franklin in
their speculative group.

The great epigram created by the good Turgot — Eripuit
caelo fulmen sceptrumque tyramiis — explains the incredible,
almost fabulous, popularity in which Franklin was held in
Europe. He was the living presence of the new age, the in-
carnation of democracy, the successful antagonist of tyrants,
the builder of happy states founded upon freedom and justice.
With whatsoever modesty he disclaimed the honour of Turgot's
epigram, the world persisted in imputing to him alone the
creation of the Republic and the triumphant leadership of the
"dear insurgents."

He was as unconscious as any fair dame or giddy courtier,
"bom to bloom and drop," of the strong current whose com-
pulsive course was carrying the nation rapidly, and irresist-
ibly to ruin. During his residence in Paris he enjoyed famil-
iar intercourse and in some instances close conmiunion with
those who in another decade, in the wild delirium of the
Revolution, were to be first in the ranks of death. Elsewhere
in these volumes is printed a letter to him from an obscure
yoimg notary in Arras, destined to a sinister history. At the
mention of his name — Robespierre — the long bright day of

362 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

French regal splendour wanes, and the mutter of the coming
storm disturbs the air. Frequently, Franklin received letteis
from a zealous experimenter in science who, withholding his
true name, signed himself "the Representative." He who
was then inquiring scientifically into the nature of filame was
soon to play with wilder fire and help to kindle the most
tremendous conflagration in history. It was Jean Paul
Marat.

Another friend, a physician, associated with Franklin in
the investigation and exposure of the charlatan Mesmer,
divulged to him his project of establishing himself and his
friends in a settlement upon the Ohio River. His friends
actually wandered to America, but he remained to play a part
in the Revolution and to see his name — Guillotin — given
to that

" Patent reaper whose sheaves sleep sound
In dreamless garners under ground."

The enthusiasm for le grand Franklin became a passion,
became idolatry. He bore it all with composure; his seren-
ity was undisturbed by flattery, his confidence imdaunted by
disaster. He received the tidings of misfortune with a smile
and a jest. "Howe has taken Philadelphia," mourned
Paris. " No," said Franklin, " Philadelphia has taken Howe."
His cheer and confidence became the encouragement and
the inspiration of France. When rumours of disaster circu-
lated in the ports of France, the Frenchmen who came to
condole with Pkre Franklin found the patriarch philosophi-
cally calm and confident. To all such reports he replied,
**fa ira, ga ira^^ — **it will go on!" And when dark days
came for France, in the wild days of the Terror, and men de-
spaired of cvcrj'thing, they remembered the serenity of the

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 363

great American, and they repeated to each other until the
repetition became a watchword of hope and courage and
endurance — "fa ira, fa ira.^'*

Amid all the great life of the court and the solon^ he was
never neglectful of his smaller duties and humbler affairs.
His mind was capacious of both. He placed his grandson,
Benjamin Franklin Bache, and the grandson of his old friend
Samuel Cooper at school in Geneva in the care of M. Marig-
nac and examined the reports of their progress and attended
to their small necessities with the same care that he devoted
to the grave affairs of state. Elsewhere in this work his
letters of advice and encouragement to William Temple
Franklin are printed. At this point it may not be inappro-
priate to insert a letter of like character written by him to
Samuel Cooper Johonnot, his Boston friend's grandson.

TO SAMUEL COOPER JOHONNOT (p. H. S.)

Passy, Jan. I 7. 1782.

My dear young Friend.
I received your kind good Wishes of a Number of happy
Years for me. I have already enjoy'd and consumed nearly
the whole of those allotted me, being now within a few Days
of my 78th. — You have a great many before you ; and their
being happy or otherwise will depend upon your own Con-
duct. If by diligent Study now, you improve your Mind, and
practice carefully hereafter the Precepts of Religion and Vir-
tue, you will have in your favour the Promise respecting the
Life that now is, as well as that which is to come. You will
I)Ossess true Wisdom, which is nearly allied to Happiness:
Length of Days are in her right-hand^ and in her left hand

364 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

Riches and Honours; all her Ways are Ways of PleasantnesSy
and all her Paths are Peace I —

I am glad to hear that you are entitled to a Prize. It will
be pleasing News to your Friends in New England, that you
have behav'd so as to deserve it. I pray God to bless you, and
render you a Comfort to them and an Honour to your Coun-
tiy. I am.

Your affectionate Friend,

B. Frankuk.

CHAPTER IX

FINANCING THE REVOLUTION

When the joint commission was annulled, John Adams
returned in the spring of 1779 to America. In a few months
Arthur and William Lee and Ralph Izard, who had stayed on
in Paris promoting strife and teasing Franklin with many
petty annoyances, were commanded to return. Franklin
enjoyed a free hand and some tranquil moments until John
Adams was again sent to Europe in February, 1780, to repre-
sent Congress in any possible negotiations for peace. Adams
was restive under restraint, and he was jealous of Franklin's
superior authority. He committed the indiscretion of writing
long and impertinent letters to Count de Vergennes without
consulting Franklin. After vainly reminding him that there
was but one American plenipotentiary in Paris and therefore
but one person with whom the government could discuss
questions of policy, the Count de Vergennes sent the entire
correspondence to Franklin with a request that it should be

THE UFE OF BENJANflN FRANKUN , 365

transmitted to Congress. Franklin's letters to De Vergennes
and Adams are found in Vol. VIII, pp. 117, 118, 123, 147,
148. The letter from Adams to Vergennes referred to in
that correspondence is as follows : —

Paris July 27** 1780

Sis,

Since my Letter of the Twenty first; and upon reading
over again your Excellency's Letter to me of the Twentieth,
I observed one Expression which I think it my Duty to con-
sider more particularly.

The Expression I have in view is this, That the King,
without being soUicited by the Congress, had taken measures
the most efficacious, to sustain the American Cause.

Upon this Part of your Letter, I must entreat your Ex-
cellency to recollect, that the Congress did, as long ago as the
year Seventeen himdred and seventy six, before Dr. Frankhn
was sent off for France, instruct him, MF Deane, and Lee,
to soUicit the king for Six Ships of the Line : and I have reason
to believe that the Congress have been from that moment
to this persuaded that the object has been constantly solicited
by their Ministers at this Court.

In addition to this, I have every personal as well as public
motive, to recall to your Excellency's Recollection, a Letter
or Memorial which was presented to your Excellency in the
Latter end of the month of December Seventeen Hundred and
seventy eight, or the beginning of January Seventeen Himdred
and seventy nine, in which a great variety of arguments were
adduced to show, that it was not only good PoUcy, but abso-
lutely necessary to send a Superiority of naval force to the
Coasts of the Continent of America. This Letter together

366 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

with your Excellency's Answer acknowledging the receipt of
it, I transmitted to Congress myself, and their Journals show
that they received them near a year ago ; So that the Congress,
I am persuaded, rest in the most perfect Security in the per-
suasion that everything has been done by themselves, and
their Servants at this Court to obtain this measure and that
the necessary arrangements of the King's naval service have
hitherto prevented it.

But was it only Suspected by Congress, that a direct appli-
cation from them to the King, was expected, I am assured
they would not hesitate a moment to make it.

I am so convinced by experience, of the absolute necessity
of more Consultations and commum'cations between His
Majesty's Ministers, and the Ministers of Congress, that I am
determined to omit no Opportunity of communicating my Sen^
timents to your Excellency, upon everything that appears to me
of Importance to the common Cause, in which I can do it unth
propriety. And the Communications shall be dikect in
PERSON, or by Letter, to your Excellency, without the Inter-
vention OF ANY THIRD PERSON. And I shall be very happy,
and think myself highly honored, to give my poor Opinion
and Advice to his Majesty's Ministers, upon anything that
relates to the United States, or the common Cause, whenever
they shall be asked.

I wish I may be mistaken, but it could answer no good
purpose to deceive myself; and I certainly will not disguise
my Sentiments from your Excellency. I think that Admiral
Graves, with the Ships before in America, will be able to
impede the Operations of M. Lc Chevf de Temay, of M. Le
Comte de Rochambeau and of General Washington, if their
Pkn is to attack New York.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 367

If there should be a Naval Battle between Chev^ de Temay
and Admiral Graves the event is uncertain. From the near
equality of Force and the equality of Bravery, and of naval
Science, which now prevails ever3rwhere, I think we cannot
depend upon any thing decisive in such an Engagement, unless
it be from the particular Character of Graves, whom I know
personally to be neither a great man nor a great officer. If
there should be no decision in a naval rencounter. Graves
and his Fleet must be at New York, and de Temay and his at
Rhode Island. I readily agree that this will be a great
advantage to the common Cause, for the Reasons mentioned
in my Letter to your Excellency, of the Thirteenth of this
Month.

But Still I beg Leave to suggest to your Excellency, whether
it would not be for the good of the common Cause, to have
Still farther Resources in view — whether Circumstances
may not be such in the West Indies, as to enable M' de
Guichen to dispatch Ships to the Reinforcement of M. de
Temay, or whether it may not consist with the King's Service
to dispatch Ships from Europe for that Purpose, and further
whether the Court of Spain cannot be convinced of the Policy
of keeping open the Communication between the United
States and the French and Spanish Islands in the West Indies,
so as to cooperate with France and the United States in the
system of keeping up a constant Superiority of Naval Power
both upon the Coasts of North America, and the West India
Islands. This is the true plan which is finally to humble the
English and give the combined Powers the advantage.

The English in the Course of the last War, derived all their
Triumphs upon the Continent of America, and the Islands
from the succours they received from their Colonies. And I

368 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

am sure that France and Spain with attention to the subject,
may receive assistance in this war, from the same source
equally decisive. I have the Honor to be with great respect
and attachment, Sir, Your Excellency's most obedient, and
most humble servant

(Signed) John Adams
His Excellency the Coicte De Vergennes.

Among the unpleasant duties that devolved upon Franklin
were the adjustment of difficulties between jealous and jarring
captains, the apportionment of prize money, and the various
fimctions that should have been discharged by a consuL The
quarrel between John Paul Jones and Captain Landais
caused him much annoyance. It is sufficiently described
in the correspondence in Vol. VIH, pp. 33, 35, etc. It may
be proper here to insert a letter from Franklin containing
a summary of the affair.

TO THE NAVY BOARD

Passy, March 15, 1780.

Gentlemen : I acquainted you in a former letter that there
were great misunderstandings between Captain Landais and
the other officers of his ship. These differences arose to such
a height that the captain once wrote to me he would quit the
command rather than continue with them. Some of them
leaving the ship, that disturbance seemed to be quieted.
But there has since arisen another violent quarrel between him-
self and Captain Jones. These things give me great trouble,
particularly the latter, the circumstances of which I am under
a necessity of communicating to you, that measures may be
taken for putting properly an end to it by a court-martial, if

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 369

you find that step necessary. Soon after the arrival of our
little squadron in the Texel I had a letter from Commodore
Jones, complaining highly of Captain Landais, and mention-
ing that he was advised to put him under arrest in order to his
trial by a court-martial, for which, however, there was not a
sufficient number of officers in Europe. But he would do
nothing in it until he heard from me. I had another from
Captain Landais complaining of Commodore Jones, and beg-
ging me to order inquiry into the matter as soon as possible.
I received also a letter from the minister of the marine, of
which the following is an extract viz :

Je suis persuade, monsieur, que vous n'aurez pas ^t^
moins touchy que moi de la perte du grand nombre de vol-
ontaires Fran^ais qui ont it€ tu& dans le combat du Bon-
homme Richard contre le vaisseau de guerre anglois le
Serapis. Cet ^vdnement est d'autant plus fAcheux, qu'il
paroit que si la fr^te am^ricane L'AUiance avoit second^
le Bonhomme Richard en combattant en m6me tenir Tavan-
tage remport^ par le Conun. Jones, auroit (X€ plus prompte,
auroit cont^ moins de monde, et n'auroit pas mis le Bon-
homme Richard dans le cas de couler bas trente-six heures
apr^ le combat. Le Capitaine de cette fr^te ayant tenu
une conduite trfes extraordinaire, je ne doute pas monsieur,
que vous ne lui mandiez de se rendre aupr^s de vous pour en
rendre compte, et que dans le cas ou vous reconnoitrez que
c'est par sa faute que la victoire a coute tant de sang, vous me
jugiez a propos d'en informer le Congres, k fin qu'il fasse
rayer le Capitaine de dessus a liste des officiers de sa marine,
etc.

Upon this, and with the advice of a very respectable friend
of Captain Landais, M. de Chaumont, who thought sending
VOL. X — as

370 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

for him to come to Paris, in order to an inquiry into his con-
duct, would prevent many inconveniences to the service that
might attend a more public discussion, I wrote to him October
15, acquainting him with the principal heads of charges
against him, and directing him to render himself here, bring-
ing with him such papers and testimonies as he might think
useful in his justification. I wrote at the same time to
Commodore Jones to send up such proofs as he might have
in support of his charges against the captain, that I might
be enabled to give a just account of the affair to Congress. In
two or three weeks Captain Landais came to Paris, but I
received no answer from Commodore Jones. After waiting
some days I concluded to hear Captain Landais on the 15th
of November, without longer delay, and that the impartiality
of the inquiry might be more clear I requested the above
named, a friend of Captain Landais, and Dr. Bancroft, a
friend of Commodore Jones, to be present. With this I sent
the minutes that were taken on that occasion.

The justification Captain Landais offers in answer to the
charge of disobedience of the commodore's orders seems to
call on me for an explanation of what relates to those I
had given Captain Landais. The armament was made at
rOrient. M. de Chaumont was present there, and had the
care of it. I was necessarily at a great distance, and could
not be consulted on every occasion, and I was not on the
following. A convoy being wanted for some merchant ships
to Bordeaux, and our squadron being ready, and there being
time sufficient, it was employed in and performed that oc-
casional service. The Alliance and Bon Homme Richard
afterwards at sea ran foul of each other in the night, the latter
received great damages, and all returned to L'Orient, the

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN yj\

state of the crew, as well as that of the ship, making it at first
doubtful whether the Bon Homme Richard might not be long
detained in port. I was applied to for the conditional order
I gave on the 28th of June to Captain Landais. I could not
foresee that he would think a cruise, for which he was to take
on board six months' provisions and during which he was to
be under the orders of Commodore Jones, was accomplished
by the little trip to Bordeaux and the return above mentioned,
and that he was therefore no longer under those orders. Nor
could I imagine that a conditional order for cruising alone, in
case the Bon Homme could not be ready in time, would, if she
was ready, and they sailed together, be construed into an ex-
emption from that subordination in a squadron which regular
discipline and the good of the service requires, otherwise I
should certainly have removed those misapprehensions by
fresh and very explicit orders. How far Captain Landais is
justifiable in those interpretations and his consequent conduct
must be left to his proper judges.

The absence of Commodore Jones and of all the witnesses,
so that none of them could be cross-examined, have made this
inquiry very imperfect. You will perceive that contradictions
appear in the evidence on both sides in some very material
points. Those, with my ignorance in the manceuvering of
ships engaged, and their possible operations under all the
variety of circumstances that wind, tide, and situation afford,
make it as impracticable for me to form, as it would be im-
proper for me without authority to give, a judgment in this
affair. I will only take the liberty of saying in favor of
Captain Landais that, notwithstanding the mortal quarrel
that rose between them at sea, it does not appear to me at
all probable he fired into the Bon Homme Richard with

372 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

design to kill Captain Jones. The inquiry, though imper-
fect, and the length of it, have, however, had one good effect
in preventing hitherto a duel between the parties, that would
have given much scandal, and which I believe will now not
take place, as both expect justice from a court-martial in
America.
I have the honor to be, gentlemen, etc.

B. FSANKUN.

Henry Laurens was appointed minister to Holland to
negotiate a treaty that had been unofficially proposed by
Van Berckcl, the Grand Pensionary. He sailed for Europe
on the Mercury (Captain Pickles), was captured, September 3,
1780, put on board the British frigate Vestal, and taken to
Newfoundland. Thence by order of Admiral Edwards he was
sent to England in the sloop Fairy, and committed to the
Tower as a State Prisoner charged with high Treason.

Franklin was requested to secure his release, or at least
some mitigation of the severity of his confinement. It was
reported that his health was suffering by the rigour and
closeness of his imprisonment. Franklin obtained the fol-
lowing report (P. H. S.) (October 17, 1780) from his secret
correspondent, Thomas Digges (William Singleton Church),
in London: —

"It was not until the 14th Inst, that any Person whatever
was permitted to see M' Laurens in the Tower. Then after
repeated Applications for Admission W Maiming and
W Laurens's Son, a Youth of 17, or 18, who has been some
Years at Warrington School got Admission to him. A Permit
was given them signed by the Lords Hillsborou^, Stormont
and Germain for Half an Hour's Interview, and that the

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 373

Permit did not extend to any future Visit. They found him
very ill of a lax, much emaciated not low spirittxl, and bitterly
invective against the People here, for his harsh Treatment.
He spoke handsomely of his Treatment whilst on board Ship,
and of the Capt (Heppel) & Lieut. Norris who attended him
to London ; but from the period of his landing, he was treated
with a Brutality, which he did not expect even from Eng-
lishmen. His Weakness from sickness, and the agitation on
seeing his Son took up the first 10 of the 30 minutes allowed
him to converse with his Friends. The Rest was filled with
Invective against the authors of this harsh Treatment. His
outer Room is but a mean one, not more than 12 Feet square
a dark close Bed-Room adjoining; both indifferently fur-
nished and a few Books on his Tables : No Pen and Ink has
vet been allowed him : but he has a Pencil and Memorandum
Book in which he occasionally notes Things. The Warden
of the Tower, & a Yeoman constantly at his Elbow, tho'
they make no Attempts to stop his conversation. M^ Man-
ning's being the first Visit he has had, perhaps he said every
Thing he could about the Severity of his Treatment, in Order
that it might get out, and contradict the General Report of
being well treated. He has hitherto declined any Physical
Advice or the Visits of any of those Creatures about him, who
may be set on to pump. M' Penn is making Application
to see him, and will likely get Leave. It is doubtful if the Son
wiD be able to get Admission a Second Time. His Treat-
ment being norw very generally known, every Person is crying
out Shame upon it, and the Authors thereof arc very much
abused. It is a Strange Thing to go forth, but it is the general
received Opinion that the Order for such harsh Treatment
were in Consequence of an Intimation from the frsl Man in

»>»WN^>^

374 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

this Country now generally known by the Appelation of
WhiieEye$r

Franklin wrote to his old friend Sir Grey Cooper
complaining of the harshness of the proceeding. Cooper
obtained a report from the lieutenant-governor of the Tower
which he forwarded to Paris.* Franklin attempted to nego-
tiate through Burke an exchange of Laurens and Burgoyne.'
At Laurens's request Burke addressed the House in his behalf,
with the result, as Hodgson told him, that he succeeded in
"putting another bolt in his door." Laurens's daughter
besought Franklin's aid. " Is it not a reflection on America,"
she wrote, that one of her Ambassadors, a man of worth and
credit, should in his Prison be so miserable as to want the com-
mon necessaries of life, and no notice taken of it ?

Laurens had been acquainted with Richard Oswald for
more than thirty years, and his friend, by entering bail for him
to the amount of £2,000, secured his release upon December
31, 1781.

The financing of the Revolution was, no doubt, the greatest
service that Franklin rendered to America. Without doubt,
too, the constant necessity of seeking money in Europe was the
chief annoyance of his life. Upon him devolved the duty of
negotiating loans and disbursing money. His political ar-
guments were based upon finance. As he expressed it he had
to perform the Gibeonite task of drawing water for all the
congregation of Israel. He made a treaty with the farmers-
general, whereby cargoes of tobacco from the South were to be
admitted to the ports of France, and whereby other cargoes
of saltpetre were to be shipped to America. Fortunately
Lavoisier was a farmer-general, and his wife was the daughter

1 See Vol. VIII, p. 165. « See Vol. VIII, p. 319.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 375

of Paulze, another of the farmers of revenue. Here again
Franklin's scientific reputation gave him a political advantage.
He installed his nephew Jonathan Williams at Nantes, as an
American financial agent, whose business was to sell American
cargoes and invest the money in the manufactures of France,
"according as they shall be ordered." Schweighauser, a
merchant of Nantes, was his active partner.*

Congress continually placed orders for supplies, and called
upon Franklin to pay the bills. Congress, being without
resources and without power to raise a revenue, was obliged
to look abroad for loans which were solicited at shortening
intervals and with most petitionary vehemence. American
credit was daily in peril through discredited notes. Franklin
often besought the Congress not to draw further upon him,
that he was without funds and with no certainty of obtaining
further loans; still the orders were drawn upon him and
Congress weakly explained that it was inevitable.

The United States depended for its maintenance upon
Franklin. His personality and his unwearying efforts pro-
vided the means of warfare. The little that was accomplished
in Holland was due chiefly to Franklin working through
Charles Dumas. The little that Spain was induced to do was
accomplished by Franklin through the Count de Campomanes
and the Count d'Aranda. But the only substantial aid came
from France. It is certain that the Independence of America
was won by the aid of France, and it is equally certain that
Franklin alone obtained or could obtain that aid. He turned

1 Schweighauser invested 30,000 livres in the business. Williams's kinship
to Franklin was an immense l)enerit to the business. He once said to his
uncle, " I am treated here with as much respect, as if I were the nephew of a
Prince."

376 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

the adulation with which he was everywhere greeted into a
perpetual benefit to his country.^ He appealed again and
again to De Vei^ennes and the king — ''the most amiable
and most powerful Prince of Europe " — to save American
credit by additional grants of money. And he never appealed
in vain. After the financial budgets of the year had been
made up and closed, applications for money for a particular
purpose which the government had over and over again pro-
vided for and furnished, were yet once more favourably heard,
and, unwearied by the lai^e and importunate demands, other
millions were released from the almost exhausted treasury of
France.

It was often an acute humiliation to Franklin, with his
lifelong principles and practice of thrift and frugality, to beg
for loans when he well knew that the French purse was nearly
empty.

His correspondence with De Vei^gennes turns chiefly upon
the financial needs of America. Many of these letters have
already been quoted. The mind of De Vergennes is revealed
in the following letters replying to Franklin's petitions.

FROM COMTE DE VE&GENNES TO B. FRANKLIN (A. P. S.)

Versailles, November 26^ 1780.

Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honour to
write me on the 19th instant, and with it the resolutions of

^ The story is told that at a dinner of beaux-esprits, one of the gentlemen,
in order to engage Franklin in conversation, said to him, '* It must be owned
that America presents at this time a grand and superb spectacle.** " Yes,**
answered Franklin, " but the spectators do not pay." " They have paid since,**
said (^rimm, commenting upon this story. See " Grimm's Correspondence,**
VoL I, p. 454 (1778).

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 377

Congress, ordering drafts upon you to the amount of about one
million four hundred thousand livres. You can easily im-
agine my astonishment at your request of the necessary funds
to meet these drafts, since you perfectly well know the ex-
traordinary efforts, which I have made thus far to assist you,
and to support your credit; and especially since you cannot
have forgotten the demands you lately made upon me.
Nevertheless, Sir, I am very desirous of assisting you out of the
embarrassed situation in which these repeated drafts of Con-
gress have placed you ; and for this purpose I shall endeavour
to procure for you, for the next year, the same aid that I have
been able to furnish in the course of the present. I caimot
but believe, Sir, that Congress will faithfully abide by what
it now promises you, that in future no drafts shall be made
upon you, unless the necessary fimds are sent to meet them.
I have the honour to be, Sir, with great sincerity, &c.

De Vergennes.

FROM COICTE DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN (l. C.)

Versailles, 31 December, 1781.

Snt,
I have received the letter you did me the honour to write me
the 27th instant. I shall not enter into an examination of the
successive variations and augmentations of your demands on
me for funds to meet your pajmaents. I shall merely remark,
that, whenever you shall consider yourself fully authorized
to dispose of the proceeds of the Dutch loan, on behalf of
Congress, I will propose to M. de Fleury to supply you with
the million required, as soon as it shall have been paid into
the royal treasury. But I think it my duty, Sir, to inform you,
that, if Mr. Morris issues drafts on this same million, I shall

378 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

not be able to pronde for the pajmaent of them, and shall
leave them to be protested. I ought also to infonn you, that
there \^ill be nothing more supplied than the million above
mentioned; and, if the drafts, which you have already
accepted, exceed that sum, it must be for you to contrive the
means of meeting them. I shall make an exception only in
favour of those of Mr. Morris, provided they shall not exceed
the remainder of the Dutch loan, after deducting the million,
which shall be placed at your disposal, and the expenses of
the loan. I have the honour to be, &c.

De Vergennes.

Carmichael, Lee, Dana, and Adams were clamouring for
money, and every post brought knowledge of fresh drafts
exciting new alarms.

John Adams wrote from Leyden, April lo, 1781.

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO B. FRANKLIN (a. P. S.)

Leyden, April loth, 1781.

Sir,
Relying on your Virtues and Graces of Faith and Hope,
I accepted the Bills to the amount of ten thousand Pounds
Sterling drawn in favour of Mr. Tracy. I have received
advice from Congress of more Bilk drawn upon me. When
they arrive, and are presented, I must write you concerning
them, and desire you to enable me to discharge them; for
I am sorry to be obliged to say, that although I have opened
a Loan according to the best Plan I could, and the Plan and
the Loan seems to be countenanced by the Public, yet there
is little Money obtained, scarcely enough to defray the
Expence of Obligations and Stamps ; and it is more and more
clear to me, that we shall never obtain a Loan here, until our

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 379

Independence is acknowledged by the States. Till then every
man seems to be afraid, that his having any thing to do in it,
will be made a foundation of a criminal Process, or a Provoca-
tion to the resentment of the Mob.

The Time is very near, when some of the Bills I accepted
become payable. I must intreat your Excellency's answer
to this as soon as convenient, and to point out to me, whether
you choose that the House of Fitzeau & Grand & Co, or
any other, should pay the Money. It is a most grievous
Mortification to me, to find that America has no Credit here,
while England certainly still has so much ; and to find that no
Gentleman in public Life here dare return me a Visit or
answer me a Letter, even those who treated me when I first
arrived here with great PoUteness. I am entreated, however
to keep this secret, but have no Motive to secrete it from you.
On the contrary, you ought to know it. I am told there will
be great alterations very soon ; but I have seen by Experience,
that no man in this Country knows what will be in the
morrow.

Let me ask the favour of you, Sir, to give my best Respects
to Coll. Laurens and Mr. FrankUn. I have the honour to be,
with the greatest Respect, Sir, your most obedient and most
humble Servant

John Adams.

William Bingham, United States agent at Martinique, com-
plained that the Navy Board instructed commanders of
vessels to apply to him for supplies, "When, so far from
having Funds belonging to the Public for such purposes
Congress is indebted to me by their last audit to the amount
of 2,400,000 Livres, currency of this island." Finding his

38o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

credit ruined, he drew upon Franklin, declaring that if
the notes came back protested, he could not pay his
debts.

John Adams wrote again, November 7, 1781, " If the loan so
long expected from Holland does at length take place, as I am
told it is likely to do my embarras will I hope be remo\-ed
by it. If not I must scuffle and shift as I can. God help us
all." Adams was looking to Jean de Neufville, the banker,
for monetary aid. Franklin suspected that there was little
to be derived from that source, but at great cost. He told
Adams, "His professions of disinterestedness with regard to
his shares are in my opinion deceitful, and I think that the less
we have to do with that shark the better; his jaws are too
strong, his teeth too many, and his appetite immensely
voracious."

After the war was concluded the drafts continued. Laurens
wrote to Franklin (March 28, 1784) : "I am weary of conjec-
tures upon this business. Is there a worm at the root of the
hasty grown Gourd? I find however some consolation in
foreseeing that there must be a stop to the evil, and hoping
the day carmot be far distant. That several of the States arc
to blame for deficiencies I have no doubt, but according to
my ideas no necessity could sanctify continued drafts under
a moral certainty of Dishonour. Abundantly more prudent
would it have been to submit to every Inconvenience at home.
Creditors then would have worked out their own Salvation,
and People's eyes would have been opened."

The following resolutions, transcribed from the original
document in the French Foreign Office, and with Franklin*«
" note " appended to them, show the desperate straits to
which he was driven by the urgency of Congress.

THE LIFE OF BENJAAfm FRANKLIN 381

BY THE UNITED STATES IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED

Sept. 14. 1782.

That a Sum not exceeding four Millions of Dollars, exclusive
of the Money which M' Adams may obtain by the Loan now
negociating in Holland, be borrowed in Europe on the
Faith of the United States of America, and applied towards
defraying the Expences which shall be incurred, and of those
which during the present year have been incurred, for carry-
ing on the War.

That the Superintendant of Finance and Secretary for
foreign Affairs, take order for carrying the above Resolution
into effect transmitting the same without Delay to the Ministers
Plenipotentiary of these United States at the Court of Ver-
sailles, and at the Hague.

That the Minister Plenipotentiary of these United States at
the Q>urt of Versailles be and he is hereby instructed to
communicate the foregoing Resolution to his most Christian
Majesty and to assure his Majesty of the high sense which
the United States in Congress assembled entertain of his
Friendship and generous Exertions, their Reliance on a
Continuance of them, and the necessity of applying to his
Majesty on the present Occasion. And the said Minister
is further instructed to cooperate with the Superintendant of
Finance and Secretary for foreign affairs in the most effectual
means for giving success to the said Loan.

382 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

September 23"!* 1782
Resolved,

That the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at

the Court of Versailles be informed, that his Letters to the

Superintendant of Finance and Secretary for foreign affairs

bearing Date respectively the twenty fifth day of June last

have been laid before Congress and that notwithstanding the

Information * contained in those Letters, it is the Direction

of Congress that he use his utmost Endeavours to effect the

Loan which by the Resolve of the fourteenth instant is ordered

to be negociated.

Chas Thomson Sec^

Extract from the Minutes

In consequence of this last solicitation, a contract was made
at Versailles, February 21, 1783, by De Vergennesand Frank-
lin, from which I quote the second article which sums up
and explains the various loans obtained by Franklin from
the government of France.

"Article 2"* For better understanding the fixing of
periods for the reimbursement of the six millions at the roj-al
treasury, and to prevent all ambiguity on this head, it has been
found proper to recapitulate here the amount of the preceding
aids granted by the King to the United States, and to dis-
tinguish them according to their different classes.

* Note by Benjamin Franklin

The information here alluded to, was the last Loan of six Millions, was
accompanied with the most explicit Declarations to me, that no more « as to
be expected, or could possibly be granted ; and that if I accepted Bills to a
greater amount, I must seek elsewhere for the Payment of them, as it could
not be furnish'd here. I also mentioned all the particulan of the King*s
Goodness to us in the Contract by which our Debt was settled ; and intreated
that T might not be forced to disoblige so kind a Friend by new and reit-
erated Demands.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 383

"The first is composed of funds lent successively by his
Majesty, amounting on the whole to the sum of eighteen
million Uvres, reimburseable in specie at the Royal Treasury
in twelve equal portions of a million five hundred thousand
li\Tes each, besides the Interest, and in twelve years, to com-
mence from the third year after the date of the peace ; the
Interest beginning to reckon at the date of the peace ; to be
discharged annually, shall diminish in proportion to the
reimbursement of the Capital, the last pajmaent of which shall
expire in the Year 1798.

" The Second Class comprehends the loan of five million
Dutch florins, amounting by a moderate valuation to ten
million Livres Toumois the said Loan made in Holland in
1 781 for the Service of the United States of North America,
under the engagement of the King to refund the Capital with
Interest at four per Cent per annum, at the general counter of
the States General of the United provinces of the Netherlands
in ten equal portions, reckoning from the sixth year of the
date of said loan, and under the like engagement on the part
of the Minister of Congress & in behalf of the 13 United States,
to reimburse the Committee of said Loan in ready money
at the royal treasury, with Interest at four per Cent per Annum
in ten equal portions of a million each, and in ten periods from
Year to Year, the first of which shall take place in the month
of Nov* 1787 & the last in the same month 1796; the whole
conformable to the conditions expressed in the Contract of
16*? of July 1782.

"In the third class are comprehended the Aids and Subsidies
furnished. to the Congress of the United States, under the title
of gratuitous assistance, from the pure generosity of the King,
three millions of which were granted before the treaty of

k

384 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

FeW 1778 & six millions in 1781, which aids and subskUes
amount in the whole to Nine Million Li\-res Tounx>is. His
Majesty here confirms in case of need the gratuitous gift to
the Congress of the said thirteen United States."

Almost immediately after this ccHitiact had been made and
executed fresh demands were made.- Robert Morris, who
was continued in his office of Superintendent of Flnaoces,
wrote a letter, full of apologies, in which he said : " My official
Situation compels me to do things which I would certainly
avoid under any other Circumstances. Nothing should
induce me in my private Character to make such Applica-
tions for Money as I am obliged to in my public Character."
He stated that the army expected a payment of $700,000, and
that he was already above half a miUion dollars in advance
of his resources by paper anticipation. "I must increase
the Anticipation immediately to pay monies due on the Con-
tracts for feeding our Army and I must make them the explicit
payment by notes to be discharged at a distant day. These
notes would have to be paid, or credit would be ruined."

One item in the contract of February 21, 1783, was to cause
much annoyance to Franklin. It was stated therein that
three million Uvres were furnished before the treaty of Febru-
ary, 1778, as "gratuitous assistance from the pure generoaty
of the King." Mr. Grand the banker, in his accounts, cred-
ilt'd three millions received prior to February, 1778, but he
inclLided therein a million received from the farmers-general.
The question was pertinently asked, "What became of the
lliirtl million granted by the king?" Franklin declared
that all the money granted by the king was paid to Mr.
Grand. It therefore appeared that the million said to have

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 385

been paid by the farmers-general was "a gratuitous assistance
from the pure generosity of the King," and that the farmers-
general were indebted to the United States for the amount
of the tobacco remitted to them.

An explanation of when and to whom the third million
was paid was demanded. Mr. Grand appHed to Durival to
trace the lost million. The result of the inquiry is contained
in the following correspondence.

FROM IL DUHIVAL TO IIR. GRAND

Versailles, 30 August, 1786.

Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honour
to write on the 28th of this month, touching the advance of a
million, which you say was made by the Farmers- General to
the United States of America, the 3d of June, 1777. I have
no knowledge of that advance. What I have verified is, that
the King, by the contract of the 2Sth of February, 1783, has
confirmed the gratuitous gift, which his Majesty had previ-
ously made, of the three millions hereafter mentioned, viz.
one million delivered by the Royal Treasury, the loth of June,
1776, and two other millions advanced also by the Royal
Treasury, in 1777, on four receipts of the Deputies of Con-
gress, of the 17th of January, 3d of April, loth of June, and
15th of October, of the same year. This explanation will.
Sir, I hope, resolve your doubt touching the advance of the
3d of June, 1777. I further recommend to you, Sir, to confer
on this subject with M. Gojard, who ought to be better in-
formed than we, who had no knowledge of any advances,
but those made by the Royal Treasury. I have the honour

to be, &c.

Durival.

VOL. X — 2C

386 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

FROM M. DURIVAL TO MR. GRAND

Versailles, 5 September, 1786.

Sir,
I laid before the Count de Vergennes the two letters which
you did me the honour to write, touching the three millions,
the free gift of which the King has confirmed in favour of the
United States of America. The minister, Sir, observed, that
this gift has nothing to do with the million, which the Con-
gress may have received from the Farmers- General in 1777;
consequently he thinks, that the receipt, which you desire
may be communicated to you, cannot satisfy the object of
your view, and that it would be useless to give you the copy
which you desire. I have the honour to be, with perfect
attachment, &c.

DURIVAI..

FROM MR. GRAND TO B. FRANKLIN

Paris, 9 September, 1786^

My dear Sir,

The letter you honoured me with, covered the copies of
three letters, which Mr. Thomson wrote you in order to obtain
an explanation of a million, which is not to be found in my
accounts. I should have been very much embarrassed in
satisfying and proving to him, that I had not put that million
in my pocket, had I not applied to M. Durival, who, as you
will see by the answer enclosed, informs me, that there was a
million paid by the Royal Treasury, on the loth of June, 1776.
This is the very million about which Mr. Thomson inquires,
as I have kept an account of the other two millions, which
were also furnished by the Royal Treasury, viz. the one

""^'^n in January and April, 1777, the other in July and

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 387

October of the same year, as well as that furnished by the
Farmers-General in June, 1777.

Here, then, are the three millions exactly, which were given
by the King before the treaty of 1778, and that furnished by
the Farmers-General. Nothing then remains to be known,
but who received the first miUion in June, 1776. It could not
be myself, as I was not charged with the business of Congress
until January, 1777. I therefore requested of M. Durival
a copy of the receipt for the one million. You have the
answer, which he returned to me. I have written to him
again, renewing my request; but, as the courier is just
setting off, I cannot wait to give you his answer, but
you will receive it in my next, if I obtain one. In the
mean while, I beg you will receive the assurances of
the sentiments of respect, with which I have the honour
to be, my dear Sir, &c.

Grand.

from m. durivax to mr. grand

Versailles, 10 September, 1786.

Sir,
I have laid before the Count de Vergennes, as you seemed
to desire, the letter which you did me the honour to write
yesterday. The minister persists in the opinion, that the
receipt, the copy of which you request, has no relation to the
business with which you were intrusted on behalf of Congress,
and that this document would be useless in the new point of
view in which you have placed it. Indeed, Sir, it is easy for
you to prove, that the money in question was not delivered
by the Royal Treasury into your hands, as you did not begin
to be charged with the business of Congress until January,

388 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

illT, and the receipt for that money is of the loth of June,
1776. I have the honour to be, with perfect attachment, Sir,
S:c. DuBivAL

FKOU MB. GSAND TO B. FBANELIN (l. C.)

Paris, 12 September, 17S6.

Snt,
I hazard a letter in hopes it may be able to join that of the
9!h at L'Orient, in order to forward to you the answer I hare
just ri^rL'ived from M. Durival. You wiU there see, that,
notwithsianding my entreaty, the minister lumself refuses to
gi\e mc a copy of the receipt which I asked for. I cannot
conceix'c the reason for this reserve, more especially since, if
therf has been a million paid, he who has received it has kept
ihe atcount, and it must in time be known. I shall hear with
pleasure, that you have been more fortunate in this respect
in America than I have been in France; and I repeat to )-ou
the assurance of the sentiments of regard, with which I ha^-e
the honour to be, &c. Grand,

Liiilc more has been learned since this correspondence
conitming the history of the lost million. It has been traced
to the- door of Beaumarchais's bank. Beyond that point all
knowledge of it ceases.

CHAPTER X

THE TREATY OF PEACE

After Comwallis had been burgoinised, as the French then

said, and the infant Hercules had strangled the second serpent

cradle, the English government made overtures of

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 389

peace. It was the aim of their diplomacy to divide America
and France. David Hartley wrote to Franklin that he under-
stood that America was disposed to enter into a separate
treaty with Great Britain. Franklin repUed, "This has al-
ways given me more disgust than my friendship permits me
to express. I beheve there is not a man in America — a few
English Tories excepted — that would not spurn at the
thought of deserting a noble and generous friend for the sake
of a truce with an unjust and cruel enemy. . . . The Con-
gress will never instruct their Commissioners to obtain a
peace on such ignominious terms, and though there can be
but few things in which I should venture to disobey their
orders, yet if it were possible for them to give such an order
as this I should certainly refuse to act. I should instantly
renounce their Commission and banish myself forever from
so infamous a country."

To the amazement of Versailles the preliminary articles of
the treaty of peace between England and the United States
were concluded without any communication between the
commissioners and the court of France, although the
instructions from Congress prescribed that nothing should
be done without the participation of the king. De Vergennes
wrote sharply and surprisedly to Franklin, saying, " You are
wise and discreet, Sir : you perfectly understand what is due
to propriety : you have all your life performed your duties.
I pray you to consider how you propose to fulfil those which
are due to the King? I am not desirous of enlarging these
reflections; I commit them to your own integrity/ In
reply Franklin confessed to "neglecting a point of biensiance,^^
but insisted that nothing had been agreed upon that was

^ See Franklin's answer, Vol. VIII, p. 642.

390 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

contrary to the interests of France ; and that no peace was to
take place between America and England until the terms of
the treaty with France had been concluded.

Franklin's conduct in this affair has been variously con-
demned and excused. He desired De Vergennes to keep the
"httle misunderstanding" secret, for he understood that the
En^sh already flattered themselves that they had divided
the United States and her ally. The French minister, however,
con^gned a copy of the preliminary articles to M. de la Lu-
zerne, then minister of France in the United States, and said
that he thought it proper that the very irregular conduct of
the commissioners should be brought to the knowledge of
Congress. Luzerne's representations to Congress almost
resulted in the abrupt recall of Franklin and his colleagues.

FEOM COUNT DE VERGENNES TO M. DE LA LUZERNI
Veraailles, 19 December, 1782.
Sir,

With this letter I have the honour to send you a translation
of the prehmiiary articles, which the American Plenipoten-
tiaries have agreed to and signed with those of Great Britain,
to be made into a treaty when the terms of peace between
France and England shall be settled.

You will surely be gratified, as well as myself, with the wr)'
uxtensivc advantages, which our allies, the Americans, are
to receive from the peace ; but you certainly will not be less
surprised than I have been, at the conduct of the Commis-
sioners. According to ihc instructions of Congress, they
ought to have done nothing without our participation. 1
have informed you, that the King did not seek to influence
'"— - -Dtialion any further than his offices might be neces-

THE LIFE OF BEAyAMIN FRANKLIN 391

sary to his friends. The American Commissioners will not
say, that I have interfered, and much less that I have wearied
them with my curiosity. They have cautiously kept them-
selves at a distance from me. Mr. Adams, one of them, com-
ing from Holland, where he had been received and served by
our ambassador, had been in Paris neariy three weeks, with-
out imagining that he owed me any mark of attention, and
probably I should not have seen him till this time if I had
not caused him to be reminded of it. Whenever I have had
occasion to see any one of them, and inquire of them briefly
respecting the progress of the negotiation, they have constantly
clothed their speech in generaUties, giving me to understand,
that it did not go forward, and that they had no confidence in
the sincerity of the British ministry.

Judge of my surprise, when, on the 30th of November,
Dr. Franklin informed me that the articles were signed.
The reservation retained on our account does not save the
infraction of the promise, which we have mutually made, not
to sign except conjointly. I owe Dr. Franklin the justice to
state, however, that on the next day he sent me a copy of the
articles. He will hardly complain, that I received them with-
out demonstrations of sensibility. It was not till some days
after, that, when this minister had come to see me, I allowed
myself to make him perceive that his proceeding in this abrupt
signature of the articles had little in it, which could be agree-
able to the King. He appeared sensible of it, and excused,
in the best manner he could, himself and his colleagues. Our
conversation was amicable.

Dr. Franklin spoke to me of his desire to send these articles
to the Congress, and said, that for this purpose he and his
colleagues had agreed to an exchange of passports with the

393 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

English minister, for the safety of the vessels which should be
sent. I observed to him, that this form appeared to me dan-
gerous ; that, the articles being only provisional and dependent
on the fate of our negotiation, which was then very imcertain,
I feared this appearance of an intelligence with England, in
connexion with the signature of the articles, might make
the people in America think a peace was consunmiated, and
embarrass Congress, of whose fideUty I had no suspicion. I
added many other reasons, the force of which Dr. Franklin,
and Mr. Laurens who accompanied him, seemed to acknow-
ledge. They spared nothing to convince me of the confidence,
which we ought to have in the fidelity of the United States,
and they left me with the assurance, that they should conform
to my wishes.

You may imagine my astonishment, therefore, when, on
the evening of the 1 5th, I received from Dr. Franklin the letter,
a copy of which is herewith enclosed. The tone of this letter
seemed to me so singular, that I thought it my duty to write
the answer, which I likewise send to you. I am ignorant of
the effect, which this answer may have produced. I have not
since heard from the American Commissioners. The courier
has not come for my despatches, and I know not whether he
has in reaUty been sent off. It would be singular, after the
intimation which I have given them, if they should not have
the curiosity to acquaint themselves with the state of our
negotiation, that they may communicate the intelligence to
Congress. This negotiation is not yet so far advanced in
regard to ourselves, as that of the United States ; not that the
King, if he had shown as little delicacy in his proceedings as
the American Commissioners, might not have signed articles
with England long before them. There is no essential diffi-

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 393

culty at present between France and England ; but the King
has been resolved that all his allies should be satisfied, being
determined to continue the war, whatever advantage may be
offered to him, if England is disposed to wrong anyone of them.

We have now only to attend to the interests of Spain and
Holland. I have reason to hope, that the former will be
soon arranged. The fundamental points are established, and
little remains but to settle the forms. I think the United
States will do well to make an arrangement with Spain. They
will be neighbours. As to Holland, I fear her aflfairs will
cause embarrassments and delays. The disposition of the
British ministry towards that republic appears to be any thing
but favourable.

Such is the present state of things. I trust it will soon be
better; but, whatever may be the result, I think it proper that
the most influential members of Congress should be informed
of the very irregular conduct of their Commissioners in regard
to us. You may speak of it not in the tone of complaint. I
accuse no person; I blame no one, not even Dr. Franklin.
He has yielded too easily to the bias of his colleagues, who
do not pretend to recognise the rules of courtesy in regard to
us. All their attentions have been taken up by the English,
whom they have met in Paris. If we may judge of the future
from what has passed here imder our eyes, we shall be but
poorly paid for all that we have done for the United States,
and for securing to them a national existence.

I will add nothing, in respect to the demand for money,
which has been made upon us. You may well judge, if
conduct like this encourages us to make demonstrations of
our liberaUty. I am, &c.

De Vergennes.

394 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

FROM COMTE DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN

Versailles, 25 December, 1782.

Sm,

I have the honour to send you my despatches for the
Chevalier de la Luzerne. The packet is voluminous, but it
contains many duplicates.

I should be glad if it were in my power to inform him, that
our treaty is in as good progress as yours, but this is far
from being the case. I cannot even foresee what will be
the issue, for difficulties multiply. It will be well for you to
forewarn the Congress to be prepared for whatever event may
arise. I do not despair; I rather hope; but as yet all is
imcertainty. I have the honour to be, Sir, &c.

De Vergennes.

Why did Franklin sully his reputation in France at the
end of his diplomatic career? Why did he consent to the
wish of his colleagues to ignore the instructions of Congress?
He must not be too severely judged. The occasion was one
of great moment. Vast consequences depended upon the
deliberations of the Peace Commissioners. John Adams
was stubborn, prejudiced, implacable. John Jay was
suspicious, and, where the French character was concerned,
misinformed and mistrustful. John Adams wrote in his diary :
"Mr. Jay Ukes Frenchmen as little as Mr. Lee and Mr.
Izard did. He says they are not a moral people ; they know-
not what it is ; he don't like any Frenchman ; the Marquis
de Lafayette is clever, but he is a Frenchman." The Elng-
lish envoys debated earnestly the questions of the fisheries
and compensation to the Loyalists. When these important

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 395

concessions were made and the American conmiissioners got
all that they had contended for, there was an irresistible desire
to have the treaty signed and peace secured . It is just possible,
too, that Jay and FrankUn knew of the existence of a secret
treaty between France and Spain in accordance with which
peace with England was to depend upon her restitution of
Gibraltar to Spain, and the aboUtion of the treaties relating
to the fortifications of Dunkirk.

The first step in the negotiations for peace was taken when
Franklin wrote to his friend, Lord Shelbume, March 22, 1782,
congratulating him upon the triumph of the Whigs in the
House of Commons, expressing the hop)e that it would be
productive of a "general peace,'* and in the same breath
telling him that Madame Helvdtius had been made very
happy by receiving in good order some gooseberry bushes
which his Lordship had sent her. Shelbume became secretary
of state for the northern department, including America;
Charles James Fox was secretary for the southern department,
which included France. Shelbume and Fox belonged to
opposing factions of the Whig party, and were not hkely to
act in concert when one by virtue of his office could deal with
De Vergennes only, and the other was Umited by his office
to negotiations with Franklin only. The first envoy to appear
in Paris was Richard Oswald, a very honest Scot, who pre-
sented to Franklin letters from Shelbume and Henry Laurens.
"He is fully apprised of my mind," wrote Shelbume, "and
you may give full credit to everything he assures you of."
From him Franklin leamed that the new Ministry eamestly
desired peace, and was willing to recognize the independence
of America. Upon the i8th of April, Franklin, Oswald,
and De Vergennes met, and in a prolonged interview Oswald

396 THE WRirmCS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

was assured that France could not treat without the con-
currence of her allies, and that the United States would not
treat but in concert with France. Franklin has set forth with
minute care the history of the proceedings that followed in
his "Journal of the Negotiations for Peace with Great
Britain" (see Vol. VIII, pp. 459-560). Mr. Oswald was an
old and valued friend of Mr. Laurens; his secretary, Caleb
Whitefoord, was a close friend of Franklin, whose intimacy,
he said, has been "the Pride and Happiness of my Life."
Whitefoord had long been a sincere well-wisher to America,
and no one lamented more the unhappy quarrel between the
colonies and the parent state.* Among his pap)ers, now in the
British Museum, is the following manuscript note concerning
the Treaty of Peace.

" First time of dining at Dr. F*s Mons' asked me

if I thought we should soon have Peace — I said, I could not
speak for authority, but I believed that would depend on the
moderation of the French Ministers and on their proposing
equitable Terms, that if they insisted on any articles disgrace-
ful to Great Britain, that the People would rather spend their
last shilling than submit to them. Mons' replied that the
Ministers profess'd as great moderation as could be desired.
That France had nothing to ask for herself ; she had gain'd
the objects for which she took up Arms, viz. the Indepen-
dance of her American allies and the Freedom of Navigation.
She had acquired Glory & was not desirous of acquiring
Territory especially at so great Distance. That she had

1 Whitefoord presented to the Royal Society a portrait of FrankHn by
Wright, to whom Vliitefoord gave the commission in 1782. On the day that
he received from the Royal Society a letter of thanks for his gift he received
notice of his election to membership in The American Philosophical Society.

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN yyi

Empire enough; these he believed were the sentiments of
the French Ministers, but as to their Allies, he did not know
what they might ask. He talk'd of the bad Policy of going to
War with our Colonies. I told him I was not the Minister.
He said the last Peace we made was a very had one, I replied
I thought it was too good. He talked of the growing greatness
of America; & that the thirteen United States would form
the greatest Empire in the World. — Yes sir, I replied &
they will all speak English, every one of 'em. His Triumph
was check'd, he understood what was intended to be con-
vey'd, viz. that from a similarity of Language Manners and
Religion that great Empire would be EngUsh not French."

On Wednesday, September 3, 1783, the definitive treaty
was signed at David Hartley's apartments at the Hdtel de
York, in Paris. On the same day the treaty between Eng-
land and France was signed at Versailles.

Franklin despatched one week later the following letter
to the President of Congress.

TO ELIAS BOUDINOT (L. C.)

Passy, September 10, 1783

Sik: —

On the 3d instant definitive treaties of peace were con-
cluded between all the late belligerent powers, except the
Dutch, who, the day before, settled and signed preUminary
articles of peace with Britain.

We most sincerely and cordially congratulate Congress
and our country in general on this happy event, and we
hope that the same kind Providence which has led us through
a rigorous war to an honourable peace will enable us to make
a wise and moderate use of that inestimable blessing.

398 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

We have committed a duplicate original of the treaty to
the care of Mr. Thaxter, who will go immediately to L'Orient,
whence he will sail in the French packet to New York. That
gentleman left America with Mr. Adams as his private
secretary, and his conduct having been perfectly satisfactory
to that minister, we join in recommending him to the atten-
tion of Congress. We have ordered Mr. Grand to pay him
one hundred and thirty louis d'ors, on account of the reason-
able expenses to be incurred by his mission to Congress, and
his journey from thence to his family at Hingham, in the
Massachusetts Bay; for the disposition of this money he is to
account.

The definitive treaty being in the terms of the pro\dsional
articles, and not comprehending any of the objects of our
subsequent negotiations, it is proper that we give a sunmoary
account of them.

When Mr. Hartley arrived here, he brought with him only
a set of instructions signed by the king. We objected to
proceeding with him until he ^ould have a conmiission in
form. This occasioned some delay; a proper conojnission
was, however, transmitted to him, a copy of which was shortly
after sent to Mr. Livingston.

We having been instructed to obtain if possible an article
for a direct trade to the West Indies, made to Mr. Hartley
the proposition No. i.

He approved of it greatly, and recommended it to his
court, but they declined assenting to it.

Mr. Hartley then made us the proposition No. 2, on
being asked whether he was authorized to sign it in case we
agreed to it, he answered in the negative. We therefore
thought it improper to proceed to the consideration of it

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 399

until after he should have obtained the consent of his court
to it. We also desired to be informed whether his court
would or would not comprehend Ireland in their stipula-
tions with us.

The British cabinet would not adopt Mr. Hartley's propo-
sitions, but their letters to him were calculated to inspire
us with expectation that, as nothing but particular local cir-
cumstances, which would probably not be of long duration,
restrained them from preferring the most liberal system of
conmierce with us, the ministry would take the earliest op-
portunity of gratifying their own wishes as well as ours on
that subject.

Mr. Hartley then made us the proposition No. 3. At this
time we were informed that letters for us had arrived in
France from Philadelphia. We expected to receive instruc-
tions in them, and told Mr. Hartley that this expectation
induced us to postpone giving him an answer for a few days.

The vessel by which we expected to receive those letters,
it seems, had not brought any for us ; but, at that time, in-
formation arrived from America that our ports were all
opened to the British vessels. Mr. Hartley, therefore, did
not think himself at liberty to proceed until after he should
communicate that inteUigence to his court and receive their
further instructions.

Those further instructions never came, and thus our en-
deavours as to commercial regulations proved fruitless. We
had many conferences, and received long memorials from
Mr. Hartley on the subject, but his zeal for systems friendly
to us constantly exceeded his authority to concert and agree
to them.

During the long interval of his expecting instructions, for

400 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMW FRANKLIN

his expectations were pennitted to exist almost to the last,
we proceeded to make and receive propositions for perfect-
ing the definitive treaty. Details of all the amendments,
alterations, objections, exceptions, etc., which occurred in
these discussions, would be voluminous. We finally agreed
that he should send to his court the project or draft of a
treaty No. 4. He did so, but after much time, and when
pressed by France, who insisted that we should all conclude
together, he was instructed to sign a definitive treaty in the
terms of the provisional articles.

Whether the British court meant to avoid a definitive
treaty with us through a vain hope from the exaggerated
accounts of divisions among our own people, and want of
authority in Congress that some resolution might soon hap-
pen in their favour, or whether their dilatory conduct was
caused by the strife of the two opposite and nearly equal
parties in the cabinet, is hard to decide.

Your Excellency will observe that the treaty was signed at
Paris, and not at Versailles. Mr. Hartley's letter No. 5 and
our answer No. 6 will explain this. His objections, and in-
deed our proceedings in general, were communicated to the
French minister, who was content that we should acquiesce,
but desired that we would appoint the signing early in the
morning, and give him an account of it at Versailles by ex-
press, for that he would not proceed to sign on the part of
France till he was sure that our business was done.

The day after the signature of the treaty Mr. Hartley
wrote us a congratulatory letter No. 7, to which we returned
the answer No. 8.

He is gone to England, and expects soon to return, which
for our part we think uncertain. We have taken care to

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 401

speak to him in strong terms on the subject of the evacua-
tion of New York and the other important subjects proper
to be mentioned to him. We think we may rely on his doing
every thing in his power to influence his court to do what
they ought to do ; but it does not appear that they have as
yet formed any settled system for their conduct relative to
the United States. We cannot but think that the late and
present aspect of affairs in America has had, and continues
to have, an unfavourable influence, not only in Britain, but
throughout Europe.

In whatever Ught the article respecting the Tories may be
viewed in America, it is considered in Europe as very humiliat-
ing to Britain, and therefore as being one which we ought in
honour to perform and fulfil with the most scrupulous regard
to good faith and in a manner least offensive to the feelings
of the king and court of Great Britain, who upon that point
are extremely tender.

The unseasonable and unnecessary resolves of various
towns on this subject, the actual expulsion of Tories from
some places, and the avowed implacability of almost all who
have pubUshed their sentiments about the matter, are cir-
cumstances which are construed, not only to the prejudice
of our national magnanimity and good faith, but also to the
prejudice of our governments.

Popular committees are considered here, as with us, in
the light of substitutes to constitutional government, and as
being only necessary in the interval between the removal of
the former and the estabUshment of the present.

The Constitutions of the different States have been trans-
lated and pubUshed, and pains have been taken to lead
Europe to believe that the American States not only made

VOL. X — 2D

402 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

their own laws, but obeyed them; but the continuance of
popular assemblies, convened expressly to deliberate on
matters proper only for the cognizance of the different legis-
latures and officers of government, and their proceeding not
only to ordain, but to enforce their resolutions, has exceedingly
lessened the dignity of the States in the eyes of these nations.

To this we may also add that the situation of the army,
the reluctance of the people to pay taxes, and the circum-
stances under which Congress removed from Philadelphia
have diminished the admiration in which the people of
America were held among the nations of Europe, and some-
what abated their ardour for forming connections with us
before our affairs acquire a greater degree of order and
consistence.

Permit us to observe that in our opinion the recommenda-
tion of Congress promised in the fifth article should im-
mediately be made on the terms of it and published, and that
the States should be requested to take it into consideration
as soon as the evacuation of the enemy shall be completed.
It is also much to be wished that the legislatures may not
involve all the Tories in banishment and ruin ; but that such
discriminations may be made as to entitle their decisions
to the approbation of disinterested men and dispassionate
posterity.

On the 7th instant we received your Excellency's letters of
the 1 6th June last, covering a resolution of Congress of the
ist May, directing a commission to us for making a treaty
of commerce, etc., with Great Britain. This intelligence
arrived very opportunely to prevent the anti-American party
in England from ascribing any delays on our parts to motive?
of resentment to that country. Great Britain will send a

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 403

minister to Congress as soon as Congress shall send a minister
to Britain, and we think much might result from that meas-
ure.

The information of Mr. Dumas, that we encouraged the
idea of entering into engagements with the Dutch to defend
the freedom of trade, was not well founded. Our senti-
ments on that subject exactly correspond with those of Con-
gress, nor did we even think or pretend that we had authority
to adopt any such measures.

We have reasons to think that the Emperor of Russia and
other commercial nations are ready to make treaties of com-
merce with the United States. Perhaps it might not be im-
proper for Congress to direct their disposition on the subject
be communicated to those courts, and thereby prepare the
way for such treaties.

The Emperor of Morocco has manifested a very friendly
disposition towards us. He expects, and is ready to receive,
a minister from us, and as he may either change his mind
or may be succeeded by a prince diflFerently disposed, a
treaty with him may be of importance. Our trade to the
Mediterranean will not be inconsiderable, and the friend-
ship of Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli may become
very interestmg in case the Russians should succeed in their
endeavours to navigate freely into it by Constantinople. Much,
we think, will depend on the success of our negotiations with
England. If she could be prevailed upon to agree to a
liberal system of commerce, France, and perhaps some other
nations, will follow her Example; but if she should prefer
an extensive monopolizing plan, it is probable that her
neighbours will continue to adhere to their favourite
restrictions.

404 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

Were it certain that the United States could be brought to
act as a nation, and would jointly and fairly conduct their
commerce on principles of exact reciprocity with all nations,
we think it probable that Britain would make extensive con-
cessions. But, on the contrary, while the prospect of dis-
union in our council, or want of power and energy in our
executive department exists, they will not be apprehensiN'e
of retaliation, and consequently lose their principal motive
to liberality. Unless, with respect to all foreign nations and
transactions, we uniformly act as an entire united nation,
faithfully executing and obe)ang the constitutional acts of
Congress on those subjects, we shall soon find ourselves in
the situation in which all Europe wishes to see us, \dz., as
unimportant consumers of her manufactures and pro-
ductions, and as useful labourers to furnish her with raw
materials.

We beg leave to assure Congress that we shall apply our
best endeavours to execute the new commission to their satis-
faction, and punctually obey such instructions as they may
be pleased to give us relative to it. Unless Congress should
have nominated a secretary to that conunission we shall con-
sider ourselves at liberty to appoint one ; and as we are well
satisfied with the conduct of Mr. W. T. Franklin, the secretary
of our late conunission, we propose to appoint him, lea\ing
it to Congress to make such compensation for his services as
they may judge proper-
Count de Vergennes communicated to us a proposition
(viz.. No. 9, herewith enclosed) fbr explaining the second
and third articles of our treaty with France in a matter
different from the sense in which we understood them. This
being a matter in which we had no right to interfere, we have

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 405

not expressed any opinion about it to the Count. With great
respect we have the honour to be, sir, your Excellency's most

obedient and most humble servants,

{John Adaics
B. Franklin
John Jay

CHAPTER XI

SOCIAL LIFE IN FRANCE

With no assistance, save the slight help furnished by his
grandson, — an inexperienced boy who was more familiar
than he with the French language, — surrounded by spies
and beset by jealous and malicious foes, Franklin performed
alone the varied duties of merchant, consul, conmiissioner, and
plenipotentiary. He bought and sold ships, adjusted diffi-
culties between rival commanders, pacified mutinous crews
clamouring for prizes, purchased arms and clothing for the
Continentals, recommended soldiers and sailors for the army
and navy in America, made treaties with the farmers-general,
influenced the policy of foreign newspapers, honoured ..the
large and constant drafts of the Congress, and persuaded
the French government to advance large sums of money to
relieve the desperate necessities of America.

But his life was not all toil. He lightened the burden and
forgot his worries by social diversions. He was admired by
philosophers and petted by society; and he found himself
as much at home in the salon of Madame d'Houdetot or
^ladame Helv^tius as in the laboratory of Lavoisier, the

4o6 THE WRiTINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

dinic of Vicq d'Azyr, or the cabinet of Vergennes. Never
li^-ed a man more idolized. Curious crowds followed him
with applause when he w^ked abroad; men carried their
canes and their snufiF-boxes h la Franklin^ fair women crowned
him with flowers, and wrote him roguish letters affectionately
addressed to "dear amiable Papa."

A list of the names upon the visiting cards found among
Franklin's private papers would be an index of the society
of Pkris before the Revolution. Those that most frequently
appear are La Duchesse d'En\iUe, Due de la Rochefoucauld,
M. Turgot, Due de Chaulnes, Comte de Crillon, Vicomte de
Sarsfield, M. Brisson, of the Royal Academy of Sciences,
Comte de Milly, Prince des Deuxponts, Comte d'Estaing,
Marquis de Mirabeau, M. Beaugeard, Treasurer of the
State of Brittany.

Twice a week he dined with Madame Brillon at Moulin
Jolt, every Saturday with Madame Helv^tius at Auteuil, and
more irregularly but stiU frequently with Madame d'Houdetot
at Sanois. He was a social creature and loved cheerful com-
panionship, — chess, conversation, and music, — nor was he,
maugre the gout and the gravel, in any wise averse to the
pleasures of the table. His dinners at home when he enter-
tained his friends on Sunday at Passy were carefully studied,
and his household accounts speak of large and learned pur-
chases of the best vintages of France. His appetite for
sawdust-pudding belonged only to the days of his apprentice-
ship. At sixty he was fond of an afternoon of salt fish and
brandy at the George and Vulture with Anthony Todd, and
was rather proud of discomfiting Lord Clare at a claret-
drinking. Ten years later he made careful collections of
menus, and declared that he would rather bring back from

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 407

Italy a receipt for Parmesan cheese than the rarest inscrip-
tion that archaeology had unearthed. A glass or two of
champagne sufficed to put him in good humour, but before
the dinner was over, he confessed to Mrs. Hewson, he often
drank more than a philosopher should. He was particularly
partial to the wines of Burgundy, and brought on access of
gout with the copious draughts of Nuiis with which Cabanis
plied him at Auteuil. But he was also fond of Madeira, and
liked to gossip with his friend Strahan over the second
bottle.

The brother-in-law of the Chevaliere d'Eon sent him a
cask of Burgundy from that strange creature's vineyard.
M. de Bays, sub-delegate of the Intendance of Bourgogne,
presented him with a basket of the best Burgundy to cele-
brate the Treaty of Peace. David Hartley supplied him
with Jamaica rum. From Thomas Jordan, the brewer, he
received a cask of porter which he broached in Philadelphia,
when "its contents met with the most cordial reception and
imiversal approbation."

He was very susceptible to female charms. Madame
Brillon wrote to him, " You permit your wisdom to be broken
against the rocks of femininity." Writing from Paris to Mrs.
Partridge, he said, " You mention the kindness of the French
ladies to me. I must explain that matter. This is the
civilest nation upon earth. Your first acquaintances en-
deavour to find out what you like and they tell others. If 'tis
understood that you like mutton, dine where you will you find
mutton. Somebody, it seems, gave it out that I lov'd ladies ;
and then everybody presented me their ladies (or the ladies
presented themselves) to be embraced ~ that is to have their
necks kissed. For as to kissing of lips or checks, it is not

4o8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

the mode here; the first is reckoned rude, and the other
may rub oflF the paint."

In America, the chief friends with whom he indulged in
careless banter and frivolous correspondence were "Caty"
Ray, afterwards the wife of William Greene, governor of
Rhode Island, and Elizabeth Partridge, n^ ''Betsey" Hub-
bard. In Ejigland he found his most cheerful diversion with
Mrs. Mary Hewson and Georgiana Shipley (daughter of the
Bishop of St. Asaph). Liberal portions still exist of his cor-
respondence in France with Mesdames Brillon, D'Houdetot,
Helv&ius, Foucault, Forbach, and Le Veillaid.

It was to Madame Brillon that Franklin addressed the
first of his famous bagatelles. He has told the circumstances
in a letter to William Carmichael.

"The person to whom it ['The Ephemera'] was ad-
dressed is Madame Brillon, a lady of most respectable char-
acter and pleasing conversation; mistress of an amiable
family in this neighbourhood, with which I spend an evening
twice in every week. She has, among other elegant accom-
plishments, that of an excellent musician; and, with her
daughters who sing prettily, and some friends who play, she
kindly entertains me and my grandson with Uttle concerts, a
cup of tea, and a game of chess. I call this my Opera^ for I
rarely go to the Opera at Paris."

M. Brillon was a French official of good estate and con-
siderable income. His wife was much younger than he,
and according to Miss Adams "one of the handsomest women
in France." Franklin attempted m vain to arrange a mar-
riage between her daughter and his grandson. Every Wed-
nesday and Saturday he visited her and in the intervening
days letters were swift and intelligent between them. "Do

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 409

you know, my dear Papa," she wrote to him, "that people
have the audacity to criticise my pleasant habit of sitting
upon your knees, and yours of always asking me for what I
always refuse?" "I despise slanderers and am at peace
with myself, but that is not enough, one must submit to what
is called propriety (the word varies in each century in each
country), to sit less often on your knees. I shall certainly
love you none the less, nor will our hearts be more or less
pure ; but we shall close the mouths of the maUcious and it
is no slight thing even for the secure to silence them."

In the great collection of Franklin's papers in The American
Philosophical Society are one hundred and nineteen letters
from Madame Brillon, sparkling with wit and full of interest-
ing history. The rough drafts, also, of some of Franklin's
letters to her exist in the same collection, some of them writ-
ten in his halting French and corrected by her pen. These
letters have not hitherto been printed. They illuminate the
character of Franklin and show the great man in idle hours
when free of the weary burden of public business. Most of
them are undated, but I have tried to arrange them as
nearly as possible in what would appear to have been their
chronological order.

HME. BRILLON TO DR. FRANKLIN

The Thuillerib,

2nd November, 1778.

The hope that I had of seeing you here, my dear Papa,
prevented my writing to you for Saturday's tea. Hope is the
remedy for all our ills. If one suffers, one hopes for the end
of the trouble ; if one is with friends, one hopes to remain
with them ; if one is away from them, one hopes to go to them,

4IO THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

— and this is the only hope that is left to me. I shall count
the daySy the hours, the minutes; each minute passed brings
me nearer to you. We like to watch when it is the only
means of uniting us to those whom we love. Man, who
takes life thus, tries unceasingly to shorten it; he plans,
desires; without the future, it seems to him that he possesses
nothing. When my children are grown up — in ten years —
the trees in my garden will shade me. The years pass, and
then one regrets them. I might have done such and such a
thing, one says then. Had I not been only twenty-five years
okl, I would not have done the foolish thing that I now repent
of. The wise man alone enjoys the present, does not regret
the past, and waits peacefully for the future. The wise man,
who, like you, my Papa, has passed his youth in gathering
knowledge and enlightening his fellows, and his ripe years in
obtaining liberty for them, can cast a complaisant look on the
past, enjoy the present, and await the reward of his labour in
the future ; but how many are wise ? I try to become so, and
am, in some ways : I take no accoimt of wealth, vanity has
small hold on my heart; I like to do my duty; I freely forgive
society its errors and injustices. But I love my friends with an
idolatry that often does me harm : a prodigious imagination, a
soul of fire will always give them the ascendant over all my
plans and my thoughts. I see, Papa, that I must pretend to
but one perfection — that of loving the most that is possible.
May this quality make you love your daughter always !

Will you not write me a word ? a word from you gives me
so much pleasure. It is always very good French to say,
" Je vous aime.'* My heart always goes out to meet this word
when you say it to me.

You always know how to join great wisdom to a grain

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 41 1

of roguishness ; you ask Brillon for news of me just when you
are receiving a letter from me; you act the neglected one,
just when you are being spoiled, and then you deny it like
a madman when the secret is discovered. Oh, I have news of
you!

Good-bye, my kind Papa. Our good neighbours are going ;
there will be no more days for tea, where one can find you.
I will write to you in spite of this, at least once a week. May
my letters give you some pleasure, — as to love you and to tell
you so is my heart's need. I have the honour to be,

Your very humble and very obedient servant,

D'Hardancourt Brillon

I was at a fine place (Enn&onville), yesterday, where you
are respected and wanted. I said I hoped we should go there
together, some day ; they spoke to me of you only. You can
judge that, without knowing it, they could not have pleased
me better.

Mama, my children, and Mile. Jupin present you their
respects. May I venture to beg you to give my kind regards
to Mr. Franklinet?

MME. BRILLON TO DR. FRANKLIN

nth May, 1779.

You are quite right, my good Papa, true happiness shouM
consist for us only in peace of mind ; it is not in our power
to change the nature of those with whom we live, nor to pre-
vent the contrarieties that surround us. It is a wise man who
speaks, and who tries to advise his too sensitive daughter by
teaching her the truth. Oh, my Papa, I beg for your friend-
ship, your healthy philosophy ; my heart listens and submits
to you. Give me strength that it may take the place of an

' 4" THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

indifference your child can never feel. But admit, my friend,
that for one who knows how to love, ingratitude is a frightful
ill ; that it is hard for a woman who would give her life without
hesitation to insure her husband's happiness to see the result of
her care and her desires taken away by intrigue, and falseness.
Time will make all right : my Papa has said so, and I believe it.
But my Papa has also said that time is the stuff of which life
is made. My life, my friend, is made of fine and thin stuff,
that grief tears cruelly ; if I had anything to reproach myself
with, I should long have ceased to exist. My soul is pure,
simple, frank. I dare to tell my Papa so ; I dare to tell him
that it is worthy of him; I dare still assure him that my con-
duct, which he has considered wise, will not belie itself, that
I will await justice in patience, that I will follow the ad\acc
of my honourable friend with firmness and confidence.

Adieu, you whom I love so much, — my kind Papa.
Never call me anything but "my daughter." Yesterday you
called me " Madame," and my heart shrank, I examined ray-
self, to see whether I had done you any wrong, or if I had
some failings that you would not tell me of. Pardon, my
friend ; I am ndt reproaching you, I am accusing myself of
a weakness. I was bom much too sensitive for my happiness
and for that of my friends ; cure me, or pity me, if you can do
one and the other.

To-morrow, Wednesday, you will come to tea, will you
not? Believe, my Papa, that the pleasure I take in receiving
you is shared by my husband, my children, and my friends;
I cannot doubt it, and I assure you of it.

To this letter Franklin replied : —

"Vous m'avez dit, ma chfere fiUe, que votre coeur est
trop sensible. Je vois bien dans vos lettres que cela est

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 413

trop vrai. D'etre fort sensible de nos propres fautes, c'est
bon; parce que cela nous mene de les eviter en futur; mais
d'fetre fort sensible et aflSig^ des fautes d'autres gens n'est pas
bon. C'est k eux d'etre sensible Ik et d'etre afBig&s de ce qu'ils
avaient mal fait ; pour nous, nous devons rester en tranquil-
it^ qui est le droit et la partage de Tinnocence et la vertu.
Mais vous dites 'que Tlngratitude est un mal affreux.'
C'est vrai — aux ingiats — mais non pas k leurs bienfaiteurs.
Vous ayez conf^r^ des bienfaits sur ceux que vous en avez
cm digne ; vous avez done fait votre devoir, puisque c'est de
notre devoir d'etre bienfaisants et vous devez fttre satisfait
de cela et heureux dans la reflection. S'ils sont des ingrats
c'est leur crime et non pas le votre; et c'est k eux d'etre mal-
heureux quand ils reflechissent sur la turpitude leur conduite
envers vous. S'ils vous font des injures, reflechissez que
quoique ils peuvent 6tre auparavant vos ^gaux ils se sont
places par cette moyen au-dessous de vous; si vous vous
vengez en les punissant exactement vous leur restituez leur 6tat
d'^lit^ qu'ils avoient perdu. Mais si vous les pardonnez
sans leur donner aucune punition vous les fixez dans cctte
bas ^tat oil ils sont tomb^ et d'oii ils ne peuvent jamais sortir
sans vraie repentance et pleine reparation. Suivez done, ma
trfes chfere et toujours aimable fiUe, la bonne resolution que
vous avez prise si sagcment de continuer k remplir tous vos
devoirs comme bonne mfere, bonne femme, bonne amie,
bonne prochaine, bonne Chrdtienne, etc. et negligez et oubliez
s*il est possible les injures qu'on peut vous faire k pr&ent ; et
soyez assure qu'avec le tems la rectitude de votre conduite
gagnera sur les esprits m£me des gens les plus mauvaises et
encore plus sur ceux des personnes qui sont au fond d'un
bon naturel et qui ont aussi du bon sens quoique pour le

414 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

prfeent peut-6tre un peu ^gar&s par Tartifice des autres.
Alors tous vous demanderont avec componction le retour de
votre amitid et deviendront pour I'avenir de vos plus z^lfe
amis.

" Je suis sensible que j'ai ^rit id beaucoup de tr^ mauvais
fran^ais; cela peut vous degouter vous qui ^rivez cette
langue charmante avec tant de puretd et d'^l^gance. Mais si
vous pouvez en fin dechiffrer mes expressions gauches et
impropres vous aurez peut-fetre au moins cette esp^ce de
pkisir qu'on a en expliquant les &iigmes ou decouviant des
secrets."

Franklin sent Madame Brillon his "Dialogue with the
Gout," and accompanied it with the following undated letter.

" Je vous renvoie ma trfes chfere fiUe, puisque vous voulez
absolument le ravoir le brouillon de votre jolie fable. J*avois
la pens^ qu'en vous offrant une plus belle &lition que votre
ouvrage meritoit bien je pouvois vous gagner de me permettre
k retenir Toriginal, ce que je d&irois parce que j'aime tant
ce qui vient de votre main. Et comme mon fils est aussi
im de vos admirateurs j'ai voulu par le plaisir de le lire lui
payer le travail de le bien copier. J'ai fait une faute je le
conf esse, mais comme vous avez eu la bont£ de le pardonner je
ne le repeterai pas jusqu'k une autre occasion.

" Une des personnages de votre fable, viz. la Gout me paroit
raissonner assez bien k Texception de sa supposition que les
maitresses ont eu quelque part en produisant ce doulour-
euse maladie. Je crois moi tout le contraire et void comme
je raissonne. Quand j'dtois jeune homme et que je jouissois
plus des faveurs de la Sexe qu'a pr&ent, je n'avois point de
goutte. Done si les Dames de Passy auroient eu plus de
cette espfece de charity chr^tienne que je vous ai si souvent

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 415

en vaine recommand^, je n'aurois pas eu la goutte actuelle-
ment. II me semble que ceci est bonne logique.

" Je suis beaucoup mieux. J'ai peu de douleur mais je me
trouve bien faible. Je peux comme vous voyez badiner im
peu, mais je ne peux pas fitre r^Uement gai avant que j'en-
tendrai que votre pr^cieuse sant^ est r^tablie.

"Je vous envoie mon Dialogue en esp^rant que cela
pourroit vous amuser quelques moments.

" Bien de remerciements pour les trfes derniferes tomes de
Montaigne que je renvoie.

" La visite de votre toujours aimable famille hier au soir m*a
faite beaucoup de bien. Mon Dieu ! comme je les aime tous
de la Grand Mfere et le pfere jusque le plus petite enfant."

To this letter Madame Brillon replied: —

Saturday, i8th November, 1780.

There should be many httle things to criticise in your logic,
which my dear Papa asserts so well. "When I was a young
man," you say, "and enjoyed the favours of the sex more than
at present, I had no gout." " TA^n," one might reply to this,
"when I threw myself out of the window, I did not break my
leg." Then you could have the gout without having deserved
it, and you could have well deserved it, as I believe, and not
have had it.

If this last argument is not as brilliant as the others, it is
clear and sure ; what are neither clear nor sure are the argu-
ments of philosophers who insist that everything that happens
in the world is necessary to the general movement of the
universal machine. I believe that the machine would go
neither better nor worse if you had not the gout, and if I
were forever rid of my nervous troubles.

4i6 THE WRirmGS OF BEATJAMm FRANKUN

I do not see what help, more or less, these little inddents
can give to the wheels that turn this world at random, and I
know that my little machine goes worse for them. What I
know very well besides, is that pain sometimes becomes mis-
tress of reason, and that patience alone can overcome these two
plagues. I have as much of it as I can, and I advise you, my
friend, to have the same. When frosts have blackened the
earth, a bright sun makes us forget them. We are in the
midst of frosts, and must wait patiently for the bright sim, and,
while waiting, amuse ourselves in the moments when weakness
and pain leave us some rest. This^ my dear Papa, is my logic.

Your dialogue amused me very much, but the corrector
of your French spoiled your work. Believe me, leave your
works as they are, use words that say things, and laugh at
grammarians, who, by their purity, weaken all your sen-
tences. If I had a good enough head, I would compose a
terrible diatribe against those who dare to re- touch you, were
it TAbb^ de la Roche, my neighbor VeiUaid, etc., etc., etc.
I want to amuse myself by making notes on your work,
and on theirs, and you will see that you are right.

Adieu, my good Papa. My big husband will take my
letter to you ; he is very happy to be able to go to see you.
For me, nothing remains but the faculty of loving my friends.
You do not doubt, surely, that I will do my best for you, even
to Christian charity, that is to say, your Christian charity,
exclusively. .

MADAME BRILLON TO DR. FRANKLIN

New Year's Day, 1781.

If I had a good head and good legs — if, in short, I bad
all that I lack, — I should have come, like a good daughter,

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 417

to wish a happy New Year to the best of papas. But I
have only a very tender heart to love him well, and a rather
bad pen to scribble him that this year, as well as last, and as
well as all the years of my life, I shall love him, myself alone,
as much as all the others that love him, put together.

Brillon and the children present their homage to the kind
Papa ; and we also say a thousand things to M. Franklinet.

Franklin attempted to arrange a marriage between his
nephew, Jonathan Williams, and one of the daughters of John
Schweighauser, banker at Nantes. His plans failed, and
Williams married Mariamne Alexander. He also tried to
obtain one of the daughters of Madame Brillon for his grand-
son, William Temple Franklin. It was in reply to overtures
of this kind that the following letter was written. Between
two and three years later Franklin received a notice of the
marriage of the daughter whom he had hoped to receive
into his own family : " Monsieur et Madame Brillon de Jouy
ont I'honneur de vous faire part du Mariage de Mademoiselle
Brillon, leur Fille, avec Monsieur Paris." Upon the card,
which exists among the private papers in The American Philo-
sophical Society, Franklin wrote, "They were married Mon-
day, Oct. 20, 1783."

A rough draft of the letter in which Franklin proposed
a marriage between his grandson and Madame Brillon's
daughter is in the Library of Congress. The letter must have
been written in April, 1781. It is particularly interesting be-
cause of the light it throws upon Franklin's religious beliefs.

TO MADAME BRILLON (L. C.)

Souvenez vous, ma chere Amie, que je vous ai demand^;
il y a quelque tems, si M. B. vous a parl^ d'une Proposition

VOL. X — 2 B

4i8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

que je lui avoit faite ? Vous m*a\dez dit, que non. Je pensois

de ne vous en parler pas, non plus; mais je suis change

d'avis, & je vas vous dire la chose. C'^toit une Manage

entre votre chere fille ainfe & mon petit fils. Void

mes Motifs, J'aime, moi, tout la FamiUe sans exception. Je

d^sirois de reserver par ce moyen les tendres Liaisons de notre

Amiti^. Ayant quasi perdue ma Fille par la vaste Distance

entre nous, j'esperois d'en trouver une en vous & luie autre

en votre Fille, de soigner ma Viellesse si je restois en France,

& de clorre mes paupieres quand je viens de mourir. J*ai

tres bonne Opinion de cette aimable Demoiselle; Je Tai

observ^e pendant 4 Ans de Connoissance, & assurement je

crois qu'elle fera une bonne Femme. Je crois aussi que mon

Fils, qui n'a point des Vices, fera im bon Mari, autrement

je n'aurois pas desire de le donner k votre Fille. J'ai ob-

servai qu'ils ont d'Amiti^ Tun pour Tautre. J'avois parl^

a lui de mes vues de le marier id ; il m'a dit qu'il n'avoit que

seule Objection, que son Manage en France pent occasioner

une Separation entre nous, si je retoumois en Amerique;

Mais quand je lui disois que s'il marrioit Mad** Brillon je

resterai jusque la fin de mes jours en France il en etoit fort

content, disant que si je peux negocier cette AflFaire pour lui,

il seroit bien heureux. II est encore jeune, & peut-etre le

Partiality d'un Pere, m^avois fait penser trop avantageuse-

ment de lui, mais il me semble, qu'il a en lui P^tofiFe pour faire

avec le tems un homme distingu^. Voila mes Excuses pour

avoir fait cette de marche. Peut etre J'aurois mieux fait si

j'avois premierement pris Conseil de vous, parceque vous

pouvois m'informer que cette Projet ne conviendroit pas k M.

Brillon, & je lui aurois epargn^ la peine de toumer pour le

considerer.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 419

II m'a fait aujourd'hui deux Objections. L'lme est la
Difference de Religion. L'autre que sa Fillc pourroit etre
amende en Amerique, par mon petit fils. J'avois pensd moi
auparavant de ces deux choses. Pour la seconde c'dtoit mon
intention de tacher de Tetablir en France, restant ici moi-
meme pendant ma Vie, & obtenant pour lui de me succeder
dans mon Emploi publique, que je crois bicn possible, avec
le tems. Pour la premiere, voici mes Idfes. En chaque
Religion il y a des choses essentielles, & il y a d'autres qui
ne sont que des Formes & des Modes ; Comme un pain de
Sucre qui peut-etre enveloppd en Papier brun ou blanc ou
bleu, & b'd avec ficelle de chanvre ou de laine, rouge ou jaune ;
c'est toujours le Sucre qui est la chose essentielle. Or les
essentielles d'une bonne Religion consistent, il me semble, en
ces 5 Articles viz:

I® Qu'il y a un Dieu qui a fait-le Monde, & qui le Gouveme
par sa Providence.

2® Qu'il doit ftre adord, & servi

3. Que le meilleure service de Dieu est de faire le bien aux
hommes.

4. Que Tame de Thomme est immortelle &

5. Que dans une Vie future sinon dans la presente, le vice
sera puni, & la Vertue recompensde.

Ces Essentielles on trouve dans votre Religion & dans le
notre, les Differences ne sont que Papier & Ficelle. C'cst
avec ces Pensdes que je m'ai satisfait sur cette Sujet. Mais
comme les mfemes Raisonnement ne sont bons pour tout le
Monde, je ne pretend pas que les miens doivcnt etre bons pour
vous, & pour M. Brillon. L'Affaire est done fini, car
TAffaire est fini, car peutetre il a d'autres Objections qu'il
ne m'a pas donndes, & je ne doit pas Timportuner. Nous

420 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

vous aimerons tous, neantmoins. Adieu, ma tres chere Amie,
Aimez mois autant que vous pouvez. Ce n'est pas tiop.

To this letter Madame Brillon replied : —

Friday, 20th April, 1781.

I am going to answer your letter, my good Papa, with
frankness and friendliness. It would have been sweet to my
heart, and most agreeable to M. Brillon, to form an alliance
which would have made one family of us; we like your son,
and believe that he has all that is necessary to make a man
distinguished, and to render a woman happy. But he cannot
reasonably decide to remain in this country; his property,
his profession, and his duty bind him to his country. Your
name to sustain is another tie that obliges him in eveiy case
to do the things, and live in the places, where he will be useful
to his fellow-citizens. On our side, we need a son-in-law
who is in a condition to fill the place of my husband, who
begins to feel the need of rest. This place is the most im-
portant object of our fortune ; it calls for a man skilled in the
knowledge of the laws and customs of our country and of our
religion. M. Brillon and I think, with you, that there is but
one religion and one moral law common to all wise men;
we are, however, obliged to submit to the usages of our coun-
try; an isolated being, keeping silent and leaving to others
their prejudices, can do as he wishes. Married people, be-
longing to a large family, owe it some account of their doings.
There would be still many other objections to the flattering
proposal you have made us ; what it has cost us to refuse it,
should assure you forever of our affection.

Be at ease, my good Papa : as long as we Uve, you shall
not be neglected. Without being your children we are your

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 421

friends, and we will give you always all the attention that
lies in our power.

I beg you, my kind Papa, to communicate to your son
all the obstacles in the way of the attachment he would form
with our child. He must be the friend of all of us ; he will be
happy and will give us happiness in keeping to this feeling :
if it becomes warmer, he will make himself unhappy, and give
us pain ; his integrity and your wisdom reassure us. Good-
bye, my Papa. Love us and try to forget a plan, the remem-
brance of which would only cause us regret ; or remind us of it
only in order to strengthen, if possible, our confidence in the
esteem and friendship which we have for each other.

Upon the birth of the first child of this marriage Franklin
wrote to Madame Brillon : —

Ce 28 Novbre ^84.

Je vous fflicite trfes cordialement ma trfes chfere amie de
Pheureux accouchement de votre fille. Puisse Tenfant fetre
aussi bonne et aussi aimable que sa mfere, sa grande-mfere
et sa grande-grande-mfere, etc. Je me souviens d'avoir un
jour rencontr^ chez vous quatre de vos generations quand vos
enfants ftoient trfes jcunes et que j'ai dit alors que j'esp^rois
vivre Jl voir la cinquifeme. Voici mon souhait prophetique
accompli. Je fais des voeus actuellement pour la prosperity
continuelle de toute la bonne famille. Avez-vous des nou-
voiles de notre bon Evfique ? Oil est-il ? Comment se porte-
t-il? Je vous embrasse fortement.

B. F.

To this letter Madame Brillon replied: —

422 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

. 2nd December, 1784.

Your letter, my kind Papa, has given me great pleasure;
but if you would give me a greater, remain in France until
you see my sixth generation. I only ask you for fifteen or
sixteen years : my granddaughter will be marriageable early;
she is fine and strong. I am tasting a new feeling, my good
Papa, to which my heart gives itself with satisfaction, it is so
sweet to love. I have never been able to conceive how beings
exist who are such enemies to themselves as to reject friend-
ship. They are ingrates, one says ; well one is deceived ; it
is a little hard sometimes, but one is not so always ; and to feel
oneself incapable of returning it gives a contentment that con-
soles one for the treachery.

My little nurse is charming and fresh as a morning rose.
The first days the child had diiSiculty, . . . but patience and
the mother's courage overcame it; all goes well now, and
nothing could be more interesting than this picture of a young
and pretty person nursing a superb child, the father unceas-
ingly occupied with the spectacle, and joining his attentions
to those of his wife. My eyes often are wet, and my heart
rejoices, my kind Papa. You realize so well the price of all
that belongs to good and beautiful nature that I owe you these
details. My daughter charges me with her thanks and com-
pliments to you; my youngest and my men present their
respects, and I, my friend, I beg you to believe that my friend-
ship and my existence will always be one for you.

The following letter from Franklin is without date. It
elicited from her a witty and triumphant reply.

'* Pour vous faire mieux comprendre la Force de ma Dem-
onstration que vous ne m'aimez pas, je commence par un
petit Conte.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 423

"Un Mendiant demandoit d'un rich Eveque un Louis en
Aumones. Tu es un Extravagant On ne donne pas des
Louis aux Mendiants. Un Ecu done. Non. C*est trop.
Un Liard done, — ou votre Benediction. Mon Benediction !
— Oui, je te le donnerai. Non je ne Paccepterai pas. Car s'il
vaut en Liard, vous ne le voulez pas me donner. Voila
comme cette Eveque aimoit son Voisin. Voila sa Charity !
Et si j'exaniine la votre je ne la trouverai pas beaucoup plus
grande. J'ai en un faim incroyable & vous ne m'aviez pas
donn£ d manger, j'etois Etranger, & j'etois presque aussi
malade que G)lin de votre Chanson, & vous ne m'aviez pas ni
re^u ni gueri, ni m£me soulag^.

"Vous qui ft& riche comme un Archeveque en toutes les
Vertus chretiennes et morales & qui pourrez m'en sacrifier
une petite portion de quelques unes sans que la perte soit
visible. Vous me dites que cela est trop, & vous ne voulez
pas le faire. Voila votre Chants, k un pauvre Miserable,
qui autrefois jouoit de I'Affluence et qui est malheuresement
reduit k demander de vos Aumones. Vous dites neantmoins,
que vous Pamiez. Mais vous ne lui donneriez pas votre
Amitie s'il faut pour ce 14 faire la de pense de la moindre
petite Morceau de la Valeur d'un Liard, de votre Sagesse."

Madame Brillon replied : —

1st July Passy.

My dear Papa: Your bishop was a niggard and your
beggar a rascally fellow. You are a very skilful sophist,
as you almost convince one with your clever arguments
founded on a false principle. Is it to Dr. Franklin, the
celebrated philosopher, the profound statesman, that a
woman speaks thus irreverently? Yes, this erudite man, this

424 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

legislator, has his weakness (it is the weakness, moreover, of
great men : he has taken full advantage of it). But let us go
into the matter.

To prove that I do not love you, my good Papa, you com-
pare yourself to a beggar who asked alms from a bishop.
Now, the r61e of a bishop is not to refuse to give to beggars
when they are really in want ; he honours himself in doing
good. But in truth the kind of charity which you ask of mc
so humorously can be found everywhere. You wUl not
suffer by my refusals ! What would you think of your beggar,
if, the bishop having given him the "louis** which he asked, he
had complained because he did not get two? That, however,
is your case, my good friend.

You adopted me as your daughter, I chose you for my
father: what do you expect from me? Friendship! well,
I love you as a daughter should love her father. The purest,
most tender and respectful affection for you fiUs my soul;
you asked me for a " louis '* ; I gave it to you, and yet you mur-
mur at not getting another one, which does not belong to mc.
It is a treasure which has been entrusted to me, my good
Japa ; I guard it and will always guard it carefully. Even
if you were like "Colin sick,'* in truth I could not cure you;
and nevertheless, whatever you may think or say, no one in this
world loves you more than I.

MADAME BRILLON TO DR. FRANKLIN

20th October, Marseilles.

I received on my arrival here, my good Papa, your letter
of October ist. It gave me much pleasure ; I found in it evi-
dences of your friendship and a touch of that gayety and
gallantry which makes all women love you, because you love

THE LIFE OF BENJAAflN FRANKUPT 425

them all. Your proposition to cany me on your wings, if
you were the angel Gabriel, made me laugh ; but I would not
accept it, although I am no longer very young nor a virgin.
That angel was a sly fellow and your nature united to his
would become too dangerous. I would be afraid of miracles
happening, and miracles between women and angels might
not always bring a redeemer. . . .

I have arranged, my good friend, to write alternately to
my "great neighbour" and to you ; the one to whom I shall not
have written will kindly tell the other that I love him with all
my heart, and when it comes your turn you will add an em-
brace for the good wife of our neighbor, for her daughter, for
little Mother Caillot, for all the gentle and pretty women of
my acquaintance whom you may meet. You see that not
being able to amuse you, either by my carols or by chess, I
seek to procure you other pleasures. If you had been at
Avignon with us, it is there you would have wished to embrace
people. The women are charming there; I thought of you
every time I saw one of them. Adieu, my good Papa; I
shall not relate to you the events of my journey, as I have
written of them to our neighbor, who will communicate them
to you. I confine myself to assuring you of my most constant
and tender friendship. . . .

MADAME BSILLON TO DR. FRANKLIN

13th October, the Thuillcrie.

How are you, my good Papa ? Never has it cost me so
much to leave you; every evening it seems to me that you
would be very glad to see me, and every evening I think of you.
On Monday, the 21st, I shall go to get you ; I hope that you
will then be well on your feet, and that the teas of Wednesday

426 THE WRJTINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

and Saturday, and that of Sunday morning, will regain all
their brilliance. I will bring you la bonne ivique. My fat
husband will make us laugh, our children will laugh to-
gether, our big neighbour will quiz, the Abb6s La Roche and
Morellet will eat all the butter, Mme. Grand, her amiable
niece, and M. Grand will not harm the society, Pfere Pagin
will play "God of Love" on his violin, I the march on the
piano, and you "Petits Oiseaux" on the harmonica.

O! my friend, let us see in the future fine and strong
legs for you, and think no more of the bad one that has so
persecuted you. After the bad, one enjoys the good more;
life is sown with one and the other, which she changes un-
ceasingly. What she carmot keep from being equal and
unchangeable is my tenderness for you, that time, place, and
events will never change.

My mother and all my family beg to be remembered to
you.

I had news of you from our neighbour, but I must abso-
lutely have some from you.

DR. FRANKLIN TO MADAME BRILLON

Je me rendrai chez vous ma chfere fiUe demain matin
avec grand plaisir et si vous ne pourrez pas descendre sans
difficult^ peutfitre je serai assez fort pour monter votre esca-
lier. Le d^sir de vous voir me donnera quelque force de plus.
Mon fils m'aidera volontiers; car il ne s'oppose jamais k
mes propositions dialler avec moi chez Madame Brillon.

Les visites de votre bon mari pendant ma maladie m'a
^t^ tr^ agr&ble. Sa conversation m'a soulag^ et egay^.
Je regrette qu'au lieu de la chercher quand j'ai €t6 chez vous
j'ai perdu tant de tems It jouer aux echecs. II a beaucoup

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 427

des contes et tou jours bien appliqu^es. S'il vous a dcroW
quelques uns voiis pouvez les repeter n&inmoins, car ils me
plairont toujours de votre bouche.

M. Pagin m'a fait Thonneur de me visiter hier. C'est
assur^ment un des meilleurs hommes possibles, car il a eu la
patience de m'entendre jouer une air sur I'harmonica et de
Tentendre jusqu'k la fin.

MADAME BRILLON TO DR. FRANKLIN

1st November, The Thuillerie.

Here I am reduced to writing to you, my good papa, and
to saying that I love you. It was sweeter no doubt to let you
see it in my eyes. How am I going to spend the Wednesdays
and Saturdays? No teas, no chess, no music, no hope of
seeing or embracing my good papa ! It seems to me that the
privation which I experience from your absence would
suffice to make me change my views, were I inclined to
materialism.

Happiness is so uncertain, so many obstacles are encoun-
tered in its pursuit, that the conviction that we shall be happier
in another life can alone help us to bear the trials of this one.
In paradise we shall be reunited, never to leave each other
again ! We shall there live on roasted apples only ; the music
will be composed of Scotch airs ; all parties will be given over
to chess, so that no one may be disappointed ; every one will
speak the same language; the English will be neither unjust
nor wicked there ; the women will not be coquettes, the men
will be neither jealous nor too gallant ; " King John" will be
left to eat his apples in peace; perhaps he will be decent
enough to offer some to his neighbours — who knows? since
we shall want for nothing in paradise ! We shall never suffer

428 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

from gout there nor from our nerves; Mr. Mesmer will con-
tent himself with pla)dng on the harmonica, without bothering
us about electric fluids ; ambition, envy, pretensions, jealousy,
prejudices, all these will vanish at the sound of the trumpet.
A lasting, sweet, and peaceful friendship will animate every
society. Every day we shall love one another, in order that
we may love one another still more the day after; in a word,
we shall be completely happy. In the meantime let us get
all the good we can out of this poor world of ours. I am far
from you, my good Papa ; I look forward to the time of our
meeting, and I am pleased to think that your r^rets and
desires equal mine.

My mother and my children send you their loving remem-
brance; we should all like to have you here. May I ask
you to remember me to your grandson ?

Franklin was never fluent or correct in writing or speaking
French. Every one knows that when he attended the theatre
with Madame de Boufilers he followed her example and
applauded when she showed approval, and learned to his
chagrin that he had applauded most loudly eulogistic refer-
ences to himself. The other representatives of the United
States were even less familiar with the language. None of
them could converse in French. Jefferson declared that he
was never sure he understood what was said to him ; and when
Silas Deane protested that he never spoke with English people
in Paris, Beaumarchais remarked sarcastically, "He must
then be the most silent man in France, for I defy him to say
six words to a Frenchman."

Franklin never dared to write an official or business letter
'n French, but delegated that task to his secretary or to his

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 429

grandson. Even to his friend Chaumont he wrote in English,
sajing that it took too much time to write in French and
was after all veiy bad French. "The best master of lan-
fi/age/'hesaid, "is a mistress," and he essayed to write in
brightly though stumbling French his gallant letters to fair
id witty women. Madame Brillon corrected his exercises

d hh letters and some of these amended epistles are still

>

existence. The letter in reply to the above from Madame
%Ti \?^ in Franklin's handwriting, the italicized passages are
fame Brillon's corrections.

le^ms que vous m'aves assure que nous nous rencontrons
nirerons et que nous nous reconnoitrons en paradis, j'ai
continueliement sur I'arrangement de nos AfiFaires dans
s la; car j'ai grand grande confiance en vos assurances,
rois implicitement ce que vous croy^s :
iisemblablement plus que de 40 ann^es couleroient
r/ aprds mon arrivfe Ui, avant que vous me suiveres

je crains, un peu, que dans la course d'une d^un
e long temps, vous pouv^s ne puissUs m'oubli^r,
rqu*oi j'ai eu la pensdes de vous proposer de me
otre parole d'honneur, de ne pas renouveller 1&
TSit avec M' B. — je vous donnent au donnerai en
ups le mien la mienne de vous attendre mais ce
'St si bon, si gdnereux envers nous — il vous aime
lui — si bien — que je ne puis [pas] penser [de]
ositioHy sans quelque [s] [scrupules de] scrupule[s]
e — cependant Tid^e d'une Eternity dans laquelle
yas plus favoris^ que d'estre permis d'avoir per-
iiscr vos mains, ou vos joues quelquefois, ct que
ax ou trois heures dans votre douce soci^td les

^rcredis et samedis, c'est efifroyable : enfin jc ne

430 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

puis pas faire cette proposition, mais comme (avec tous ceux
qui vous connoissent) je souhaitte de vous voir heureuse en
toutes choses, nous pouvons agr^er de n'en plus parlor a
present et de la laisscr a vous, vous laisser la liberU d*en
decidcTy quand nous {taus] nous rencontrerons tous : Id d'en
determiner comme vous juger6s le meilleur pour [la] vostre
Klicit^ et pour les n6tres, determines comme vous voudres,
je sens que je vous aimera aimerai etemellement — si vous
me rejetteres rejeUiSy peut estre je m'addresscrai m^addres-
seraije a m** D'hardancourt, et qui il a qui il plaira [peut estre
a elle] de faire menage avec moi ; alors je passerai mes heures
domestiques agr&blement av^ elle ; et je serai plus a port^
de vous voir, j'aurai asses de tems dans ces 40 ann^es la, de
pratiquer sur L'Armonica, et peut estre je jouerai ass6s bien
pour estre digne d'accompagner votre fort^ piano, nous aurons
de tems en tems de petits concerts : le bon p^re pagin sera de
la partie, votre voisin et sa chere famille [m' jupin] m' d€
chaumonty m' B, m' jourdon, m' grammont, m^ du tartre, la
petite m^re, et d'autres amis choisis seroient seront notre
auditoire, et les chores bonnes filles accompagn^ds par quel-
ques autres jeunes anges de qui vous m'avfe d^ja donn£ les
portraits, chanteroient chanteront av^ nous le alleluia, nous
mangerons ensemble des pommes de paradis roties av6c
du beure et de la muscade; et nous aurons piti^ de ceux qui
ne sont seront pas morts. "

NOTES BY FRANKLIN

More than 40 years — Plus de (not que) 40 ann6es.
To think of a thing — Penser It (not de) une chose.
To be permitted — D 'avoir Permission (not d'etre

permis).

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 431

Perhaps I shaD address myself — Peutfetre m'addresserai-je
(not je m'addresseiai).

Kough drafts of the following letters from Franklin arc
in l!)[it American Philosophical Society.

TO liADAllE BRILLON

Etant revenu chez moi, j'ftois surpris de trouver qu'il
oft presque onze heures. Je crains qu'oubliant toutes autres
0?^ par notre trop d'attention au Jeu d'Echecs, nous vous
ons> beaucoup incommode, en vous detenant si long temps
ts Je Bain. Dites moi, ma chere Amie, comment vous
5 tnouvez ce matin. Jamais je ne consentirai de com-
ctx une Partie ci-apr6s dans votre Chambre a baigner.
Tz vous me pardonner cette Indiscretion?
Yous envoye le Homere de M. Bitaub^. Cet aimable
ne a beaucoup d'envie d'ftre connu de Mad* Brillon.

permis de Tamener avec moi le Mercredi prochain?

n^GSt pas convenable pour vous, je I'eviterai —

?dy onze heures de soir.

TO MADAME BRILLON

t€ bien mortifi^ hier au soir de n'avoir pas pu me

hez ma chere Amie. J'avois une Visitation qui a

5qu i onze heures.

:?s Remerciements pour votre soin obligcante en me
ces livres. Je les retoumera bientdt en bon ordre.

*n oblig^ aussi a M. de Bospin.

-ai que j'ai souvent dit que je vous aime irop^
a verity. Jugez vous aprfes une Comparaison que
^ui de nous deux aime le plus. Si je demande d'un

432 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

Ami, j'ai besoin de vos Chevaux pour faire une Voyage
pretez les a moi ; & si il repond je serais bien aise de vous
obliger, mais je crains qu'ik seront gat^es par cette Voyage,
& je ne peux pas me resoudre de les preter k personne; ne
dois-je pas conclussc que cct homme aimc ses chevaux plus
qu'il ne m*aime ? Et si dans le meme Cas je voudroit volon-
tairement hazarder mes chevaux en les pretant a lui, n'est
il pas clair que je Faime plus que je ne 'aime mes chevaux,
& aussi plus qu'il m'aime ? Vous s$avez que je suis pret a
sacrifier mes beaux & grands chevaux.

TO MADAME BRILLON

Qu'elle difference, ma chere amie entre vous et moi:
vous me trouvez des fautes innombrables, tandis que je
m'en vois qu'une en vous (mais, c'est pent 6tre la faute de mes
lunettes), j'entends cette espece d'avarice qui vous porte
k monopoler sur touttes mes affections; et de ne m'en per-
mettre aucunes, pour les aimables d'ames de votre pays.
Vous vous imaginer qu'il n'est pas possible que mon Affection
(ou ma tendresse). Soit diviser, sans ^tre diminuer. Vous
vous trompez ; et vous oubliez la faj on badine avec laquelle
vous m'avez amette : vous renoncer, et donnez une exclusion
totale k tout ce que notre amour pouvoit avoir de chamel en
ne me permettant que quelques Baisers, civil et honnete, tels
que vous en pourriez donner k quelques petits cousins : que
m'en revient il done tout, pour que je ne puisse pas en donner
autant aux autres sans une diminution de ce qui vous appar-
tient? Les Opperations de I'Esprit, I'Estime, 1' Admiration,
le Respect, et I'Affection m6me 1 (pour un objet) peuvent se
multiplier autant que les objets qui le meritent se presentent;
et cepcndant avoir la meme fa^on depenser pour le p' Objet

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 433

qui n'a par consequent nul lieu de se plaindre d'une injure.

Elles sont dans leur nature aussi divisiblcs que les sons doux

du forte piano produits par vos mains habiles, vingt personnes

i la l'^)Si peuvent en recevoir le m6me plaisir, sans diminuer

celui qu* obligeament, vous me destinez et je pourrois (tout

aussi peu raisonnablement) exiger de votre amiti^, que ces

AoMx sons ne puisse atteindre ni charmer d'autres oreilles

ijfxt les miennes.

Vous voyez done, d'apres cela combien vous ftes injuste
ans vos demandes, et dans la guerre ouverte que vous me
?clarer, si je n'y souscris pas ; en eflfet, c'est moi qui ai le
js ^\x]t\. de me plaindre! mon pauvre petit amour, que
IS auriez dA ce me semble cherir, au lieu d'etre gras et joly
mme ceux de vos elegantes peintures) est maigre et pret a
irier de faim ! faute d'une nouriture substantielle, que sa
? inhumainement lui refuse ! et encore maintenant veut
(uj rogner ses petittes ailes afin qu'il n'en puisse pas
chercher ailleurs! je m'imagine qu'aucuns de nous
it gagner aucimes choses dans cette guerre; et par
[uent comme me sentant le plus foible, je ferai (ce
effet doit 6tre fait par le plus sage) des propositions

qu'une f>aix puisse etre durable il faut que les articles

? soi^rtt regies d'apres les principes de la plus parfaitte

egSLlit6 : dans cette vue j'ai dresse les articles suivants

•E I. — qu'il doit y avoir, paix, amitie, amour
tre JVl*** B. et Mr. Franklin.
•: 2. — en ordre de maintenir cette paix inviolable
on cdte Stipule et couvient que Mr. F. viendra chez
les fois qu'elle Pen priera.

U. X — 2 F

434 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

Article 3. — qu'il restera chez elle autant et aussi long-
terns qu'il lui plaira.

Article 4. — qui lorsqu'il sera chez elle, il sera oblig€
de prendre le th^, jouer aux echeks, entendre de la Musique
ou faire tout ce qu'elle pourroit puy demander.*

Article 5. — et qu'il n'aimera nul autre femme qu'elle.

Article 6. — et le dit Mr. F. de son cot^ stipule et couvient
qu'il ira chez Mde B. autant qu'il lui plaira.

Article 7. — qu'il y demeura aussi longtems qu'il lui
plaira.

Article 8. — que lors qu'il sera avec elle il fera tout ce
qui lui plaira.

Article 9. — Et qu'il n'aimera aucunes autres femme
tant qu'il la pouveia aimable.*

je vous en prie dites moi ce que vous pensez de ces pre-
liminaires? lis me semblent exprimer la vraye facon de
penser et la veritable intention de chaque partie plus claire-
ment que dans beaucoup de tiaitfe.

J'appuirai fortement d abord sur le 8*™ Article quoique
sans beaucoup d'espoir de votre consentement pour I'execu-
tion; et sur le 9*°* aussi quoique je desespere de jamais
trouver aucune autre femme que je puisse aimer avec ime
egale tendresse etant pour toujours ma chere chere Amie."

to MADAME BRILLON

Vendredi matin

Ce n'est que hier au soir que votre Billet est venu 2t
main. Voici la veritable Cause de ma Retraite. Pavois
i\.€ de bout ces Matin la \ quatre heures ; je n'avois pas fait

^ Bien entendu ce quMl pourra fiiire.
* les femmes peuvent aller se noyer.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 435

mon postscriptum ; j'avois trax^aill^ beaucoup; J'avois din^
a Paris; & J'etois trfes fatigu^, & fort dispose a dormir
apres votre descente dans le jardin, & je commensois \ le
/aire sur le banc pendant qu'on parloit k moi. Ainsi je le
trouvois plus decent de me retirer & je.m'etois coucW devant
huit heures. II faut done pardonner le grand Voisin & tous
'es autres objets de votre Courraux, & avouer que vous
viez tort ma chere amie, je vous mettre en colere, de jurfr
-mixt tous le monde pour ce qui je m'ai oi€ une demie-heure
utdt qu'i mon ordinaire. Une demie-heure avec un Veillard
le DC peut pas en faire la meilleur Usage, est une trfes petite
osjt, & on ne dois pas se mettre en colere pour des petites
^ses. Samedi au Soir je restirai chez vous jusques vous
liaiterez ma depart, & malgr^ votre politesse usuelle
mots, je sfaurai le tems par votre refus dun petit
er.

TO MADAME BRILLON

ivoy6 incluse les petites Reces que ma trfes chere

m'a fait Thonneur de me demander. Celle sur le
es Echecs dois lui etre dedicd le plus beau conseil

contient, etant copie d^apres sa maniere genereuse &
nime de jouer que j*ai si souvent eprouvfe.

petit fils a 6X6 voir I'Hotel que vous avez bien voulu
poser. Mais il le trouve trop magnifique pour de
Republicains.

5 Je vous prie mes sinceres Remerciements pour
!"re obligeante. Je suis desold qu'il ne puisse me

puisque cela m'auvoit approach^ de vous, tres
' Kemme, que j'aime, estime, & respecte de fond de

436 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

TO MADAME BRILLON

Je trouve comme vous, que dans cette Vie il y a beaucoup
de Peines. Mais il me semble aussi qu'il y a beaucoup
plus des Plaisirs. C'est pourquoi j'aime k Vivre. II ne
faut pas blamer la Providence inconsidferement. Reflechissez
combien de nos Devoirs mdme elle a ordonn^ d'etre na-
turellement des Plaisirs ; & qu'elle a eu la Bont^ de plus, de
donner le Nom de Pechfe a plusieuis afin que nous en jouis*
sions avec plus de Gout.

MADAME BSILLON TO DR. FRANKLIN

25th of December at Nice.

The atonement is adequate, my dear Papa. I shall no
longer call you Monseigneur nor even Monsieur. My peti-
tion succeeded before reaching you; our tears are dried.
You love us, you tell us so ; you are in good health, and are
as roguish as ever, since you are planning to steal me from
Brillon, and to take me on a trip to America without letting
any one know it. Everything is as usual. I recognize your
fine mask, and I am very glad. But, my good Papa, why
say that you write French badly, — that your pleasantries in
that language are only nonsense? To make an academic
discourse, one must be a good grammarian; but to write to
our friends all we need is a heart, and you combine with the
best heart, when you wish, the soundest moral teaching, a
lively imagination, and that droll roguishness which shows
that the wisest of men allows his wisdom to be perpetually
broken against the rocks of femininity. Write me therefore,
write me often and much, or through spite I shall learn
English. I should want to know it quickly, and that would

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 437

liuit me as I have been forbidden all study, and you would

be the cause of my ills, for having refused me a few lines of

your had French, which my family and I — and we are not

simpletons— consider very good; ask my neighbors, ask

iMr. d^Estaing, Mme. Helv&ius and her abb&, if it would

be right on your part to prejudice the improvement which

the sun here has caused in my health, for the sake of a Uttle

)ride which is beneath My Lord the Ambassador, Benjamin

mnUin.

TO liADAHE BRILLON

Passy March la

am charm'd with the goodness of my spiritual guide, and
gn myself implicitly to her Conduct, as she promises to

me to heaven in so delicious a Road when I could be
ent to travel thither even in the roughest of all ways with
Jeasure of her Company.

w kindly partial to her Penitent in finding him, on
mng his conscience,. guilty of only one capital sin and

that by the gentle name of Foible !
y fast hold of your promise to absolve me of all Sins
resent^ & future, on the easy & pleasing Condition
ig God, America and my guide above all things. I
iapture when I think of being absolved of the future.
3 commonly speak of Ten Commandments. — I
?n taught that there are twelve. The first was in-

multiply & replenish the earth. The twelfth is,
Torn mandment I give unto you, thai you lave one

It seems to me that they are a little misplaced. And

a St should have been the first. However I never

difficulty about that, but was always willing to

438 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

obey them both whenever I had an opportunity. Pray tell
me my dear Casuist, whether my keeping reUgiously these two
commandments tho' not in the Decalogue, may not be ac-
cepted in Compensation for my breaking so often one of the
ten I mean that which forbids Coveting my neighbour's wife,
and which I confess I break constantly God foi^ve me, as
often as I see or think of my lovely Confessor, and I am
afraid I should never be able to repent of the Sin even if I
had the full Possession of her.

And now I am Consulting you upon a Case of Conscience
I will mention the Opinion of a certain Father of the church
which I find myself willing to adopt though I am not sure
it is orthodox. It is this, that the most effectual way to get
rid of a certain Temptation is, as often as it returns, to
comply with and satisfy it.

Pray instruct me how far I may venture to practice upon
this Principle?

But why should I be so scrupulous when you have prom-
ised to absolve me of the future ?

Adieu my charming Conductress and believe me ever
with the sincerest Esteem & affection.

Your most obed't hum. Serv.

[B. F.]

Many delightful days Franklin spent at Auteuil in the
hospitable home of Madame HelvAius, enjoying the music
rendered by the two daughters (the Stars) of the hostess, and
the conversation of the younger Cabanis, and the two abb6s,
Morellet and De la Roche. It was Madame Helv^tius who
complained that Franklin had not been to see her for a long
lime, and received the explanatory and apologetic answer,

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 439

"I am waiting, Madame, until the nights are longer."

Madame fiiillon called her ''my amiable rival," and bade

Franklin kiss her for himself and for her. After he had

returned to America, Madame HelvAius exclaimed to her:

''AJi, that great man, that dear man, we shall see him no

mort" To which Madame Brillon retorted, " It is entirely

your fault, Madame."

She had been beautiful when young, but when Franklin
became acquainted with her at the age of sixty, she was
x)pularly compared with the ruins of Palmyra. Mrs. John
Idams met her, and the Puritan was astonished and dis-
jsted at the behaviour of the French lady of the salon,
his is her faithful and amusing description of the scene : —
''She entered the room with a careless jaunty air; upon
ing ladies who were strangers to her, she bawled out,
, mon Dieu, where is Franklin? Why did you not tell
there were ladies here?' You must suppose her speak-
ill this in French. *How I look !' said she, taking hold
chemise made of tiflfany, which she had on over a blue
tringf and which looked as much upon the decay as
?auty, for she was once a handsome woman ; her hair
izzled ; over it she had a small straw hat, with a dirty
half -handkerchief round it, and a bit of dirtier gauze
er my maids wore was bowed on behind. She had a
iuze scarf thrown over her shoulders. She ran out of
n ; when she returned, the Doctor entered at one
? at the other; upon which she ran forward to him,
im by the hand, 'H^ks! Franklin!'; then gave
uble kiss, one upon each cheek, and another upon
ad. When we went into the room to dine, she was

tween the Doctor and Mr. Adams. She carried

440 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

on the chief of the conversation at dinner, frequently locking
her hands into the Doctor's, and sometimes spreading her
arms upon the backs of both the gentlemen's chairs, then
throwing her arm carelessly upon the Doctor's neck.

''I should have been greatly astonished at this conduct, if
the good Doctor had not told me that in this lady I shouki
see a genuine Frenchwoman, whofly free from affectation or
stiffness of behaviour, and one of the best women in the
world. For this I must take the Doctor's word ; but I should
have set her down for a very bad one, although sixty years
of age, and a widow. I own I was highly disgusted, and
never wish for an acquaintance with any ladies of this cast.
After dinner she threw herself upon a settee where she
showed more than her feet. She had a little lap-dog, who
was, next to the Doctor, her favourite. This she kissed, and
when he wet the floor, she wiped it up with her chemise.
This is one of the Doctor's most intimate friends, with
whom he dines once every week, and she with him. She is
rich, and is my near neighbour; but I have not yet visited
her. Thus you see, my dear, that manners differ exceedingly
in different countries.

" I hope, however, to find amongst the French ladies man-
ners more consistent with my ideas of decency, or I shall be
a mere recluse."

No contraries could hold more antipathy than a New
England Puritan and such a product of sceptical and un-
conventional eighteenth-century France. That she was well
liked by men and popular in social assemblies in Paris we
have more than the testimony of Franklin who told her that
"statesmen, philosophers, historians, poets, and men of
learning of all sorts are drawn round you, and seem as

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 441

willing {^ attach themselves to you as straws about a fine

piece of amber." Upon her convalescence from a long

illness, four hundred persons gathered at Auteuil, and a

company of actors from Paris gave a performance of " Phi-

loctetus."

All oi the known letters addressed by Franklm to her are
ontained in this edition, save a few unimportant and undated
otes. One is in response to a reminder from Madame Hel-
frius that she expected to meet him at a social entertainment
en by the Turgots. He wrote : " Mr. Franklin never for-
s any party at which Madame HelvAius is expected. He
n beh'eves that if he were engaged to go to Paradise this
uing, he would pray for permission to remain on earth
I half-past one, to receive the embrace promised him at
V\xTgo\,^\^^ In the Bibliothfeque National is a little note
inmg 2L mathematical paradox, and inviting Madame
*tius to breakfast : —

res chere Amie, nous aurons de bonne Musique demain
a dejeuner ; pouvez vous me faire le Plaisir de la par-
? II sera a dix heures et demi. Void une Probleme
Mathematicien aura de la peine It expliquer ; en parta-
Tautres choses, chacun de nous n'a qu^une part:
! partageant les Plaisirs avec vous, ma Portion est
;. L^ Pari est plus que le TotU"

ther letter he speculates upon her success in attract-

s : —

\nd now I mention your friends, let me tell you, that
my way been trying to form some hypothesis to
r your having so many, and of such various kinds.

442 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

I see that statesmen, philosophers, historians, poets, and men
of learning of all sorts are drawn around you, and seem as
willing to attach themselves to you as straws about a fine
piece of amber. It is not that you make pretentions to any
of their sciences ; and if you did, similarity of studies does
not alwaj's make people love one another. It is not that
you take pains to engage them ; artless simplicity is a striking
part of )-our character. I would not attempt to explain it by
the story of the ancient, who, being asked why philosophers
sought the acquaintance of kings, and kings not that of
philosophers, replied that philosophers knew what they
wanted, which was not always the case with kings. Yet
thus far the comparison may go, that we find in your sweet
society that charming benevolence, that amiable attention to
oblige, that disposition to please and be pleased, which we do
not always find in the society of one another. It springs
from you ; it has its influence on us all, and in your company
we are not only pleased with you, but better pleased with one
another and with ourselves."

FROM MADAME HELVETIUS TO DR. FRANKLIN

July, 1787

quelle bonheur, vous avez r^pendu, mon cher franklin,
dans notre petite retraitre nous nous somme toutes assemble
pour lire et relire vos charmente lettre que vous avez
de ma vie interieures, de jours que vous avez pass^ avec nous,
du bicn que vous avez rependue dans nous aine ; je ne vous
quittoist jaimais fort en valoir mieux le lendemin Arrive moi
souvent mon cher ami, vos Icttres produises presque le mime
effait sur moi par ce quelle me rappelle plus fortcment toutes
vos vertues, et ces beaux caractercs, noble, ct simple que

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 443

j'admire tant en vous : nous ne nous revoir done plus dans
ce monde, h'o mon cher ami, que ce soit done dans lautre ;
Jes detail de votre vie interieur menchante, j*aime cette
charmente Md. biche — que ne vie que pour vous, et qui
c'est pour vous donnfe plus I'object que puisse con-
tribute a votre bonheur ces sir enfent font surement, bon,
et emable, comme benjamin le vrai bonheur et bien dans la
fammille, et dans ses amies quand les circonstance ?

comme a moi je voye souvent mes petite etoilles et mes
iovXts petites Aoilles ; mais je ne vie pas tout les jours avec
'elJes et el faut vive tous les jours avec ce que Ion aime), j'ai
one toujours mes trois amies qui ne me quittent pas du
"iui et aux quelle je Suis absolument necessaire comme il
e Jes sont, ma sant^ n'est plus aussi bonne que vous je
viexH vielle mon cher bonne ami, et je nent consolle par
que me raprocher davantage de vous, nous nous raison
losophiquement et plus t6t nous retrouverons avec tout
jue nous avons aim^, moy en mary, et vous und femme
3 je croye vous qui avez ^t^ un quoquain que vous en
>veraye plus d^une, mon cher franklin je vous, en voye
Md biche ce qui ^toist marque dans la petite notte qui
o\c d'elle, et j'ajoute une petite redingotte faite pour
qui lui servira de modelle si elle trouv^ cette abille-
comcxie. Conune j'en ait fait faire deux je lui en en-
me I'etofTe n'est pas belle, mai c'est un des modele qui
le plaire.

It benjamin que je me recommande toujours a lui

s cardinal quand il viendera en france on un de ces

le les ap)ortera. je ne suis pas press^ dutout ; 'atten-

car je ne veux point ces jolic creature morte, j'atten-

adieu mon cher bon ame, je vous embrace de toutes

444 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

me forces, de toutes mon ame mille baisd aussi k vos deux
petites efents, que je connais, je croix que vous ne puisse
pas lire mon grifanage, mes amis que vous ^rive \ont encore
vous parlez de moi et d'une maniere plus comode pour vous.
Adieu, mon cher et bonne ami.

ViGNIVELLE HELVixroS.

Franklin bequeathed to George Washington a fine crab-
tree walking-stick, with a gold head curiously wrought in the
form of the cap of Hberty. It was a present to him from Mad-
ame de Forbach, the Dowager Duchess of Deux-Ponts-
Accompanying the present were the following verses: —

X M*. FRANKLIN

En lui prtentant, de la part de Madame la Comtesse Douairiere de Deux
Fonts, un baton d*epine surmonte d*une pomme d'or, figurant le chapeaa
de la liberte

Dans les plaines de Marathon,

Oii Tinsolence Masulmane

A d'6temels affronts condanme

La posterity de Solon ;

Fbrmi la ronce et les opines

Qui couvrent ces bords malheureuXf

Et cachent les cendres divines

Des sagesp des h^ros fameux,

La Liberte, votre d6esse,

Avant d'abandonner la Grece»

Arracha ce b&ton noueux :

On le vit aux Alpes Penninea^

Pour terrasser TAutrichien,

Briller entre les javelines

Du valeureux Helvetien ;

EUe en fit depuis une lance,

Lorsque dans les champs de Trenton

Elle dirigeoit la vaillance

Et I'audace de Washington.

Ce lymbole de la victoire

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 445

Qn'orne aujoard'hni le chapeau da grand Te]]»

Ce ferme appui que votre gloire

Rendra d^sonnais immortel,

Attorera tos pas au Temple de M6moire.^

—D€ VImprimerie de DidotPAtne 1783.

Madame Forbach also presented him with a pair of scissors,
in acknowledgment of which he wrote to her: —

I received my dear Friend's kind Present of the Scissars,
'hich are exactly what I wanted, & besides their usefulness

me have a great additional Value by the Hand from

lich they came. It is true that I can now neither walk

road nor write at home without having something that may

lind me of your Goodness towards me ; you might have

ed, that I can neither play at Chess nor drink Tea with-

the same Sensation: but these had slipt your Memory.

re are People who forget the Benefits they receive, Mad®

brbach only those she bestows. — But the Impression

lave made on my Mind as one of the best, wisest & most

Die Women I ever met with, renders every other means

:ke me think of you unnecessary. — My best Wishes

ttend you to Germany, & wherever else you may

1 to be, being with the sincerest Esteem & Respect,

3U permit me to add Affection) Your most obhged &

It humble Servant

B. F.'

Tountess d'Houdetot is well known to every reader of

u's " Confessions." Her salon was famous, and her

beauty w^ere extolled by the arbiters of letters and

printed at the request of Franklin, by Didot the
rough draft in U. of P.

446 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

society. She was well acquainted with the family of Crfeve-
coeur, and commended that singularly interesting author and
patriot to the fostering care of Franklin. She gave a ]He
champitre in honour of Franklin at her country-seat at Sanois,
in the \'alley of Montmorency. It was the 12th of April,
1 781. He was met by her family half a mile from the cha-
teau, and handed from his carriage by the Countess who
bade him welcome with the following verses of her own
creation.

« Ame du heros» et du Sage
Oh liberte ! premier bienfait des dieux !
Helas ! c*est de trop loin que nous t'oflfrons des vorax ;
Ce n'est qu'en soupirant que nous rendons hommage
Au mortel qui forma des citoyens heureux."

At dinner a stanza was recited or simg by each of the guests
with each glass of wine.

" De Benjamin celebrons la memoire,
Chantons le bien qu*il a fait aux mortels ;
En Amerique il aura des autels,
Et dans Sanoy nous buvons a sa gloire.'*

At the second glass, the Countess sang the following quat-
rain:—

" \\ rend ses droits a Phumaine nature.
Pour I'afTranchir il voulut Teclairer,
Et la vertu, pour se faire adorer,
De Benjamin emprunta la figure."

At the third glass, the Viscount d'Houdetot sang: —

" Guillaume Tell fut brave, mais sauvage ;
J*estime plus notre cher Benjamin ;
De rAm6rique en fixant le destin,
A table il rit, et c*est \h. le vrai sage."

At the fourth, the Viscountess sang: —

" Je dis aussi, vive Philadelphie !
L*independance a de quoi me tenter ;
Dans ce pays je voudrais hahiter,
Quoiqu'il n'y ait ni bal ni com6die."

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 447

k\ the ^h, Madame de Peman : —

"Tons nos enfants apprendront de leurs mirei
A Toas aimer, vous croire et vous benir ;
Voos enseignez ce qui peut reunir
Tous les humains dans les bras d'un seul p^re."

At the sixth, Count de Tressan : —

*< Vive Sanoy ! Cast ma Philadelphie
Lorsque j*y vols son cher 16gislateur ;
J'y rajettnis dans le sein du bonheur,
J*y ris, j'y bois, et j'ecoute Sophie."

U Hilt seventh, the Count d'Apch^: —

" Pour soutenir cette charte sacree
Qu'Edouard accorda aux Anglais,
Je sens qu'il n'est de chevalier Fran^ais
Qui ne desire employer son epee/'

ter dinner Franklin at the request of the Countess planted
? garden a Virginia locust tree, when another stanza was
ted which was inscribed upon a marble pillar near the

''Arbre 8acr6, durable monument

Da sejour qu'en ces lieux a daigne faire un sage,

De ces jardins devenu Tornement,

Recevez-y le juste hommage

£>e nos vceux et de notre encens ;

£t puissiez*vous dans tous les dges,

A jamais respecte du temps,

Vivre autant que son nom, ses lois et ses ouvrages."

eiT return, they were met by a band of music, which
nied the whole family in the following song : —

Que cet arbre, plants par sa main bienfaisante,

£Ilevant sa tige naissante

An dessiis du sterile ormeau.

Par sa fleur odoriferante,

Piarfume Pair de cet heureux hameau.

X^a foudre ne pourra Tatteindre,

£lle respectera son faite et ses rameaux ;

Franklin nous enseigna par ses heureux travaux

««

448 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

A la dinger ou 'k Teteindre,
Tandis qu*il detruisait des maux
Pour la terre encore plus k plaindre.*'

Toward evening Dr. Franklin was reconducted by the
whole company to his carriage, and, before the door was shut,
the Countess pronounced the following compHmentary verses
composed by herself : —

" Legislateur d'un monde, et bienfaiteur des deux,
L'homme dans tous les temps te devra ses hommages ;
Et je m'acquitte dans ces lieux
De la dette de tous les figes."

The genuine regard that he had for her and the happy
memory of the glad hours at Sanois are reflected in a letter
from Philadelphia:* —

TO MADAME d'HOUDETOT

I have received several kind Letters from my beloved
Friend, all of which gave me great Pleasure as they inform'd
me of your Welfare. The Memory of your Friendship, &
of the happy Hours I have passed in your sweet Society at
Sanois, has often made me regret the Distance, that makes our
ever meeting again impossible. I wrote a few Lines to you
last Year, and sent them under Cover to M. St. Jean de Crfeve-
coeur, believing him then in France, but he arrived here soon
after. I hope however that my Letter may have reach'd you ;
for as I grow older, I find Writing more painful; and I
never have been more Bothered with Business than since mv
Return. This however will cease in a great degree with the
third and last Year of my Presidentship of which near four
Months are now spent. The Accounts I have heard of the

^ In L. C. It is undated, but from its reference to his term of service as
president of Pennsylvania, must have been written in February, 1788.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 449

Misunderstandings and Trouble that has arisen in the Gov-
ernment of that dear Country in which I pass'd nine of the
happiest Years of my Life, gave me a great deal of Pain ; but
I hope all will tend to its Good in the End. We have been
labouring here to establish a new Form of Federal Govern-
ment for all the United States and there is a Probability of its
being adopted and carried into Execution, it being difficult

to reconcile and acconmiodate so many & jarring Interests.

If the Project succeeds our Government will be more energetic,

and we shall be in a better condition of being serviceable to our

Friends on any future Occasion.
Adieu ma chere & toujours-aimable Amie, and believe me

ever

Yours most aflFectionately

B. Franklin.

She wrote in reply: —

Sannois, le 26 Aoust 1788.

Je n'ay pu aprendre, mon cher et vfo^rable Docteur
heureux evenement qui donne une Constitution k votre pays
ms ^prouver le sentiment le plus doux dont le cceur humain
)it susceptible, celuy de voir le bonheur d'une partie du globe
>sur6 par les progrfes de la raison et le succ^s des lumiferes.
a part que vous et I'illustre Wasington av& k cet Evenement
ajoute le plaisir de voir la vertu heureuse, et recompense
.r le plus digne des succfes. Si aucune oeuvre humaine n'a

sceau de la perfection, s'il ya encore quelque chose k
Former dans la constitution que vous adopts, les mimes
Tilferes qui Pont organist la perfectionneront un jour et
us goutfe au moins le bien le plus necessaire k votre con-
•vation, celuy d'en avoir une, je jouis moy du spectacle de

VOL. X — 2G

450 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

la vieillesse contente du complement de gloire et de bonheur
que le del devait i votre belle carrifere.

Acceptfe mes felicitations mon cher et vfo^rable Docteur
vous connaissds le coeur qui vous les offre et combien il est
remply de vfe^ration et d'attachement pour vous. On
m'assure que votre sant^ est bonne, le bonheur de votre pays
prolongera encore votre belle vie qui sera aussi rare par sa
durfe qu'elle I'aura €X.€ par les talens et les vertus qui Pont
remplie. Permettfe moy de serrer contre mon coeur avec
une tendresse religieuse I'honmie de mon si^le qui me paraist
meriter le mieux les respects du genre humain et de vous
repeter ce que je vous ay dit dans ma petite feste de Sannois.

" Ligislateur d'un monde et
Bienfaiteur des deux
L'homme dans toas les terns te derra ses hommages
Et je m'acquitte dans ces lieux
De la dette de tous les figes."

La C™" d'Houdetot.

In another letter written to Philadelphia she again refers
to the tree-planting.

Sannois le 7 May 1787
J'ay &rit k mon cher et vfo^rable docteur plusieurs
lettres dont j'ignore le sort. Mais je ne puis laisser passer
une occasion sure sans luy renouveller Phomage de mon
attachement et de ma tendre vfo^ration. J'ose vous suplier
mon cher et respectable docteur d'estre persuade que les
traces en sont inefaceables. J'ay joui avec d^Uces de votre
heureux et triomphant retour dans cette patrie qui vous doit
tant et oti vous emportife les voeux des deux Mondes. Puis-
si^s vous achever doucement une carrifere encore longtems
prolong^e entre les bras de vos parans, de vos compatriotes

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 451

reconnaissans. Vous aurfe €x€ instruit des revolutions qui
se sont pass&s dans radministration de notre pays et Tin-
terest que vous pren& 'k nous vous fera admirer les dtranges
circonstances qui nous donnent dans ce moment pour Minis-
tre principal un ^Ifeve, im ^mule de MF. Turgot et par conse-
quent resp^rance du plus beau gouvemement, nos alli&
y gagneront sans doute, car tout gagne quand la raison gou-
verae; puisse seulement estre plus durable le bien que nous
espdrons. Adieu mon cher Docteur song^s quelque fois Jt
moi, \ Sannois, k cet arbre y€xi€x€y plants de vos mains et
qui croist sur ce coin de terre qui m'apartient et oii il m'est
si doux de penser k vous et de rendre homage k vos vertus
k vos lumiferes et k tout ce qui vous rend respectable et cher
a Thumanite. C'est IJt, vous le scavfe mon genre de devotion
?t vous 6tes un de mfis Saints.

His first visit to Sanois was in April, 1781, the second in
une, 1784. The arrangements for the latter are set forth
1 the following letter: —

Me permettfe-vous mon cher et venerable docteur de vous
jmander de vos nouvelles ; et dans Tdoignement oii je suis
r vous de m'informer au moins comment vous vous portfe

si vous pensfe quelques fois k la personne la plus remplie
s sentimens de Tattachement le plus tendre et de la plus
)fonde veneration. Je ne puis oublier la touchante bonte
?c laquelle vous aves bien voulu songer aux moyens de
lir encore embellir ma solitude que vous aves dejk consacree ;
I'e n'ay songe qu k vous en faciliter les moyens. Je me
; assurd d'un yacht commode, dont vous disposeres en
venant quelques jours d'avance affin qu'il soit parfaite-
it en dtat, il appartient Jt Mr. de la Ferte des Menns (?)

452 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

et il sera \ vos ordres ainsy que son batellier, avec lesquels
j'ay in6me fait prix pour que vous n'en soy^ pas ob^r£; ils
demandent soixante livres I'all^ et la venue. lis vous
conduiraient k Epinay, qui est k une petite lieue de chez
moy, ou j'irais vous recevoir, vous auriez dans votre prome-
nade k pied le th£ et du repos k une maison k moiti^ chemin.
En allant par eau jusqu'k ArgenteuU vous auh& moins de
chemin k pied de prfes de moiti6 mais U faut un peu monter le
chemin n'est pas si doux; il faudrait, mon cher Docteur que
cela s'executkt au mois ou nous entrons, je quitte Sannoia
au mois de Juillet pour voyager et d'ailleurs la saison serait
trop chaude et la campagne moins belle, vous n'auriez qu'k
m'informer du jour ou vous voudrife partir et celuy de votre
retour, il faut au moins plusieurs jours de s^jour chez moy, si
cela pouvait aller k huit ou plus. Ah ! mon cher Docteur
quelle peine pour moy se je n'ay fait Ik qu'un beau songe.
Je m'en remets k votre bont^, k votre prudence, k la persua-
sion oil vous devfe fetre que je ne voudrais pas acheter le plus
grand plaisir de ma vie aux risques de vous exposer k la
moindre incommodit^. Decide done de mon sort mon cher
Docteur et tel qu'il soit rappelfe vous la tend re amiti^ et
Pestime de celle qui vous &rit en particuUer et le respect et la
reconnaissance qu'elle partage avec le reste des hommes.
Permettfe moi de me recommander aux soins et aux souvenirs
de Monsieur Franklin votre petit fils qui vous accompagnera
k ce que j'espfere. Je serais bien charmde si vous voulife
aussy m'amenner ce jeune petit fils que j'ay chez vous dont la
figure charmante est dejk par& d'un si beau caract^re de
franchise et de hbert^.

La C"^ d'Houdetot.

k Sannois le 31 May 17S4.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 453

John Adams records another of Franklin's admirations.
He says, "Mr. Franklin, who at the age of seventy odd had
neither lost his love of beauty nor his taste for it, called
Mademoiselle de Passy his favourite, and his flame, and his
love, which flattered the family and did not displease the young
lady." This girl, one of the most beautiful in France, was
contracted to the Marquis de Tonnerre. When the engage-
ment was announced, Madame de Chaumont said to FrankHn,
"Hdlas I tous les conducteurs de Monsieur Franklin n'ont pas
empAch^ le tonnerre de tomber sur Mademoiselle de Passy."
In the same spirit of pleasantry Franklin wrote to the bride's
mother, Madame de Boulainvilliers : "It gives me great
Pleasure Madam my respected Neighbour to leam that our
lovely Child is soon to be married with your Approbation
t that we are not however to be immediately deprived of
ler Company. I assure you I shall make no Use of my
^aratonnerre to prevent this Match. I pray God to favour it
rith his choicest Blessings, and that it may afford many
Occasions of Felicity to all concerned. I wish you and yours
thousand happy Returns of this Season, and am, with
lectionate Respect.

"Madam etc.

" B. F."

Franklin had high regard for his fellow academician Jean
ptiste Le Roy. He belonged to a talented family. Three
his brothers had won distinction in science. FrankUn
>te the " Maritime Observations '* for Julien David Le Roy.
^lerry meetings took place in the house of the Le Roy
lily, at which occasions a chanson 4 hoire composed by
3- LeRoy was sung to the air of des ireize Cantons.

454 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

Chanson

Que I'histoire sur L*airain
Grave le nom de Franklin
Pour moi je veux a sa gloire
Faire une chanson "k boire
Le verre en main
Chantons notre Benjamin.

En politique il est grand
A table joyeux et franc
Tout enfondant un Empire
Vous le voyez boire et rire
Le Verre en Main
Chantons notre Benjamin.

The wife of Le Roy was admired of Franklin. He called
her petite femme de poche, — addressed her so in his letters,
and she repUed in Uke manner. I have been able to find but
two letters written to her, though several sent by her to Frank-
Un are in Philadelphia and Washington. She invited him
to dinner, " Voule vous mon cher ami, dine avec moi Mercredi,
j'ay la plus grande en vie des vous voire et de vous embrasse."
To which he promptly and gallantly replied, "Assurement je
ne manquerai pas de me rendre chez vous Mercredi prochaine.
J'ai trop de plaisir en vous voyant, en vous entendant parler,
& trop de Felicity quand je vous ai entre mes bras, pour
oubUer une Invitation si precieuse."

In 1787 he wrote to her from Philadelphia: —

" J'ai refu la charmante petit Billet de ma tr& bonne petite
femme de poche. Je ne Pai pas oubli^, comme elle suppose,
quoique ma long Silence donne quelque semblanse k cette
Idee ; mais j'ai ^t^ trop embarass^ des Affaires de toute espece,
qui ne m'ont pas permis d'&rire Lettres a mes Amis. Neant-
moins j'ai pens£ souvent de vous, & de votre ancienne

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 455

Amitid pour moi, avec les Sentiments le plus vives d'Estime
& d^Affection. Vous etiez bien courageuse de monter si
haut en I'Air par le Ballon. Et vous etiez bien bonne,
qu'dtant si prfes des Cieux, vous n'avez pas pens^ de nous
quitter & rester chez les Anges. Je vous embrasse bien tend-
rement, & je vous souhaite toute sorte de Felicitd. Adieu." *

The ^tiU femtne de poche replied (June 23, 1787) : —

"Vous me complimentez mon cher bon papa sur mon
courage d'avoir montd dans un ballon. Helas cela n'a servi
qu'i me donner des regrets de ce qu'on ne pouvoit pas aller
bien loin avec. Car si cette voiture avoit pu me transporter
vers vous j'aurois 6t6 aux anges et j'y serois rest^ mon cher
papa et vous auroit prouv^ toute la consideration toute I'estime
jue vous avez grav6 dans mon coeur d'une mani^re ineflfac-
ble. Je suis enchant & que vous portiez, je fais des vceux
►ien sincere pour que vous viviez longtemps avec une sant^
arfaite. Les grands hommes devraient 6tre immortels
our le bien de I'humanit^ et des sciences dont vous faites
triomphe. Je vous suis trfes oblige de toutes les f^Ucitfe
ic vous me souhaitez. H^las je n'en ai plus pour moi j'ai
ut perdu, je n'ai plus de mari, il ne vit plus pour moi;
ut ce qui ne devrait pas le poss6ier en jouit. II abandonne
ut, rhonneur, le veritable sentiment ne lui est plus de rien.
n'aime que ce qui a fait mon malheur. Adieu mon cher
n ami je vous assure que tant que j'aurai le souffle de la vie
tre j>etite femme de poche vous aimera, elle vous embrasse
tout son coeur.

' Ce 23 de Juin 1 787 Rue Denfer prfes le Luxembourg N« 1 22.
vous me faites encore Tamiti^ de m*&rire voila mon

1 From a rough draft in L. C.

adresse k M'^ Le Roy n^ Baronne de Messey et la suite
de I'adresse de ma lettre.

"J'ai vue samedi demier votre amie I*rs* Helv^us et
nous avons bien parl^ de vous, je vous assure de toute son
amiti^, elle est outrfe des proc6J& de mon man envers moi,
elle salt mieux que persoime que je ne les merite nuUemeut, il
la fuit et tout ce qui m'aime et n'aime que ce qui a int^rtt de
me faire hairde lui et ce qui n'aime pas les fcnunes homiStes."*

It was a gallant life and a brilliant society that is minored
in the correspondence of Paris, Passy, and Auteuil. A faint
perfume lingers yet about the letters which once throbbed with
passion or smiled with joy. Amid the statues and fountains ot
Versailles fair women had crowned with flowers an ambassa-
dor who had embodied all the promise of the alluring future.
The last picture that dwells with us presents an old atxl
crippled man, seated in his garden, in Franklin court, waited
upon by a " very gross and rather homely " daughter, sur-
rounded by a group of young and boisterous grandchildren,
and visited by strangers promp;ed by curiosity or reveroice.
A few steps away is the slate-house where liberty was pro-
claimed. His thoughts wander across the sea. His mind is
busy with the recollection of friends a thousand leagues
away, across whose lives the chill shadow of an impending
doom is already falling.

CHAPTER Xn

RETDBN TO AMERICA

Upon the ad of May, 1785, Frankb'n received the per-
mission of Congress to return to America. The following

' Fiom the oiigiml in A. P. S.

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 457

day he notified the Count de Vergennes and begged him,

inasmuch as his malady prevented him paying his devoiis at

Versailles personally, to express respectfully for him to his

Majesty the deep sense he had of all the inestimable benefits

his goodness had conferred upon America. "My sincere

prayers are that God may shower down his blessings on the

King, the Queen, their children, and all the royal family to

the latest generations." Vergennes replied : —

Versailles, 22 May, 1785.

Snt,
I have learned with much concern of your retiring and of
your approaching departure for America. You cannot doubt
but that the regrets which you will leave will be proportionate
to the consideration you so justly enjoy.

I can assure you, Sir, that the esteem the King entertains
For you does not leave you anything to desire, and that his
Majesty will learn with real satisfaction that your fellow
itizens have rewarded, in a manner worthy of you, the impor-
ant services that you have rendered.

I beg, Sir, that you will preserve for me a share in your
jmembrance, and never doubt the sincerity of the interest I
,ke in your happiness. It is founded on the sentiments of
tachment, of which I have assured you, and with which I
ive the honour to be, etc.

De Vergennes.

The king said to Vergennes when the minister was taking
orders, "Je desire que Monsieur Franklin sait bien

it^." The royal present was a large miniature of the king,
with four hundred and eight diamonds of a beautiful

tor forming a wreath round the picture, and a crown on

458 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

the top. It was valued at fifteen hundred louis d'ors.
FiankUn gave his ^^introductor" a gold enamelled snufif-
box, of about one hundred and fifty louis d'ors' value, and
understanding that it would be more agreeable to his assist-
ant, M. de Sequeville, to receive hi3 present in money, he
sent him a rouleau of fifty buis d'ors. ^

Franklin began at once his preparations for the homeward
journey. His malady had advanced to that stage that any
exertion or motion w^as painful to him. For a considerable
time he had not been able to go about save on a Utter in a
barge upon the Seine. The difficulties, therefore, in the way of
reaching the sea seemed almost insurmountable. Moreover,
he could not but at heavy expense saU from Havre, for a vessel
touching at that port thereby made her insurance void, and
to insure with permission to touch there meant a large addition
to the premium. Attempts had been made in London to
accommodate John Jay in that way, "but none would go
under from two to four hundred guineas." If Franklin
should not be at Havre at the moment of the ship's sailing,
the expense of her waiting would be about five guineas a day.

M. de Castries, Minister of Marine, wrote to Franklin
(July lo, 1785): —

Sir
I was not apprized, until within a few hours, of the ar-
rangements which you have made for your departure. Had
I been informed of it sooner, I should have proposed to the
King to order a frigate to convey you to your own country,
in a manner suitable to the known importance of the services

* W. T. Franklin to Thomas Jefferson, April 27, 1790 (L. C.)« L«« »n<i
Deane received royal presents worth three hundred louis d'ors.

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 459

you have been engaged in, to the esteem you have acquired
in France, and the particular esteem which his Majesty enter-
tains for you.

I pray you, Sir, to accept my regrets, and the renewed
assurance of the most entire consideration, with which I have
the honour to be, Sir, your very humble and very obedient
servant,

De Castries.

One of the queen*s litters, borne by Spanish mules, was
placed at his disposal by the Due de Coigny, and at a footpace
the long journey to the coast was begun.*

Thomas JeflFerson had been appointed, March 10, 1785,

Franklin's successor as minister plenipotentiary. He had

already been seven months in France under a commission to

assist Franklin and Adams in negotiating commercial treaties

with the European powers. He had noticed the universal

admiration and reverence with which Franklin was regarded.

He said : "There appeared to me more respect and veneration

attached to the character of Franklin in France than to that

of any other person in the same country, foreign or native.

I had frequent opportunities of knowing particularly how

far these sentiments were felt by the foreign ambassadors and

ministers at the court of Versailles. . . . The succession to

Dr. Franklin at the court of France was an excellent school of

^A Parisle4Aoftl 1785.

Je suis tr^ aise, Monsieur d'avoir pu faire quelquechose qui vous soit
agreable en yoos procurant une litti^re de la petite ecurie du Roy pour vous
conduire au Havre. Je suis charme que vous en ayez ete content, ainsy que
du conducteur, et d*avoir cette nouvelle occasion de vous assurer du parfait
et sincere attachement avec lequel j'ay I'honneur d'dtre, Monsieur, votre tr^s
humble et tr^ obeissant serviteur.

Le Dug de Coigny.

46o THE WRfTiNGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

humility. On being presented to any one as the minister of
America, the commonplace question used in such cases Mra^,
* II est vous, Monsieur, qui remplacez le Docteur Franklin ?
It is you, Sir, who replace Dr. Franklin?' I generally An-
swered, 'No one can replace him, Sir; I am only his suo-
cessor.'"*

Of the journey to Ha%Te, and thence to Cowes where lie
embaii^ed in a Philadelphia ship commanded by Capta.in
Tnixtim, he has left an account in his diary.

All the world followed his slow progress with close atten-
tion. WTiile his baggage was being sent to the sea by a barge
upon the Seine, he performed his last public act in Eun>p>e
which i^-as to sign a treaty of amity and commerce with
Prussia. "I have continued," he wrote to his sister, "to
work till late in the day; it is time I should go home and go
to bed."

A letter from Jefferson followed him to the shore.

Paris July i8. 1785.

Snt
I heard with much pleasure yesterday of your safe arri\*al
at Rouen, and that you had not been much fatigued with the
journey. This gives me hopes that you will find less diffi-
culty in the rest of the voiage. on my parting with you at
Passy I went to the Duke of Dorset's, he was not at home.
I asked an hour the next day and waited on him. he prom-
ised to write the necessary letters to England to protect your
baggage. Independantly of this I wrote to Mr Adams by

^February la, 1791. See Jefferson's Works, III, an. Jeffersoo tbo
^rote to Congress : *^ Europe fixes an attentive eye on your reception of
iklin. He is infinitely esteemed. Do not neglect any nark of
Ti which you think proper. It will honour you here."

\

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 461

Mr Harrison who left this the day before you. I hope there-
fore that between the two agents you will meet with no difl&-
culty at Cowes. we have nothing new since your departure
worth your notice, a Mons' Duplessis called here to desire
me to have copied for you a long memoire on some animals
(I think) of South America. I knew neither the person nor
subject, nor how far it might be interesting to you, and as it
appeared to contain many sheets of paper, & I had no secre-
tary, I declined copying it myself, if it is any thing you wish
to see & will drop me a Une I will have it copied, be pleased
to make my compUments to your grandsons and be assured
of the esteem with which I have the honour to be, etc,

Th. Jeffekson.*

The Bishop of St. Asaph, Benjamin Vaughan, and William
Franklin were at the Isle of Wight waiting to say farewell to
him. From them he learned of the death of his old friend,
William Strahan. He discussed lead poisoning with Vaughan,
the completion of his Memoirs with Bishop Shipley, and per-
sonal affairs relating to property in America with his son.
David Hartley got within a mile of Cowes, and met the Bishop
returning after the ship had sailed. Eagerly and anxiously
his friends in Europe waited for news of his safe arrival.
Le Veillard wrote to him that every wind blowing too vio-
lently from the west filled the household at Passy with alarm.
"We never walk in the garden," Catharine Shipley wrote
from Twyfoid, "without seeing Dr. Franklin's room, and
thinking of the work that was begun in it." Souvenirs of
him were prized as sacred reHcs. Madame le Veillard had
his tea-table, M. de Chaumont his*table of Mangoni wood

^ From the original letter in U. of P.

462 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

with a mechanical bar by which it might be raised and low-
ered. Abb^ Morellet counted as the chief est of his posses-
sions Franklin's jauleuil doctoral.

Soon distressing rumours were in circulation. The news-
papers reported that his ship was captured by the Algerines,
and he taken prisoner to Algiers. Others said that he had
been taken to Morocco and to Fez and sold to slavery,
which he was suffering with all the fortitude of a philosopher.

Then came fresh alarms, that he was ill of a fever at Afa-
deira, that his ship was wrecked at Henlopen, and finally that
he had landed at New York "shaked with a burning quo-
tidian tertian."

When, at last, the authentic news came of his safe arrival
after a pleasant and not long voyage marked by nothing more
extraordinary than the writing of a treatise upon the cause
and cure of smoky chimneys, and a dissertation upon divers
maritime observations, Le Veillard's relief and gratitude found
expression in the following letter : —

Passy, 30 Octobre 1785.

Je vous remercie, mon cher amy, d'avoir pris la peine de
m'&rire au moment ou vous estiez environnd de tant d'objets
interessants ; ce que votre petit fils m'&rit sur votre r&ep-
tion k Philadelphie cause k tous nos amis et surtout i moy la
joie la plus vive ; je me suis figur^ le Pfere ftemel ayant tenu
ses assises au purgatoire et refu k son retour dans le paradis
par les S,mes qu'il y avoit envoy^es d'avance; quel glorieux
moment pour vous que celu you vous estes, apr^ neuf ans
d'absence, rentrd dans votre patrie devenue libre par votre
intelligence et vos soins, d'y recevoir de I'universalit^ de \'OS
concitoyens les temoignages les plus purs de tous les senti-

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 463

ments qui peuvent flatter une grande 4me ! et qu'il s'en faut
que les pr^tendus triomphes de ces anciens brigands de Rome
fussent aussi complets que le votre ! O mon amy ! la belle
vie que la Providence vous a donnfe !

Mais avez-vous rempli vos promesses ? vous estes-vous oc-
cupy en route k la rediger? la recevrai-je bient6t? Songez
que c'est un des plus grands moyens d'adoucir la peine que
notre separation me causera toute la vie, et que si vous ne
vous acquittez pas 20 originaux fcriront des volumes sans
nombre de contes absurdes intitulfe " Vie du D- Franklin";
le "Mercure de France" depuis votre depart a d^jk donn^
un avis pour detromper ceux qui croyent votre famille origi-
naire de Pontoise k 7 lieues de Paris, il pretend que votre
pfere ftoit n^ \ Boston, qu'il ^tait imprimeur etc. etc.

Si vous avez iXi fach^ tous les jours que je ne vous aye pas
accompagn^, croyez que j'ai eu les mfimes regrets et si j'avois
pu penser deux mois plutot que je ne vous serois pas k charge
j'aurois fait en sorte de ne vous pas quitter mfime quand
Dieu m'aurait confix sa gayet^ du 23 Aout.

Mais vous avez de grand reproches k vous faire, vous aviez

ici deux bonnes amies qui vivoient assezd'accond parce qu'elles

ne voyaient presque jamais et que vous assuriez chacune en

particulier que c'ftoit elle que vous aimiez le mieux; mais

vous &rivez k I'une et vous gardez le silence avec Tautre?

La premifere ne manque pas de se vanter et de montrer sa

lettre partout ; que voulez-vous que devienne Tautre ? Voilk

deux fenmies k couteaux tirfe, leurs amis prennent parti,

la guerre devient g^n^rale, voilk pourtant ce que vous avez

fait ! Vous mettez avec un simple papier le feu k la moitid

du monde qui vous a si bien aid^ k pacifier Tautre ! Et quel

embarras vous nous donnez k nous autres pour arrfeter les

464 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

suites d'une pareille animosity I Ah si vous reveniez vous ne
seriez pas reyu ici comme chez vous. Heureusement cepen-
dant que M*^ Brillon au moment oil vos lettres sont arriv^es
s'occupait k marier sa fille, elle a 6pous^ le 20 de ce mois M'
Vialal de Malachelle, conseiller de la Cour des aides, il doit
quitter cette charge pour remplir celle de M- Brillon, il est
riche, fils unique et nous esp^rons qu'il rendra sa femme heur-
euse ; cette affaire a rendu moins sensible a M^ Brillon votre
ingratitude, mais ensuite gare k sa colore, ses nerfs et sa ven-
geance !

Point de nouvelles ici, la Cour chasse et voit des com&lies
k Fontainebleau. Le procfes du Cardinal de Rohan dont je
vous ai mand^ le sujet ne finira qu'k la rentrfc du Parlement.

Tous les miens vous aiment et vous aimeront toujours, ils
pleurent et sourient quand on parle de vous, ils vous embras-
sent de tous leurs bras. Madame de Chaumont va revenir ici,
tous mes voisins, nos amis communs surtout la famille du
Due de la Rochefoucault me chaigent d'amitife, de respects
et de felicitations pour vous. Adieu, mon cher amy, je suis
2l vous pour ma vie.

Le Veillasd.

The fragmentary journal, preserved in the Library of
Congress, supplies the daily record of his journey from Paris
to Philadelphia : —

Having stayed in France about eight years and a half, I
took leave of the court and my friends, and set out on my re-
turn home, July 12th, 1785, leaving Passy with my two grand-
sons, at four P. M. ; arrived about eight o'clock at St. Germain.
M. de Chaumont, with his daughter Sophia, accompanied us
to Nanterre. M. Le Veillard will continue with us to Havre.

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 465

We met at St. Germain the Miss Alexanders, with Mrs.
Williams our cousin, who had provided a lodging for me at
M. Benolt's. I found that the motion of the Utter, lent me by
the Duke de Coigny, did not much incommode me. It was
one of the Queen's, carried by two very large mules, the
muleteer riding another; M. Le Veillard and my children in
a carriage. We drank tea at M. Benolt's, and went early
to bed.

Wednesday^ July 13/ A. — Breakfast with our friends, take
leave and continue our journey, dine at a good inn at Meulan,
and get to Mantes in the evening. A messenger from the
Cardinal de la Rochefoucauld meets us there, with an invi-
tation to us to stop at his house at Gaillon the next day, ac-
quainting us at the same time, that he would take no excuse ;
for, being all-powerful in his archbishopric, he would stop
us nolens volens at his habitation, and not permit us to lodge
anywhere else. We consented. Lodged at Mantes. Found
myself very little fatigued with the day's journey, the mules
going only foot pace.

July 14/A. — Proceed early, and breakfast at Vemon. Re-
ceived a visit there from Vicomte de Tilly and his Comtesse.
Arrive at the Cardinal's without dining, about six in the
afternoon. It is a superb ancient ch&teau, built about three
hundred and fifty years since, but in fine preservation, on an
elevated situation, with an extensive and beautiful view over
a well-cultivated country. The Cardinal is archbishop of
Rouen. A long gallery contains the pictures of all his
predecessors. The chapel is elegant in the old style, with
well-painted glass windows. The terrace magnificent. We
supp)ed early. The entertainment was kind and cheerful.
We were allowed to go early to bed, on account of our inten-

VOL. X — 2 H

466 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

tion to depart early in the morning. The Cardinal pressed
us to pass another day with him, offering to amuse us with
hunting in his [lark ; but the necessity we are under of being
in time at Havre, would not permit. So we took leave and
retired to rest. The Cardinal is much respected and beloved
by the people of this country, bearing in all respects an excel-
lent character.

July i^lh. — Set out about five in the morning, traveUed
till ten, then stopped to breakfast, and remained in the inn
during the heat of the day. We had heard at the Cardinal's,
that our friend Mr. Holker, of Rouen, had been out that day
as far as Port St. Antoine to meet us ; expecting us there from
a letter of M. de Chaumont's. Here came to us one of his
servants, who was sent to inquire if any accident had happened
to us on the road, and was ordered to proceed till he got
intelligence. He went directly back, and we proceeded. We
passed a chain of chalk mountains very high, with strata of
flints. The quantity that appears to have been washed away
on one side of these mountains, leaving precipices of three
hundred feet high, gives an idea of extreme antiquity. It
seems as if done by the beating of the sea. We got to Rouen
about five ; were most affectionately received by Mr. and Mrs.
Holker. A great company of genteel people at supper, which
was our dinner. The chief President of the Parliament and
his lady invite us to dine the next day ; but, being preengaged
with Mr. Holker, we compounded for drinking tea. We
lodge all at Mr. Holker's.

July 1 6/ A. — A deputation from the Academy of Rouen
came with their compliments, which were delivered in form,
and a present for me by one of the directors, being a magical
square, which I think he said expressed my name. I have

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 467

perused it since, but do not comprehend it. The Duke de
Chabot's son, lately married to a Montmorency, and colonel
of a regiment now at Rouen, was present at the ceremony,
being just come in to visit me. I forgot to mention that I
saw with pleasure, in the Cardinal's cabinet, a portrait of
this young man's grandmother, Madame la Duchesse d'En-
ville, who had always been our friend, and treated us with
great civilities at Paris ; a lady of uncommon intelligence and
merit.

I received here also a present of books, 3 vols. 4to., from
Dr. , with a very polite letter, which I answered.

We had a great company at dinner ; and at six went in a
chair to the President's, where were assembled some gentlemen
of the robe. We drank tea there, awkwardly made, for
want of practice, very little being drunk in France. I went
to bed early; but my company supped with a large invited
party, and were entertained with excellent singing.

July lyth. — Set out early. Mr. Holker accompanied us
some miles, when we took an aflFectionate leave of each other.
Dine at Yvetot a large town, and arrive at Bolbec, being the
longest day's journey we have yet made. It is a market-
town of considerable bigness, and seems thriving ; the people
well clad, and appear better fed than those of the wine coun-
tries. A linen-printer here ofiFered to remove to America,
but I did not encourage him.

July i&th. — Left Bolbec about ten o'clock, and arrive at
Havre at five P.M., having stopped on the road at a miserable
inn to bait. We were very kindly received by M. and Mde.
Ruellan. The governor makes us a visit, and some other
gentlemen.

July 19/A. — We receive visits in form from the intendant,

468 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

the governor or commandant, the officers of the regiment of
Poitou and Picaidy, the corps of engineers, and M. Limosin.

M. Limosin proposes several vessels; all very dear. We
wait for the [lacket from Southampton. Dine at M. Ruellan's,
where we lodge. Receive the affiliation of the lodge at Rouen.

July 20th. — Return the visits. Receive one from the
carps de marine; and one from the carps (PartiUerie. M.
Houdon arrives and brings me letters. Dine at M. Limo-
sin's. Present M. and Mde. Le Mesurier and their sister,
agreeable people of Aldemey (Aurigny). Kindly entertained
by M. Limosin and his daughter. Return the last \asits.

The packet-boat arrives, and, the captain (Jennings)
calling at our lodging, we agree with him to carry us and the
baggage we have here for ten guineas, to land us at Cowes.
We are to depart to-morrow evening.

July 215/. — We had another visit from M. de Villeneuve,
the commandant, inviting us to dine with him to-morrow;
but, intending to go off this evening, we could not accept that
honour.

Dine with our friendly host and hostess. Mde. Feinfe,
Mde. de Clerval, and two other ladies, visit M. Le Veillard,
with several gentlemen.

In the evening, when we thought we were on the point of
departing, the captain of the packet comes and acquaints
us that the wind is right against us, and blows so hard, that
it is impossible to get out, and we give up the project till to-
morrow.

July 22d. — Breakfast, and take leave of some friends,
and go on board the packet at half after ten. Wind not very
fair.

July 23d. — Buffet all night against the northwest wind,

THE LIFE OF BENJAM/AT FRANKUN 469

which was full in our teeth. This continued till two o'clock
to-day, then came fair, and we stand our course. At seven
P.M. we discover land, the Isle of Wight.

July 24/A. — We had a fair wind all night, and this morning
at seven o'clock, being off Cowes, the captain represented to
me the difficulty of getting in there against the flood ; and
proposed that we should rather run up to Southampton, which
we did, and landed there between eight and nine. Met my
son, who had arrived from London the evening before, with
Mr. Williams and Mr. J. Alexander. Wrote a letter to the
Bishop of St. Asaph, acquainting him with my arrival, and he
came with his lady and daughter, Miss Kitty, after dinner, to
see us; they talk of staying here as long as we do. Our
meeting was very affectionate. I write letters to London, viz.
to Messrs. W. J. M. and Co., to acquaint them with our arri-
val, and desire to know when the ship will sail, and to Mr.
Williams. These letters went by post, before we knew of
his being here. Wrote also to Mr. B. Vaughan.

Jidy 2S/A. — The Bishop and family lodging in the same
inn, the Star, we all breakfast and dine together. I went at
noon to bathe in Martin's salt-water hot-bath, and, floating on
my back, fell asleep, and slept near an hour by my watch with-
out sinking or turning ! a thing I never did before, and should
hardly have thought possible. Water is the easiest bed that
can be. Read over the writings of conveyance, &c., of my
son's lands in New Jersey and New York to my grandson.
Write to M. RueUan, M. Limosin, M. Holker, and M. Grand.
Southampton a very neat, pretty place. The two French
gentlemen, our friends, much pleased with it. The Bishop
gives me a book in 4to, written by Dean Paley, and the family
dine with us. Simdry friends came to see me from London ;

470 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

by one I receive a present of my friend Dr. Fothergill's works,
from Dr. Lettsom, and a book on finance, from Mr. Gale.
Mr. Williams tells me the ship had fallen down to Gravesend
the 22d, so that she might be in the Downs the 24th, and pos-
sibly here to-morrow, that is on the Mother Bank, which we
can see hence. Mr. Williams brought a letter from Mr.
Nepean, secretary to Lord Townshend, addressed to Mr.
Vaughan, expressing that orders would be sent to the custom-
house at Cowes not to trouble our baggage, &c. It is still
here on board the packet that brought it over. Mr. Alexander
takes leave for London ; write by him to Mr. Jackson, Dr.
JefiFries, Dr. Lettsom, and my son-in-law Bache, the latter
to be sent by the packet.

Jidy 26th. — Deeds signed between W, Franklin and W. T.
Franklin.

Mr. Williams, having brought sundry necessaries for me,
goes down with them to Cowes, to be ready for embarking.
Captain Jennings carries down our baggage that he brought
from Havre. My dear friend, M. Le Veillard, takes leave
to go with him. Mr. Vaughan arrives from London, to see
me.

July 27/A. — Give a power to my son to recover what may
be due to me from the British government. Hear from
J. Williams that the ship is come.

We all dine once more with the Bishop and family, who
kindly accept our invitation to go on board with us. We go
down in a shallop to the ship. The captain entertains us at
supper. The company stay all night.

July 28/A. — When I waked in the morning found the
company gone, and the ship under sail.

Tuesday f September 13//1. — The wind springing fair last

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 471

evening after a calm, we found ourselves this morning, at sun-
rising, abreast of the lighthouse, and between Capes May
and Henlopen. We sail into the bay very pleasantly; water
smooth, air cool, day fair and fine.

We passed Newcastle about sunset, and went on near to
Red Bank before the tide and wind failed ; then came to an
anchor.

Wednesday y September 14/A. — With the flood in the morn-
ing came a light breeze, which brought us above Gloucester
Point, in full view of dear Philadelphia ! when we again cast
anchor to wait for the health officer, who, having made his
visit, and finding no sickness, gave us leave to land. My son-
in-law came with a boat for us ; we landed at Market-Street
wharf, where we were received by a crowd of people with
huzzas, and accompanied with acclamations quite to my door.
Found my family well.

God be praised and thanked for all his mercies !

Inmiediately upon his return he was chosen President of the
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and elected a Counsellor for
the city of Philadelphia. Various public bodies presented
him with congratulatory addresses. Three of these with his
answers are found among his papers in the Library of Con-
gress.

ADDRESS OF THE ASSEMBLY OF PENNSYL-
VANIA

The Representatives of the Freemen of the Commonwealth
of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met, in the most affec-
tionate manner congratulate you on your safe arrival in your

472 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

native country after so long an absence on the most im-
portant business. We likewise congratulate you on the firm
establishment of the Independence of America, and the
settlement of a general peace, after the interesting struggle in
which we were so long engaged.

We are confident. Sir, that we speak the sentiments of this
whole country, when we say, that your services, in the public
councib and negociations, have not only merited the thanks
of the present generation, but will be recorded in the pages
of Hisfory, to your immortal honour. . And it is particularly
pleasing to us, that, while we are sitting as Members of the
Assembly of Pennsylvania, we have the happiness of welcom-
ing into the State a person, who was so greatly instrumental
in forming its free and excellent Constitution.

May it please God to give you a serene and peaceful en-
joyment of the evening of life, and a participation of that hap-
piness you have been so instrumental in securing to others !
Signed by order of the House,

John Bayard, Speaker.

Assembly Chamber^ September 15//^, 1785.

DR. FRANKLIN'S ANSWER

Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen,
I am extreamly happy to find by your friendly and af-
fectionate Address, that my Endeavours to serve our Coimtry
in the late important struggle have met with the Approbation
of so respectable a Body as the Representatives of the Free-
men of Pennsylvania. I esteem that Approbation as one of
the greatest Honours of my Life. I hope the Peace with
which God has been graciously pleased to bless us may be

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 473

lasting, and that the free Constitution we now enjoy may long
contribute to promote our common Felicity. The kind
Wishes of the General Assembly for my particular Happiness
afifect me very sensibly, and I beg they would accept my thank-
ful acknowledgments.

ADDRESS OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL

SOCIETY

Sir,
It is with peculiar pleasure that The American Philosoph-
ical Society address you on this occasion.

The high consideration and esteem, in which we hold your
Character, so intimately combine with our Regard for the
Public Welfare, that we participate eminently in the general
satisfaction which your Return to America produces.

We bid you Welcome to your native Country, for which you
have done the most essential Services ; and we welcome you
to this Chair, your occup)dng of which, as President, adds to
our Institution much Lustre in the Eyes of all the World.

Sir, it reflects Honour on Philosophy, when one, distin-
guished by his deep Investigations, and many valuable Im-
provements in it, is known to be equally distinguished for
his Philanthropy, Patriotism, and liberal Attachment to the
Rights of human nature.

We know the favourable Influence, that Freedom has upon
the Growth of useful Sciences and Arts. We derive En-
couragement and extraordinary Felicity from an assemblage
of recent memorable Events.

And, while we boast in a most pleasing Equality perma-
nently ascertained, and that Independence which you had so
great a share in estabUshing, we have reason to expect, that

474 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

this Society will proceed, with an increasing Success, to
manage the important Business for which they originally

DR. FRANKLIN'S ANSWER
Gentleicen,
The great Honour done me by this Society, in choosing me
so many Years successively as their President, notwithstand-
ing my Absence in Europe, and the very kind Welcome they
are pleas'd to give me on my return, demand my most grateful
Acknowledgments; which I beg they would be pleased to
accept, with my warmest Wishes of Success to their laudable
Endeavours for the Promotion of Useful Knowledge among us,
to which I shall be happy if I can in any degree contribute.

ADDRESS OF THE PROVOST, VICE-PROVOST,
AND PROFESSORS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF
PENNSYLVANIA

Honoured Sik,
The Provost, Vice-Provost, and Professors of the Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania beg Leave to congratulate you on
your safe Arrival in your native Country, after having ac-
complished the Duties of your exalted Character with Dignity
luid Success.

While we participate in the general Happiness of America,

[it6 the Establishment of which your political Abilities and

triotic Exurtions have so signally contributed, we feel a

icular Pleasure in paying our Acknowledgments to the

!man, who first projected the hbeial Plan of the In-

" which we have the Honour to preside.

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 475

Not contented with enriching the World with the most im-
portant Discoveries in natural Philosophy, your Benevolence
and Liberahty of sentiment eariy engaged you to make Pro-
rision for exciting a Spirit of Enquiry into the secret Opera-
tions of Nature; for exalting and refining the genius of
America, by the Propagation of useful Learning ; and for qual-
ifying many of her Sons to make that illustrious Figure,
which has commanded the Esteem and Admiration of the
most poUshed Nations of Europe.

Among the many benevolent Projections, which have laid
so ample a Foundation for the Esteem and Gratitude of your
native Country, permit this Seminary to reckon her first Es-
tablishment, upon the solid Principles of equal Liberty^ as one
of the most considerable and important. And now, when
restored, thro' the Influence of our happy Constitution, to
her original broad and catholic bottom ; when enriched by the
Protection and generous Donations of a public-spirited and
patriotic Assembly; and when flourishing under the Coun-
tenance of the best Friends of Religion, Learning, and Liberty
in the State; she cannot but promise herself the continued
Patronage of the Evening of that Ufe, which divine Providence
has so eminently distinguished.

May the same indulgent Providence yet continue your pro-
tracted Life, enriched and crowned with the best of Blessings,
to nurse and cherish this favorite Child of your Youth ; that
the future sons of Science in this western World may have
additional Reason to remember the Name of Franklin with
Gratitude and Pleasure.

Signed, in the name and by order of the Faculty, by

John Ewing, Provost.

Philadelphia, Sept. 16, 1785.

476 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

DR. FRANKLIN'S ANSWER

I am greatly obliged, Gentlemen, by your kind Congratu-
lations on my safe arrival.

It gives me extreme Pleasure to find, that Seminaries of
Learning are increasing in America, and particularly that the
University over which you preside, continues to flourish.
My best Wishes will always attend it.

The Instruction of Youth is one of those Employments,
which to the Public are most useful; it ought, therefore, to be
esteem'd among the most honourable. Its successful Ex-
ercise does not, however, always meet with the Reward it
merits, except in the satisfaction of having contributed to the
forming of virtuous and able Men for the Service of their
Country.

Repose and a private life had been Franklin's hope and
ambition when he left Europe. By an almost unanimous vote*
he was immediately chosen Governor of Pennsylvania by the
Assembly and Council of the State. At the age of eighty he
had now, in his own words, "public business enough to pre-
serve me from ennui, and private amusement besides in con-
versation, books, my garden, and cribbage," He wrote
cheerfully, and his letters rarely revealed that the multiplicity
of private affairs requiring his attention after many years'
absence from home, and the public business put upon him
by the government were accomplished under the 'leasing
of a painful disease."

In November, 1786, he was reelected President of Council

* ** Of between seventy and eighty votes, there were only my own and one
other in the negative." — Franklin to Bishop Shipley, Februaiy 24, 1786.

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 477

without a single dissenting vote but his own. A convention
of delegates from the various states was called for the second
Monday of May, 1787, to make a new Constitution. It con-
tinued in session imtil the seventeenth of September. Frank
lin attended the business of it five hours in every day from
the beginning, something more than four months.* He was
usually carried between his residence and the state-house in a
sedan chair, though at times he attempted to walk, and he
fancied that the daily exercise of going and returning improved
his health.

We have a glimpse of his condition in a letter from Samuel
Vaughan to Richard Price (November 4, 1786): "I spend
many agreeable evenings with our good friend Dr. Franklin,
who, except for the stone, which prevents his using exercise
except in walking in the house, up and down stairs, and some-
times to the State House (which is one eighth of a mile distant),

^ For his speeches in the G)nvention see Vol. IX, pp. 590-602, and p. 607.

'* It is a curious coincidence that the policy of committing the legislative
power of the country to two separate houses, which Dr. Franklin always op-
posed, should, through his rare political genius, have become the one feature
of the American Constitution which has more successfully than perhaps any
other stood the test of nearly a century's experience.

" Franklin also supported an article Bxing the term of the Presidency at
seven years but making the incumbent ineligible for a second term. He
opposed vigorously a proposal to limit the suffrage to freeholders, as tending
to lower the tone, spirit, and courage of the poorer classes. He favoured the
clause giving to Congress the power of impeaching the President, without
which he contended that the people would have no resource against a faith-
less executive but revolution or assassination, remedies in most cases worse
than the disease, and he advocated four years' residence of a foreigner as
sufficient preparation for citizenship. It is not too much to say that to
Franklin perhaps more than to any other one man, the present Constitution
of the United States owes most of those features which have given it durability
and have made it the ideal by which all other systems of government are
tested by Americans." Bigelow, "The Life of -Benjamin Franklin," Vol. Ill,

p. 383.

478 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

Still retains his health, spirits and memory beyond all concep-
tion insomuch that there are few transactions, subjects or pub-
lications, ancient or modem, that are of any note but what
he retains and when necessary in cc»iveisation will repeat
and retain with wonderful facility. He bathes twice a week
statedly (for hours) in a hot bath and, instead of relaxation,
he enjoys and finds benefit from it," '

Yet another reference to him at this time occurs in a letter
to Dr. Price from Benjamin Rush (June 2, 1787), "Dr.
Franklin exhibits daily a spectacle of transcendent benevo-
lence by attending the Convention pimctually and even taking
part in its business and deliberations. He says it is the most
august and respectable Assembly he ever was in in his life,
and adds that he thinks they will soon finish their business
as there are no prejudices to oppose, nor errors to refute in any
of the body." *

An interesting account of Franklin as he appeared at this
time is found in the Diary of Manasseh Cutler of Hamilton,
Massachusetts, clergyman, scholar, and botanist. —

" JyXy i$ih, 1787. — Dr. Franklin lives in Market Street.
His house stands up a court, at some distance from the street.
We found him in his garden, sitting up>on a grass-plot, under
a very large mulberry-tree, with several other gentlemen and
two or three ladies. When Mr. Gerry introduced me, he
rose from his chair, took mc by the hand, expressed his joy
at sccir^ me, welcomed me to the city, and begged me to seat
myself close to him. His voice was low, but his countenance
was open, frank, and pleasing. I deUvered to him my letters.
After he had read them, he took me again by the hand, and,

' Id l^ce Papen, Mau. Hist. Sac., May, 1903. * -fUJ.

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 479

with the usual compliments, introduced me to the other gentle-
men, who are most of them members of the Convention.

"Here we entered into a free conversation, and spent our
time most agreeably, until it was quite dark. The tea-table
was spread under the tree, and Mrs. Bachc, who is the only
daughter of the Doctor, and lives with him, served it out to
the company. She had three of her children about her.
They seemed to be excessively fond of their grandpapa. The
Doctor showed me a curiosity he had just received, and with
which he was much pleased. It was a snake with two heads,
preserved in a large phial. It was taken from the confluence
of the Schuylkill with the Delaware, about four miles from this
city. It was about ten inches long, well-proportioned, the
heads perfect, and united to the body about one-fourth of an
inch below the extremities of the jaws. The snake was of a
dark brown, approaching to black, and the back beautifully
speckled with white. The belly was rather checkered with a
reddish colour and white. The Doctor supposed it to be full
grown, which I think is probable ; and he thinks it must be a
sui generis of that class of animals. He grounds his opinion
of its not being an extraordinary production, but a distinct
genus, on the perfect form of the snake, the probability
of its being of some age and there having been found a snake
entirely similar (of which the Doctor has a drawing, which he
showed us) near Lake Champlain, in the time of the late
war. He mentioned the situation of this snake, if it was trav-
elling among bushes, and one head should choose to go on one
side of the stem of a bush, and the other head should prefer
the other side, and neither of the heads would consent to come
back, or give way to the other. He was then going to mention
a humorous matter, that had that day occurred in the Con-

4So THE WRtTlNGS OF BEJ^JAMIN FRANKUN

vention, in consequence of his comparing the snake to
America; for he seemed to forget that every thing in the
Convention was to be kept a profound secret. But the se-
crecy of the Convention matters was suggested to him, which
stopped him, and deprived me of the story he was going to tell.
" After it was dark we went into the house, and he invited
me into his library, which is likewise his study. It is a very
large chamber, and high-studded. The walls are covered with
book-shelves, filled with books; besides these there are four
large alcoves, extending two-thirds the length of the chamber,
filled in the same manner. I presume this is the largest and by
far the best private library in America. He showed us a glass
machine for exhibiting the circulation of the blood in the
arteries and veins of the human body. The circulation is ex-
hibited by the passing of a red fluid from a reservoir into nu-
merous capillary tubes of glass, ramified in every direction,
and then returning in similar tubes to the reservoir, which
was done with great velocity, without any power to act visibly
upon the fluid, and had the appearance of perpetual motion.
Another great curiosity was a rolling-press, for taking the
copies of letters or any other writing. A sheet of paper is
completely copied in less than two minutes; the copy as fair
as the original, and without defacing it in the smallest degree.
It is an invention of his own, extremely useful in many
situations of life. He also showed us his long, artificial arm
and hand, for taking down and putting up books on high
shelves, which iire out of reach ; and his great arm-chair, with
rockers, and a large fan placed over it, with which he fans
himself, keeps off the flies, &c., while he sits reading, with only
a small motion of the foot ; and many other curiosities and
inventions, all his own, but of lesser note. Over his mantel he

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 481

has a prodigious number of medals, busts, and casts in wax,
or plaster of Paris, which are the effigies of the most noted
characters in Europe.

" But what the Doctor wished principally to show me was a
huge volume on botany, which indeed afforded me the greatest
pleasure of any one thing in his hbrary. It was a single
volume, but so large, that it was with great difficulty that he
was able to raise it from a low shelf, and lift it on the table.
But, with that senile ambition, which is common to old
people, he insisted on doing it himself, and would permit no
person to assist him, merely to show us how much strength
he had remaining. It contained the whole of Linnaeus's
Systema Vegetabilium, with large cuts of every plant, coloiu^
from nature. It was a feast to me, and the Doctor seemed
to enjoy it as well as myself. We spent a couple of hours in
examining this volume, while other gentlemen amused them-
selves with other matters. The Doctor is not a botanist, but
kmented he did not in early life attend to this science. He
delights in Natural History, and expressed an earnest wish,
that I should pursue the plan that I had begun, and hoped this
science, so much neglected in America, would be pursued with
as much ardour here as it is now in every part of Europe.
I wanted, for three months at least, to have devoted myself
entirely to this one volume; but, fearing lest I should be
tedious to him, I shut up the volume, though he urged me to
examine it longer.

" He seemed extremely fond, through the course of the visit,
of dwelling on philosophical subjects, and particularly that of
Natural History ; while the other gentlemen were swallowed up
with politics. This was a favourable circumstance for me ;
for almost the whole of his conversation was addressed to me,

VOL. X — 2 1

482 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

and I was highly delighted with the extensive knowledge he
appeared to have of every subject, the brightness of his mem-
ory, and clearness and vivacity of all his mental faculties, not-
withstanding his age. His manners are perfectly easy, and
everything about him seems to diffuse an unrestrained freedom
and happiness. He has an incessant vein of humour, accom-
panied with an uncommon vivacity, which seemed as natural
and involuntary as his breathing. He uiged me to call on
him again, but my short stay would not permit. We took
our leave at ten, and I retired to my lodgings."

The town of Franklin, Massachusetts, was set off from
Wrentham in 1778 by a legislative act, and was the first of the
thirty or more towns to take Franklin's name. To the town
Franklin presented a library selected by Dr. Price. Rev.
Nathaniel Emmons celebrated the event by preaching a ser-
mon from the text, "Show thyself a man." The sermon was
dedicated "To his excellency Benjamin Franklin, President
of the State of Pennsylvania; the Ornament of Genius, the
Patron of Science and the Boast of Man; this discourse is
inscribed with the greatest Deference, Humility and Grati-
tude, by his obliged and most humble Servant, the Author." '

^ The following, in A. P. S., is the letter of acceptance from the Town
Committee : —

Franklin June 22^ 1786.
Sir,

We beg leave to present to your Excellency, our most grateful Acknow-
ledgments, for the very handsome Parish Library, which you have been
pleased to bestow upon the Minister and the Parishioners of this Town, as a
particular mark of your approbation and regard. This choice and valuable
G)Ilection of Books, your Excellency will permit us to say, not only flatters
our Understanding and Taste, but displays the brightest feature in your great
and amiable Character. We only regret, that modesty should deny us the
celebrated Productions of the greatest Philosopher and Politician in America.

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 483

According to James Parton there was no state in the Union
in 1864 which had not at least one town named Franklin.
Ohio had nineteen. Twenty states had a Franklin County,
and the name occurred then one hundred and thirty-six times
upon the map. For a short time we had a state of Franklin.
The history of that state afterward called Teimessee is given
in a letter to Franklin from William Cocke.

State of Franklin 15^ June 1786.

Sir.

I make no doubt but You have heard that the good People

of this Country have declared themselves a Separate State

from North Carolina, and as a Testimony of the High

Esteem they have for the many Important and FaithfuU

Services You have Rendered Your Country, to Conmiemorate

You, they have Call'd the Name of their State after You.

I presume You have also heard the reasons on which our

Separation is founded. Some of which are as follows that

North Carolina had Granted us a Separation on Certain

well known Conditions, Expressed in an Act, of the General

Assembly of that State, which Conditions we think She Had

no right to break through without our Consent as well as

Since Providence hitherto hath delighted to smile on all your great and noble
Efforts, we cannot but hope, your generous exertion to diffuse useful and
divine Knowledge among us, will be productive of the, happiest effects, and
completely answer your warmest wishes. May all the seeds of Science, which
you have sown in this, and various other parts of the world, grow up into a
living Laurel, to adorn your illustrious Head in the Temple of Fame. And,
in the meantime, may the sincere and affectionate Esteem of this Town, as
weU as the accumulated Honours, which You have merited and received from
the united Republics of liberty and of letters, serve to smooth the last
Passages of your eminently useful and important Life.

We have the honour to be, etc

Nathaniel Emmons
Hezekiah Fisher

4^ THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

the Consent of Congress. We therefore determine Strictly
to adhear to the Conditions, and Every of them Express'd
in Said Act and Doubt not but Congress will be uniform in
her Just Demands, as well as Honorable In Complying with
her resolve to Confirm all the Just Claims of such Persons
who have purchased Land under the Laws of North Carolina,
for which they have paid that State. The Confidence we
have in the wisdom and Justice of the United States Licline
us to wish Every Matter of dispute to their Decision, and I
am Expressly Impowered and commanded to give the
United States Full Assurance that we Shall Act in Obedience
to her Determination provided North Carolina will Consent,
that they shall become the Arbiters. I had set out with the
Intention to weiht on Congress to discharge the Duties
of the Trust reposed in me But am Informed that Con-
gress will adjourn about the last of this Month, & shall
thank You to be so kind as to favour me, with a few Lines by
the Bearer M Rogers to inform me, when Congress will
meet again, and shall Be happy to have Your Political Senti-
ments & advice on so Important a Subject should it be
Consistant with Y' Pleasure. I have the Honour to be

with Great Esteem.

Your most obeid* Hble Servt.

W" Cocke

The further history of the state was told to Franklin by
John Sevier.

State of Franklin, Mount Pleasant,
9 April, 1787.

Sir,
Permit me to introduce to your Excellency the subject of
our new disputed government. In the year 1784, in the

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 485

month of June, the legislature of Nofth Carolina ceded to
Congress all their claim to the lands west of the Appalachian
Mountains, on conditions I make no doubt you are acquainted
with, as the act was shortly after laid before Congress. The
inhabitants of this country, well knowing that the Congress
of the United States would accept the cession, and having no
idea that North Carolina would attempt repealing the act,
formed themselves into a separate and independent State by
the name of Franklin.

In November following. North Carolina repealed this act
of cession. In May, 1785, Congress took the several acts
under their consideration, and entered into resolves respect-
ing the same, the purport of which, I presume, you are
acquainted with. The government of Franklin was carried
on unmolested by North Carolina, until November, 1785,
when that legislature passed an act, allowing the people in
some of our counties to hold elections under certain regula-
tions imknown to any former law; whereby a few, from
disaffection and disappointment, might have it in their power
to elect persons, who were to be considered the legal delega-
tion of the people. This was done and countenanced ; and
at their last session, in November, 1786, they have under-
taken to reassume their jurisdiction and sovereignty over
the State of Franklin, notwithstanding the whole of their
adherents do not exceed two or three hundred against a
majority of at least seven thousand effective militia. They
have, contrary to the interest of the people in two of the
counties, to wit, Washington and Sullivan, by their acts re-
moved the former places of holding courts to certain places
convenient to the disaffected, as we conceive, in order that
they might have a pretext to prevaricate upon.

I

r

486 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

I have thus given your Excellency the outlines of our past
and present situation, and beg leave to inform you, that, from
your known patriotic and benevolent disposition, as also your
great experience and wisdom, I am, by and with the ad\ice
of our Council of State, induced to make this appUcaticm,
that, should you, from this simple statement of the several
occurrences, think our cause so laudable, as to give us your
approbation, you would be pleased to condescend to vrrite
on the subject. And any advice, instruction, or encourage-
ment, you may think wc shall deserve, will be acknowledged
in the most grateful manner.

We have been informed, that your Excellency some time
since did us the honour to write to us on the subject of our
State; if so, unfortunately for us, the letters have miscarried,
and are not come to hand. Many safe conveyances mi^t
be had. A letter may be sent by the bearer. Captain John
Woods, if he should return by the way of Franklin ; or, if it
were directed to the care of the Governor of Georgia, it
would come safe; and perhaps by a number of people who
travel to this country. I have the honour to be, Sir, &c.
John Sevier.

After serving three years as president, Franklin renounced
all public business. The Philosophical Society and the
Society for Political Inquiries met at his house. He set up
his grand i^on, Benjamin Franklin Bache, in the printing busi-
ness, and buih and furnished a printing-house for him
which was managed under his direct supervision. Althou^
afflictef! with almost constant and grievous pain, he declared
that if hr were allowed to live his hfe over again, he should
ninkc nu objection, only wishing for leave to do what

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 487

authors do in a second edition of their works, correct some
of his errata, "For my own personal ease," he told Wash-
ington (September 21, 1789), "I should have died two years
ago." To relieve his suffering he had recourse to opium,
which so impeded his appetite and digestion that he became
totally emaciated; "little remains of me," he wrote to Le
VeiUaid, "but a skeleton covered with a skin." Neverthe-
less he is known to have said that he looked upon all the
griefs and suflFerings of the world but as the momentary
pricking of a pin in comparison with the total happiness of
our existence.

Reports of his death were frequently circulated, and
Europe was led prematurely to believe that he had gone
"Where Lycurgus, Solon, Numa and the elder Brutus had
been long gone before him" (Pownall). In contradiction of
these rumours, some who were with him in the Convention
told John Jay that the steel was not worn off yet and that
Franklin had as good an edge as ever.

Sir Edward Newenham wrote to Lord Charlemont, Decem-
ber 31, 1789: "Knowing your Esteem for real patriots, I
would not omit this opportunity of acquainting your lord-
ship that I had a letter this day, dated the fifth of November
from the venerable Franklin, at Philadelphia — perhaps the
last he will write to Europe. He says his malady, the stone
and gravel, is heavy on him; that dissolution would be ease
to him. He very pathetically inquires how 'Charlemont,
the general of the Irish Volunteers does,* and desires me to
tell Mr. Deanc (the Six Clerk) that he has broken his re-
peated promise to him, of sending him the model of a com-
mon coimtry fish case. He says all is going on with proper
caution for fixing an union between eleven of the States,

488 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMW FRANKLIN

fliat Carolina and Rhode Island must accede to the general
union ; that Washington appears greater in the cabinet Ihan
(if possible) he did in the field. He says ' Your friend Wash-
ington sighetb for a retreat to his farm, and more particularly
so, as the main points of a general union are fixed ; that
Irish traders are preferred to any nation.' And now, my
dear Lord, observe his, perhaps, last words: 'Let your
nation sign a speedy commercial treaty with the States and
you may in future monopolize some branches of trade, but
nothing can be done without a treaty and appointing a
consul.' " '

The last account of him is contained in a letter from
Jefferson to M. le Veillard, New York, April 5, 1790. — "I
wish I could add to your happiness by giving you a favour-
able account of the good old Doctor. I found him in bed
where he remains almost constantly. He had been clear of
pain for some days and was chearful and in good spirits.
He listened with a glow of interest to the details of your
revolution and of his friends which I gave him. He is much
emaciated. I pressed him to continue the narration of his
life and perhaps he will. Present me respectfully to Madame
le Veillard, and be assured yourself of the sentiments of
sincere esteem and affection with which I have the honour
to be, dear Sir, etc. Th. Jefferson."

Till- last news that came to Franklin from the Old World
related to the assembling of the States General, the theft of
the diamond necklace, and the ominous gloom of the coming

' Hi-'t. Mss. Connn.i 13th Rep, App. Pt. VIIl; The Mss. aod Correspond-
ence of James, First Earl uf Chatlemont, 1894. The UntkliiiTig fn^mettt*
of quotntioDS from Franklin's letter deepen our regret at the leas or
dcslraclion of bis volumioous and conSdential correspondence with Nev-
rotniD.

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 489

Revolution. He was made aware of the disruption of an-
cient amities among those who had been his beloved asso-
ciates in politics and society, but happily he died too soon
to witness the awful havoc wrought in the wild tumult of the .
Revolution when Le Veillard perished upon the Revolutionary
scaffold, Lavoisier by the axe of the guillotine, and Con-
dorcet died of poison upon a prison floor.

Sixteen days before his death he was seized with a fever-
ish indisposition. After ten days all pain left him, when
an aposthume in his lungs suddenly burst and discharged
a great quantity of matter; * lethargy succeeded and on the
17th of April, 1790, about eleven o'clock at night he died.

He was buried April 21 at four o'clock in Christ Church
burial-ground. At the head of the funeral procession walked
the clergy of Philadelphia. Next came the chief members
of the state government and the members of the Legislature,
the Judges of the courts, members of the bar, the Mayor and
the Councils of the city, the printers and their apprentices.
The American Philosophical Society, and the College of
Physicians, and many trade and benevolent societies. The
pall-bearers were Samuel Powell (Mayor), WiUiam Bingham,
Thomas Willing, David Rittenhouse, Thomas McKean,
(chief justice of Pennsylvania), and Thomas Mifflin
governor of the state. Twenty thousand persons followed
the body to its burial.

Dr. Rush wrote to Dr. Price: "The papers will inform
you of the death of our late friend Dr. Franklin. The
evening of his life was marked by the same activity of his

^ In 1735 Franklin had pleurisy which terminated in an abscess of the left
lobe of the lungs, and he was then almost suffocated with the quantity and
suddenness of the discharge.

490 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

moral and intellectual powers which distinguished its me-
ridian. His conversation with his family upon the subject
of his dissolution was free and cheerful. A few days before
he died, he rose from his bed and begged that it might be
made up for him so thai he might die in a decent manner.
His daughter told him that she hoped he would recover and
live many years longer. He calmly replied, '/ hope noL^
Upon being advised to change his position in bed, that he
might breathe easy, he said, 'A dying man can do nothing
easy.^ All orders and bodies of people have vied with each
other in paying tributes of respect to his memory."

Dr. William Smith, Provost of the College of Philadelphia,
was appointed by The American Philosophical Society to
deliver a eulogy upon its founder. Ezra Stiles, President of
Yale College, ordered a commemorative eulogy by one
of the orators at the next Commencement, and himsdf
delivered a Latin address.

On motion of James Madison, it was unanimously resolved
by Congress, then in session at New York, "that the mem-
bers wear the customary badge of mourning for one month."
On the nth of June, the morning after the news reached
Paris, Mirabeau addressed the National Assembly in words
which have become historic and immortal.

La Rochefoucauld and Lafayette rose to second the
motion which was adopted by acclamation. It was decreed
that Mirabeau's discourse should be printed, and that the
President of the Assembly, Abb^ Sieyes, should address a
letter of condolence to the Congress. In accordance with
his instructions Sieyes wrote : —

"The name of Benjamin Franklin will be immortal in the
of freedom and philosophy ; but it is more particularly

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 491

dear to a country, where, conducted by the most sublime
mission, this venerable man knew how very soon to acquire
an infinite number of friends and admirers, as well by the
simplicity and sweetness of his manners, as by the purity of
his principles, the extent of his knowledge, and the charms
of his mind.

"It will be remembered, that every success, which he ob-
tained in his important negotiation, was applauded and
celebrated (so to express it) all over France, as so many
crowns conferred on genius and virtue.

"Even then the sentiment of our rights existed in the
bottom of our souls. It was easily perceived, that it feelingly
mingled in the interest which we took in behalf of America,
and in the public vows which we preferred for your liberty.

*'At last the hour of the French has arrived; we love
to think, that the citizens of the United States have not re-
garded with indifiference our steps towards liberty. Twenty-
six millions of men breaking their chains, and seriously
occupied in giving themselves a durable constitution, are not
unworthy of the esteem of a generous people, who have
preceded them in that noble career.

"We hope they will learn with interest the funeral homage,
which we have rendered to the Nestor of America. May
this solemn act of fraternal friendship serve more and more
to bind the tie, which ought to unite two free nations ! May
the common enjoyment of liberty shed itself over the whole
globe, and become an indissoluble chain of connexion among
all the people of the earth ! For ought they not to perceive,
that they will march more steadfastly and more certainly to
their true happiness, in understanding and loving each other,
than in being jealous and fighting?

493 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

"May the Congress of the United States and the Natioial
Assembly of France be the first to furnish this fine spectacle
to the world I And may the individuals of the two nati<xis
connect themselves by a mutual aEFection, worthy cA the
friendship which unites the two men, at this day most il-
lustrious by their exertions for liberty, Washington and
Lafayette ! "

The Congress of the Unit^ States at the third ses^rai
begim and held at the city of Philadelphia on Monday the
6th of December, 1790, passed the following resolution:
"That the President of the United States be requested to
cause to be communicated to the National Assembly of
France the peculiar sensibility of Congress to the tribute
paid to the memory of Benjamin Franklin by the enli^tened
and free representatives of a great nation, in their decrees
of the nth of June, 1790." '

La Rochefoucauld read a paper <m the hfe and character
of Franklin before the "Society of 1789,"' TTie Commune
of Paris ordered a public celebration in honour of the memory
of Franklin, and the Abb€ Fauchet pronounced the eulogtum
in the presence of a great crowd ih the rotunda of the Grain
Market.

Condorcet delivered an "Eloge de Franklin," before the
Academy of Sciences, November 13, 1 790. Madame

• Thi* tesolution (igned by F, A. Muhlenberg, Speaker of the Home of
Representatives, and by John Aiiams, Vice-President of the United Statei
•nd president of the Senate, was approved by President Wasbingtoiii Marcfa >,
1791.

' After this adrfress M, de I.iincourt moved that the Society wear mourn-
irg, and th« the bust of Franklin he placed in the hall of the AMcmbly with
the inscription "Ilommage rendu par le Vceu unanime de la Sodete de 1789 1
Benjamin Franklin, objet de I'admiration et des Regrets des Anus de la
Uberte.''

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 493

Campan, in her M^moires (Toiilfe I. p. 233), mentions a
curious feature of these commemorative ceremonies partici-
pated in by the printers. They assembled in a large hall, in
which there was a column surmounted by a bust of Franklin,
with a civic crown. Below the bust were arrayed printers'
cases and types, with a press, and all the apparatus of the
art, which the philosopher had practised with such dis-
tinguished success. While one of the fraternity pronounced
a eulogy on Franklin, several printers were employed in
composing it at the cases; and, as soon as it was finished,
impressions of it were taken, and distributed to the large
concourse of people, who had been drawn together as specta-
tors of the ceremony.

CHAPTER Xm

franklin's last will and testament

I, Benjaion Franklin, of Philadelphia, printer, late
Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America
to the Court of France, now President of the State of Penn-
sylvania, do make and declare my last will and testament as
follows: — *

To my son, William Franklin, late Governor of the Jerseys,
I give and devise all the lands I hold or have a right to, in
the province of Nova Scotia, to hold to him, his heirs, and
assigns forever. I also give to him all my books and papers,
which he has in his possession, and all debts standing against
him on my account books, willing that no payment for, nor
restitution of, the same be required of him, by my executors.

494 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

The part he acted agamsl me in the late war, which is of
public notoriety, will account for my leaving him no more of
an estate he endeavoured to deprive me of.

Having since my return from France demolished the three
houses in Market Street, between Third and Fourth Streets,
fronting my dwelling-house, and erected two new and larger
ones on the ground, and having also erected another house
on the lot which formerly was the passage to my dwelling,
and also a printing-office between my dwelling and the front
houses; now I do give and devise my said dwelling-house,
wherein I now live, my said three new houses, my printing-
office and the lots of ground thereto belonging; also my
small lot and house in Sixth Street, which I bought of the
widow Henmarsh; also my pasture-ground which I have in
Hickory Lane, with the buildings thereon; also my house
and lot on the north side of Market Street, now occupied by
Mary Jacobs, together with two houses and lots behind the
same, and fronting on Pewter-Platter Alley ; also my lot of
ground in Arch Street, opposite the church burying-ground,
with the buildings thereon erected ; also all my silver plate,
pictures, and household goods, of every kind, now in my
said dwelling-house, to my daughter, Sarah Bache, and to
her husband, Richard Bache, to hold to them for and during
their natural lives, and the life of the longest liver of them,
and from and after the decease of the survivor of them, I do
give, devise, and bequeath to all children already bom, or to
be bom of my said daughter, and to their heirs and assigns
forever, as tenants in common, and not as joint tenants.

And, if any or either of them shall happen to die under
age, and without issue, the part and share of him, her, or
♦^'^m, so dying, shall go to and be equally divided among

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 495

the survivors or survivor of them. But my intention is,
that, if any or either of them should happen to die under
age, leaving issue, such issue shall inherit the part and share
that would have passed to his, her, or their parent, had he,
she, or they been living.

And, as some of my said devisees may, at the death of the
survivor of their father or mother, be of age, and others of
them under age, so as that all of them may not be of capacity
to make division, I in that case request and authorize the
judges of the Supreme Court of Judicature of Pennsylvania
for the time being, or any three of them, not personally in-
terested, to appoint by writing, under their hands and seals,
three honest, intelligent, impartial men to make the said
division, and to assign and allot to each of my devisees their
respective share, which division, so made and conunitted to
writing under the hands and seals of the said three men, or
of any two of them, and confirmed by the said judges, I do
hereby declare shall be binding on, and conclusive between
the said devisees.

All the lands near the Ohio, and the lots near the centre of
Philadelphia, which I lately purchased of the State, I give
to my son-in-law, Richard Bache, his heirs and assigns for-
ever; I also give him the bond I have against him, of two
thousand and one hundred and seventy-two pounds, five
shillings, together with the interest that shall or may accrue
thereon, and direct the same to be delivered up to him by
my executors, cancelled, requesting that, in consideration
thereof, he would immediately after my decease manumit
and set free his negro man Bob. I leave to him, also, the
money due to me from the State of Virginia for types. I also
give to him the bond of William Goddard and his sister, and

488 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

that Carolina and Rhode Island must accede to the general
union ; that Washington appears greater in the cabinet than
(if possible) he did in the field. He says * Your friend Wash-
ington sigheth for a retreat to his farm, and more particularly
so, as the main points of a general union are fixed; that
Irish traders are preferred to any nation.' And now, my
dear Lord, observe his, perhaps, last words: 'Let your
nation sign a speedy commercial treaty with the States and
you may in future monopolize some branches of trade, but
nothing can be done without a treaty and appointing a
consul.' " *

The last account of him is contained in a letter from
JefiFerson to M. le Veillard, New York, April 5, 1790. — "I
wish I could add to your happiness by giving you a favour-
able account of the good old Doctor. I found him in bed
where he remains almost constantly. He had been clear of
pain for some days and was chearful and in good spirits.
He listened with a glow of interest to the details of your
revolution and of his friends which I gave him. He is much
emaciated. I pressed him to continue the narration of his
life and perhaps he will. Present me respectfully to Madame
le Veillard, and be assured yourself of the sentiments of
sincere esteem and affection with which I have the honour
to be, dear Sir, etc. Th. Jefferson."

The last news that came to Franklin from the Old World '
related to the assembling of the States General, the theft of
the diamond necklace, and the ominous gloom of the coming

* Hist. Mss. Comm.; 13th Rep. App. Pt. VIII; The Mss. and Correspond-
ence of James, First Earl of Charlemonti 1S94. The tantalizing fragmenti
of quotations from Franklin's letter deepen our regret at the loss or
destruction of his voluminous and confidential correspondence with New-
enhaoL

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 489

Revolution. He was made aware of the disruption of an-

m

cient amities among those who had been his beloved asso-
ciates in politics and society, but happily he died too soon
to witness the awful havoc wrought in the wild tumult of the .
Revolution when Le Veillard perished upon the Revolutionary
scaflfold, Lavoisier by the axe of the guillotine, and Con-
dorcet died of poison upon a prison floor.

Sixteen days before his death he was seized with a fever-
ish indisposition. After ten days all pain left him, when
an aposthume in his lungs suddenly burst and discharged
a great quantity of matter; * lethargy succeeded and on the
17th of April, 1790, about eleven o'clock at night he died.

He was buried April 21 at four o'clock in Christ Church
burial-groimd. At the head of the funeral procession walked
the clergy of Philadelphia. Next came the chief members
of the state government and the members of the Legislature,
the Judges of the courts, members of the bar, the Mayor and
the Councils of the city, the printers and their apprentices,
The American Philosophical Society, and the College of
Physicians, and many trade and benevolent societies. The
pall-bearers were Samuel Powell (Mayor), William Bingham,
Thomas Willing, David Rittenhouse, Thomas McKean,
(chief justice of Pennsylvania), and Thomas Mifflin
governor of the state. Twenty thousand persons followed
the body to its burial.

Dr. Rush wrote to Dr. Price: "The papers will inform
you of the death of our late friend Dr. Franklin. The
evening of his life was marked by the same activity of his

^ In 1735 Franklin had pleurisy which terminated in an abscess of the left
lobe of the lungs, and he was then almost suffocated with the quantity and
suddenness of the discharge.

490 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

moral and intellectual powers which distinguished its me-
ridian. His conversation with his family up>oh the subject
of his dissolution was free and cheerful. A few days before
he died, he rose from his bed and begged that it might be
made up for him so ihal he might die in a decent manner.
His daughter told him that she hoped he would recover and
live many years longer. He calmly replied, */ hope noiJ
Upon being advised to change his position in bed, that he
might breathe easy, he said, ^A dying man can do nothing
easy.^ All orders and bodies of people have vied with each
other in paying tributes of respect to his memory."

Dr. William Smith, Provost of the College of Philadelphia,
was appointed by The American Philosophical Society to
deliver a eulogy upon its founder. Ezra Stiles, President of
Yale College, ordered a commemorative eulogy by one
of the orators at the next Commencement, and himseU
delivered a Latin address.

On motion of James Madison, it was unanimously resolved
by Congress, then in session at New York, "that the mem-
bers wear the customary badge of mourning for one month."
On the nth of June, the morning after the news reached
Paris, Mirabeau addressed the National Assembly in words
which have become historic and immortal.

La Rochefoucauld and Lafayette rose to second the
motion which was adopted by acclamation. It was decreed
that Mirabeau's discourse should be printed, and that the
President of the Assembly, Abb^ Sieyes, should address a
letter of condolence to the Congress. In accordance with
his instructions Sieyes wrote : —

''The name of Benjamin Franklin will be immortal in the
records of freedom and philosophy ; but it is more particularly

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 491

dear to a country, where, conducted by the most sublime
mission, this venerable man knew how very soon to acquire
an infinite number of friends and admirers, as well by the
simplicity and sweetness of his manners, as by the purity of
his principles, the extent of his knowledge, and the charms
of his mind.

"It will be remembered, that every success, which he ob-
tained in his important negotiation, was applauded and
celebrated (so to express it) all over France, as so many
crowns conferred on genius and virtue.

"Even then the sentiment of our rights existed in the
bottom of our souls. It was easily perceived, that it feelingly
mingled in the interest which we took in behalf of America,
and in the public vows which we preferred for your liberty.

**At last the hour of the French has arrived; we love
to think, that the citizens of the United States have not re-
garded with indiflference our steps towards liberty. Twenty-
six millions of men breaking their chains, and seriously
occupied in giving themselves a durable constitution, are not
unworthy of the esteem of a generous people, who have
preceded them in that noble career.

"We hope they will learn with interest the funeral homage,
which we have rendered to the Nestor of America. May
this solemn act of fraternal friendship serve more and more
to bind the tie, which ought to unite two free nations ! May
the common enjoyment of liberty shed itself over the whole
globe, and become an indissoluble chain of connexion among
all the people of the earth ! For ought they not to perceive,
that they will march more steadfastly and more certainly to
their true happiness, in understanding and loving each other,
than in being jealous and fighting?

500 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

remain in the hands of my bankers, Messrs. Ferdinand Grand
and Son, at Paris, or Messrs. Smith, Wright, and Gray, of
London, I will that, after my debts are paid and deducted,
with the money legacies of this my will, the same be divided
into four equal parts, two of which I give to my dear daughter,
Sarah Bache, one to her son Benjamin^ and one to my grand-
son, William Temple Franklin.

During the number of years I was in business as a stationer,
printer, and postmaster, a great many small sums became
due for books, advertisements, postage of letters, and other
matters, which were not collected when, in 1757, 1 was sent
by the Assembly to England as their agent, and by subsequent
appointments continued there till 1775, when on my return,
I was immediately engaged in the affairs of Congress, and
sent to France in 1776, where I remained nine years, not re-
turning till 1785: and the said debts, not being demanded
in such a length of time, are become in a manner obsolete, yet
are nevertheless justly due. These, as they are stated in
my great folio ledger E, I bequeath to the contrikutors to the
Pennsylvania Hospital, hoping that those debtors, and the
descendants of such as are deceased, who now, as I find,
make some difficulty of satisfying such antiquated demands
as just debts, may, however, be induced to pay or give them
as charity to that excellent institution. I am sensible that
much must inevitably be lost, but I hope something consider-
able may be recovered. It is possible, too, that some of the
parties charged may have existing old, unsettled accounts
against me ; in which case the managers of the said hospital
will allow and deduct the amount, or pay the balance if they
find it against me.

My debts and legacies being all satisfied and paid, the rest

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN 501

and residue of all my estate, real and personal, not herein
expressly disposed of, I do give and bequeath to my son and
daughter, Richard and Sarah Bache.

I request my friends, Henry Hill, Esquire, John Jay,
Esquire, Francis Hopkinson, Esquire, and Mr. Edward
DuflSeld, of Benfield, in Philadelphia County, to be the
executors of this my last will and testament; and I hereby
nominate and appoint them for that purpose.

I would have my body buried with as Uttle expense or
ceremony as may be. I revoke all former wills by me made,
declaring this only to be my last.

In witness thereof, I have hereunto set my
hand and seal, this seventeenth day of
[Seal.] July, in the year of our Lord one thou-

sand seven hundred and eighty-eight.

B. Franklin.

Signed, sealed, published, and declared by the above-
ramed Benjamin Franklin, for and as his last will and testa-
ment, in the presence of us.

Abraham ShoemakeRi

John Jones,

George Moore.

CODICIL

I, Benjamin Franklin, in the foregoing or annexed last will
and testament named, having further considered the same, do
think proper to make and pubUsh the following codicil or
addition thereto.

It having long been a fixed political opinion of mine, that in
a democratical state there ought to be no ofl&ces of profit, for

502 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

the reasons I had given in an article of my drawing in our
constitution, it was my intention when I accepted the office
of President, to devote the appointed salary to some public
uses. Accordingly, I had already, before I made my will
in July last, given large sums of it to colleges, schools, build-
ing of churches, etc. ; and in that will I bequeathed two thou-
sand pounds more to the State for the purpose of making the
Schuylkill navigable. But understanding since that such a
sum will do but little towards accomplishing such a work,
and that the project is not likely to be undertaken for many
years to come, and having entertained another idea, that I
hope may be more extensively useful, I do hereby revoke and
annul that bequest, and direct that the certificates I have
for what remains due to me of that salary be sold, towards
raising the sum of two thousand pounds sterling, to be dis-
posed of as I am now about to order.

It has been an opinion, that he who receives an estate from
his ancestors is under some kind of obligation to transmit the
same to their posterity. This obligation does not lie on me,
who never inherited a shilling from any ancestor or relation.
I shall, however, if it is not diminished by some accident
before my death, leave a considerable estate among my
descendants and relations. The above observation is made
merely as some apology to my family for making bequests
that do not appear to have any immediate relation to their
advantage.

I was bom in Boston, New England, and owe my first
instructions in literature to the free grammar-schools estab-
lished there. I have, therefore, already considered these
schools in my will. But I am also under obligations to the
State of Massachusetts for having, unasked, appointed me

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 503

formerly their agent in England, with a handsome salary,
which continued some years; and although I accidentally
lost in their service, by transmitting Governor Hutchinson's
letters, much more than the amount of what they gave
me, I do not think that ought in the least to diminish my
gratitude.

I have considered that, among artisans, good apprentices
are most likely to make good citizens, and, having myself
been bred to a manual art, printing, in my native town, and
afterwards assisted to set up my business in Philadelphia by
kind loans of money from two friends there, which was the
foundation of my fortune, and of all the utility in life that may
be ascribed to me, I wish to be useful even after my death, if
possible, in forming and advancing other young men, that
may be serviceable to their country in both these towns.
To this end, I devote two thousand pounds sterling, of which
I give one thousand thereof to the inhabitants of the town of
Boston, in Massachusetts, and the other thousand to the
inhabitants of the city of Philadelphia, in trust, to and for
the uses, intents, and purposes hereinafter mentioned and
declared.

The said sum of one thousand pounds sterling, if accepted
by the inhabitants of the town of Boston, shall be managed
under the direction of the selectmen, united with the ministers
of the oldest Episcopalian, Congregational, and Presbyterian
churches in that town, who are to let out the sum upon interest,
at five per cent, per^nnum, to such young married artificers,
under the age of twenty-five years, as have serv^ed an appren-
ticeship in the said town, and faithfully fulfilled the duties
required in their indentures, so as to obtain a good moral
character from at least two respectable citizens, who are

504 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

willing to become their sureties, in a bond with the applicants,
for the repayment of the moneys so lent, with interest, accord-
ing to the terms hereinafter prescribed ; all which bonds are
to be taken for Spanish milled dollars, or the value thereof in
current gold coin ; and the managers shall keep a bound book
or books, wherein shall be entered the names of those who
shall apply for and receive the benefits of this institution, and
of their sureties, together with the sums lent, the dates, and
other necessary and proper records respecting the business
and concerns of this institution. And as these loans are in-
tended to assist young married artificers in setting up their
business, they are to be proportioned by the discretion of the
managers, so as not to exceed sixty pounds sterling to one
person, nor to be less than fifteen pounds ; and if the number
of appliers so entitled should be so large as that the sum will
not suffice to afford to each as much as might otherwise not
be improper, the proportion to each shall be diminished so
as to afiford to every one some assistance. These aids may,
therefore, be small at first, but, as the capital increases by
the accumulated interest, they will be more ample. And in
order to serve as many as possible in their turn, as well as to
make the repa)mient of the principal borrowed more easy,
each borrower shall be obliged to pay, with the yearly interest,
one tenth part of the principal, which sums of principal
and interest, so paid in, shall be again let out to fresh
borrowers.

And, as it is presumed that there will^ always be foimd in
Boston virtuous and benevolent citizens, willing to bestow
a part of their time in doing good to the rising generation, by
superintending and managing this institution gratis, it is
hoped that no part of the money will at any time be dead, or

THE UFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 505

be diverted to other purposes, but be continually augmenting
by the interest ; in which case there may, in time, be more
than the occasions in Boston shall require, and then some
niay be spared to the neighbouring or other towns in the said
State of Massachusetts, who may desire to have it; such
towns engaging to pay punctually the interest and the por-
tions of the principal, annually, to the inhabitants of the town
of Boston.

If this plan is executed, and succeeds as projected without
interruption for one hundred years, the sum will then be
one hundred and thirty-one thousand pounds; of which I
would have the managers of the donation to the town of Bos-
ton then lay out, at their discretion, one hundred thousand
pounds in pubUc works, which may be judged of most general
utility to the inhabitants, such as fortifications, bridges, aque-
ducts, public buildings, baths, pavements, or whatever may
make living in the town more convenient to its people, and
render it more agreeable to strangers resorting thither for
health or a temporary residence. The remaining thirty-one
thousand pounds I would have continued to be let out on
interest, in the manner above directed, for another hundred
years, as I hope it will have been found that the institution has
had a good effect on the conduct of youth, and been of service
to many worthy characters and useful citizens. At the end
of this second term, if no unfortunate apcident has prevented
the operation, the sum will be four millions and sixty one
thousand pounds sterling, of which I leave one million sixty
one thousand pounds to the disposition of the inhabitants of
the town of Boston, and three millions to the disposition of
the government of the state, not presuming to carry my
views farther.

5o6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN

All the directions herein given, respecting the disposition
and management of the donation to the inhabitants of Boston,
I would have observed respecting that to the inhabitants of
Philadelphia, only, as Philadelphia is incorporated, I request
the corporation of that city to undertake the management
agreeably to the said directions ; and I do hereby vest them
with full and ample powers for that purpose. And, ha\ing
considered that the covering a ground plot with buildings and
pavements, which carry oflF most of the rain and prevent its
soaking into the Earth and renewing and purifying the Springs,
whence the water of wells must gradually grow worse, and in
time be unfit for use, as I find has happened in all old cities, I
recommend that at the end of the first hundred years, if not
done before, the corporation of the city Employ a part of the
hundred thousand pounds in bringing, by pipes, the water of
Wissahickon Creek into the town, so as to supply the inhab-
itants, which I apprehend may be done without great diffi-
culty, the level of the creek being much above that of the city,
and may be made higher by a dam. I also recommend mak-
ing the Schuylkill completely navigable. At the end of the
second hundred years, I would have the disposition of the
four million and sixty one thousand pounds divided between
the inhabitants of the city of Philadelphia and the govern-
ment of Pennsylvania, in the same manner as herein directed
with respect to that of the inhabitants of Boston and the
government of Massachusetts.

It is my desire that this institution should take place and
begin to operate within one year after my decease, for which
purpose due notice should be publickly given previous to the
expiration of that year, that those for whose benefit this
establishment is intended may make their respective applica-

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 507

tions. And I hereby direct my executors, the survivors or
survivor of them, within six months after my decease, to pay
over the said sum of two thousand pounds sterUng to such
persons as shall be duly appointed by the Selectmen of Boston
and the corporation of Philadelphia, to receive and take
charge of their respective sums, of one thousand pounds
each, for the purposes aforesaid.

Considering the accidents to which all human affairs and
projects are subject in such a length of time, I have, perhaps,
too much flattered myself with a vain fancy that these dis-
positions, if carried into execution, will be continued with-
out interruption and have the effects proposed. I hope,
however, that if the inhabitants of the two cities should not
think fit to undertake the execution, they wiU, at least, accept
the offer of these donations as a mark of my good will, a
token of my gratitude, and a testimony of my earnest desire
to be useful to them after my departure.

I wish, indeed, that they may both undertake to endeavour
the execution of the project, because I think that, though
unforeseen difficulties may arise, expedients will be found to
remove them, and the scheme be found practicable. If one
of them accepts the money, with the conditions, and the
other refuses, my will then is, that both Sums be given to the
inhabitants of the city accepting the whole, to be applied to
the same purposes, and under the same regulations directed
for the separate parts; and, if both refuse, the money of
course remains in the mass of my Estate, and is to be disposed
of therewith according to my will made the Seventeenth day
of July, 1788.

I wish to be buried by the side of my wife, if it may be, and
that a marble stone, to be made by Chambers, six feet long,

So8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

four feet wide, plain, with only a small moulding round the
upper edge, and this inscription :

Benjamin ^
And \ Franklin

Deborah J

178-
to be placed over us both. My fine crab-tree walking-stick,
with a gold head curiously wrought in the form of the cap of
liberty, I give to my friend, and the friend of mankind, General
Washington. If it were a Sceptre, he has merited it, and
would become it. It was a present to me from that excellent
woman, Madame de Forbach, the dowager Duchess of
Deux-Ponts, connected with some verses which should go
with it. I give my gold watch to my son-in-law, Richard
Bachey and also the goM watch chain of the Thirteen United
States, which I have not yet worn. My timepiece, that
stands in my library, I give to my grandson William Temple
Franklin, I give him also my Chinese gong. To my dear
old friend, Mrs. Mary Hewson, I give one of my silver tank*
ards marked for her use during her life, and after her decease
I give it to her daughter Eliza. I give to her son, William
Hewsony who is my godson, my new quarto Bible, Oxford
edition, to be for his family Bible, and also the botanic de-
scription of the plants in the Emperor's garden at Vienna, in
folio, with coloured cuts.

And to her son, Thomas Hewsony 1 give a set of Spectators^
Toiler Sy and Guardians handsomely bound.

There is an error in my will, where the bond of William
Temple Franklin is mentioned as being four thousand pounds
sterling, whereas it is but for three thousand five hundred
pounds.

THE LIFE OF BEN/AM/AT FRANKLIN^ 509

I give to my execuiors^ to be divided equally among those
that act, the sum of sixty pounds sterling, as some compensa-
tion for their trouble in the execution of my will; and I
request my friend, Mr. Duffiddy to accept moreover my
French wa)rweiser, a piece of clockwork in Brass, to
be fixed to the wheel of any carriage; and that my
friend, Mr. HiU^ may also accept my silver cream pot,
formerly given to me by the good Doctor Fothergill, with
the motto. Keep bright the Chain. My reflecting telescope,
made by Short, which was formerly Mr. Canton's, I give
to my friend, Mr. David Rittenhause^ for the use of his
observatory.

My picture, drawn by Martin, in 1767, 1 give to the Supreme

Executive Council of Pennsylvania, if they shall be pleased

to do me the honour of accepting it and placing it in their

rhamber. Since my will was made I have bought some more

:ity lots, near the centre part of the estate of Joseph Dean.

would have them go with the other lots, disposed of in my

dll, and I do give the same to my Son-in-law, Richard Bache,

3 his heirs and assigns forever.

In addition to the annuity left to my sister in my will,

F fifty pounds sterling during her life, I now add thereto

n pounds sterling more, in order to make the Sum sixty

>unds. I give twenty guineas to my good friend and physi-

in, Dr. John Jones.

With regard to the separate bequests made to my daughter
irah in my will, my intention is, that the same shall be for
r sole and separate use, notwithstanding her coverture, or
lether she be covert or sole ; and I do give my executors so
ich right and power therein as may be necessary to render
' intention effectual in that respect only. This provision

510 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

for my daughter is not made out of any disrespect I have for
her husband.

And lastly, it is my desire that this, my present codidl, be
annexed to, and considered as part of, my last will aiwi testa-
ment to all intents and purposes.

In witness whereof, I have hereimto set my hand
and Seal this twenty-third day of June, Anno
[Seal.] Domini one thousand Seven hundred and eighty
nine.

B. Franklin.
Signed, sealed, published, and declared by the above
named Benjamin Franklin to be a codicil to his last will and
testament, in the presence of us.

Francis Bailey,

Thomas Lang,

Abraham Shoemaker.

LIST OF CORRESPONDENTS

WITH LETTERS TO THEM ARRANGED IN ORDER OF DATE

Adams,

, John

Alexander, Miss

No.

Vol.

Pack

No.

Vol.

Page

981

April

3

1779

VII

277

^33'

June 34 1783 VIII

458

984

April

8

380

99X

April

31

—

287

Alexander, Willdui

996
1006

I033

April

May

June

24
10

5

—

—

295
3M
354

1263
1773

Dec. IS 1 781 VIII
Oct. 36 1789 X

346
45

II03

"53

April
Oct.

31

3

1780

VIII

57
145

Alleyne, John

"54

Oct.

8

—

146

481

[Aug. 9 1768] V

156

ii6a

Nov.

13

—

166

• ■ •

Oct. 15 1773 X

378

1 167

Nov.

30

—

—

177

1 188

Feb.

33

1781

—

311

Aranda. Don Pedro Pablo Abarca

1 198

April

7

235

Y Boleo, Conde d'

I30X

1207

Abril
May

29
II

,

_^M

341
348

835

April 7 1777 VII

40

13X4
X3I9

May
June
June

19
II

^^^

360
368

Arnaud

1323

30

—

373

See Abb^ Chalut and Arnaud.

1234

Aug.

6

—

—

391

1348

Oct.

13

—

316

Arthaud, Dr.

1257
1259

Nov.
Dec.

36

6

331

337

1646

July 9 1786 IX

526

1363
1265

Dec.
Dec.

14

17

^.^

■

341
347

Austin, Jonathan Loring

1373

Tan.
Feb.

II

1783

—

357

1050

Oct. 30 1779 VII

403

1285

13

—

—

378

1398

March

31

—

406

Authors op the Journal of Paris

UI5

April
April

13
30

1 ,

438
473

1490

[March 30 1784] IX

183

I318

April
April

30
31

'■

478
430

Babcock, Dr. Joshua

I319

Apnl
May

33
8

«MMM

432
487

572

Jan. 13 1773 V

361

June
Oct.
Tan.
March

3

—

521

Bache, Benjamin Franklin

1366

1387
1493

IS

19

1783
1784

IX

617

8

190

1030
1380

Aug 19 1779 VII
Jan. 35 1783 VIII

368
372

1530

Aug.

6

—

250

Bache, Richard

1686

May

18

1787

585

610

Oct. 7 1773 V

441

Adams, John Quincy

723

Feb. 17 1774 VI

193

992

April

31

1779

VII

388

754
837

Sept. 30

April 14 1777 VII

348
43

Adams.

Samuel

1016

Tune 3 1779 —

343

»

1017

June 3 — —

344

^77

March

3

1778

VII

114

1243

Sept. IS 1781 VIII

304

See also Thomas Gushing and others. |

1540

Nov. II 1784 IX

378

5"

512

UST OF CORRESPONDEtrrS

Bache, Mft. AND Mrs. Richakd
No. Vol. Pace

885 March 31 1778 VII 126

1565 May 10 1785 IX 327

Bache, Mrs. Sarah

38^

Nov.

8

1764

IV

578

Jan.

29

177a

658

April

6

1773

VI

IOI8

June

3

1779

VII

1476

Jan.

a6

1784

IX

Bancropt, Edward

896 April 16 1778 vn

1667 Nov. 26 1786 IX

1357
1438

M33
1446

145 1
145a
1456

Banks, Sir Joseph

Sept. 9 178a vin

July 27 1783 IX

Aug. 30 — —

Oct. 8 — —

Nov. 21 — —

Dec. I — —

Dec. IS — —

Barclay, David
1184 Feb. la 1781 VIII

Barclay, Thomas

1286 Feb. 12 1782 VIII
1573 June 19 1785 IX

Bard, Mr. and Mrs. John
16x3 Nov. 14 1785 IX

Baron, M.

931 [Nov. ao 1778J VII
934 Nov. a I — —

Barry, John

1278 Jan. a4
1284 Feb. zo

178a VIII

494

505
516

558
602
611
640

394
703

Bartram, John
9 1769 V

9
xz

17
aa

17
10

1770 —

1771 —
>772 --

1773 VI

Baskerville, John

Sept.

ai

1760
1773

IV
VI

a86

376

3a
346
161

141
550

592
73
79

"3
no

ao6

379
343

476

aox
ao2

370
377

191
aai

245
334
432

443
8

86
125

Beccaria,

GlAlfBATISTA

No.

Vou

Pack

Z^l

July 13
May 29

1762

IV

163

416

1766

—

457

485

Sept. 2x

1768

V

16s

696

Aug. 11

1773

VI

112

734

March ao

1774

—

a 20

Z060

Nov. 19

1779

VII

417

1187

Feb. 19

1781

VIII

aii

Beckwith, Major-General John

1007

3»5

May 17 1779 VII

Bedford, Mrs. Jennie
April 9 1773 VI

Benezet, Anthony

Aug. 22 177a V
Feb. 10 1773 VI
July 14 — —

Bernard, Sir Francis
Jan. II 1764 IV
Bernstorff, Andres Peder, Comte
X063 Dec. aa 1779 VII 4ao

66a

601
641
688

357

36

431

9

xoa

ai4

Berthier, Joseph-Etienne
453 Jan- 3* *768 V

1 66a

"55

581
1090

911

M34

• • •

1440
1443

1450
1467

BiDDLE, Charles
Nov. a 1786 IX

BoHLEN, Madame de
Nov. a I 1 781 VIII

Bond, Thomas

Feb. 5 177a V
March z6 1780 VIII

Borel, a.
June 34 X778 VII

Boudinot, Elias

Aug.
Sept.
Sept.
Sept.
Nov.
Dec.

3»
10

*3
a7

X
36

1783 IX
— IX

93

545

3»9

384
37

x6:

86

3<)7
96

xoi

1 10

X46

Boulainvilliers, Madame de
Without date X 453

Bouquet, Colonel Henry

346 April 14 1757 III 383

373 Aug. x6 X764 IV 352

377 Sept. 30 — — a67

LIST OF CORRESPONDE^rrS

S»3

BouitBON, Don Gabriel, Prince of
No. Vol. Pack

79a Dec I a 1775 VI 436

BowixuN, James

191

Sept.

5

1751

in

5»

130

Jan.
Feb.

»4

175a

—

73

ISO

28

»753

—

122

>5a

April

12

—

125

i6a

Oct.

x8

—

—

163

173

Dec.

»3

—

—

191

372

Dec.

2

1758

—

461

506

it

»3

1769

V

222

540

5

1771

— —

297

571

Jan.
Feb.

«3

1772

— —

358

767

as

1775

VI

309

i6z6

Jan.
May

X

1786

IX

478

1726

3»

1788

—

652

BSADFORD, TBOMAS

775 May x6 1775 VI

BiAV, Dr.
1542 Nor. 29 1784 DC

BsiDGEN, Edward
1043 Oct. 9 1779 VII

1579 July 4 1785 EC

Brillon, Madams

1058 Nov. 10 1779 VII

. . . (April 1781] X

1268 Dec. 25 178X Vin

1494 March 31 1784 IX

1720 April 19 1788 —

^thout date X

402

280

3«'
3S3

414

4x7

3SO
191

643
412
414
426
429

431
431
432
434
43S
436
437

»53

20

Brownricg, William
713 NofT. 7 1773 VI

BucHAN, Earl of
1398 March 17 1783 IX

BupFON, Georges Louis Lxclerk,

COMTE DE

1706 Nov. 19 1787 IX

BURDETT, P. P.

697 Aug. 21 X773 VI

VOL. X — 2L

622

"3

Burke, Edmund
No. Vol.

X250 Oct. IS 1781 VIII

1727

Byles, Mather
June I 1788 IX

Pags

319

^SS

Cabanis, Pierre Jean Georges

1036 Sept. 19 1779 VII 375

1037 See Note — — 376
1 136 June 30 1780 VIII X15

Cadet de Vaux, Antoine-Fran^ois
X558 April 28 1785 DC

Caetieri, Jean-Jacqxtes
1575 June 20 X785 IX

Caldamx, Leopold M.
1322 April 96 1782 VIII

307

346

43S

Campomanes, Pedro Rodriguez,

CONDE DE

1510 June 5 1784 IX

361
394
439
445

1652
"730

IIOO

II26

II82
1199
1237
1277
1458
1536

ISS4

Canton, John

March 14 1764 IV

May 29 1765 —

Aug. 25 1767 V

Nov. 27 [1767] —

Carey, Mathew

Aug. 10 1786 IX
June 10 1788 —

Carmichael, William
March 31 1780 VIII

June

Jan.

April

Aug.

Jan.

Dec.

Oct.

March

17
27

12

84

«3

IX
22

1 781

1782

1783
1784
X785

IX

921

218
370

45
69

533
660

5^

98

203

•94

367
X26

274
301

Carroll of Carrollton, Charles

1013
1760

1 183
1566

Tune
May

2
95

1779
1789

VII
X

Castries, Marquis de

Tan.
May

28
16

178X
1785

VIII
IX

337

7

205
3^8

Chalut and Arnaud, Abbes
1677 April 17 X787 IX 569

SH

LIST OF CORRESPONDENTS

Chambers, Benjamin, and the Other

Gentlemen of Chambersburgh
No. . Vol. Pack

Z733 Sept. ao 1788 IX 664

Champigny, Chevalier de
917 July 94 1778 VII x8i

Chappe d'Auteroche, Abb£
452 Jan. 31 1768 V 9a

Chardon, Daniel-Marc-Antoine
973 March 19 1779 VII 265

Charles, Robert
338 Feb. I X7S7 III

Chase, Samuel
1471 Jan. 6 1784 IX

Chastellux, Chevalier de

6 178a VIII
x7 1787 IX

Chaumont, Donatien Le Ray de

10 1779 VII

ao 1 785 IX

7 X786 —
aa X787 —

Chaumont Fils, Donatien Le Ray de

X30S April
X676 Apnl

1005 May

1606 Oct.

x66o Oct.

1 704 Oct.

367

15a

415
567

313
469

542
6ao

1774
1785

Oct.
Nov.

31
14

1789 X
1789 —

46

70

Chaumont, Mlle. Le Ray de
1659 Oct. 7 X786 IX

1605
1683
1748
1793

x66

1615
X73a

1653

670

Childs, Francis

Oct. I 1785 IX

May 8 X787 —

Nov. 19 X788 —

March 10 X790 ^

Clap, Thomas

Nov. 8 1753 III

Jan.
July

Clinton, George

X 1786 IX
xo 1788 —

Cocke, William
Aug. xa X786 IX

Colden, Alexander
June a X773 VI

54X

468

580

68a

86

X69

477
663

534

54

No.

40

Colden, Cadwaliader

Vol.

Pack

49
51
64

65
68

71
74

78
X06

"5
135
136

X48
163
X7a

177

17x9

49a

59
60

66
67
79
93
94

95
96

99
00

19

44

59
6x

67

li

87
90

91
a9

23 X

3a

36

333

366

375
433

Nov. 4

1743

11

340

April 5

1744

—

276

Aug. 15
Nov. a8

X745

a84

—

390

No date

1747

317

Aug. 6

—

3"

Oct, X

—

—

333

Nov. a 7

—

—

354

Jan. a7
Sept. a9

1748

—

357

—

—

l^^

June a8
No date

X750

Ill

7

X751

—

34

April a3
May x4

175a

___

8}

87

Sept. 14

—

—

97

Jan. X
Oct. 2^

1753

—

"5

—

—

163

Dec. 6

—

X90

Aug. 30

1754

—

287

Collas, Mrs.
April xa 1788 IX

Collinson, Michael

1768 or 1769 [Date
uncertain) V

CoLUNSoN, Peter

March 28 X747 II

July IX — —

Aug. 14 — —

Sept. I — —

Oct. x8 1748 —

April a9 X749 —

»749 —
uly 87 X750 —

uly a9 — —

i75o(?)—
X750 —

ax 175X III

19 175a --

June a6 X753 —

Sei

J

May
Oct.
[une
;pt.
Nov.
April
Dec.
June
Aug.
Aug.
Nov.
Nov.
Dec.
Jan.
Dec.
April

x8 1754 —

a9 — —

a6 1755 —

aj _ —

27 »755 —

5 1756 —

22

X9 — —

3» 1757 —

7 x76a IV

la X764 —

April 30 — —

Sept. a4 — —

July X3 1767 V

64J

185

3«»
30a

324
3»5
364

396
41X

433
4a6

456

460

48

99

X46

148

171
X93
a4X

273
370

345

351

%

1 8a

841
2K2

a6o

34

UST OF CORRESPONDENTS

5'5

Commercial Commiitze op Congress
No. Vou Pagb

1052 Oct. 21 1779 VII 405

Commissioners in Canada
800 May 9^ 1776 VI 448

Commissioners of the Navy for

THE Eastern Department,

Boston

1048 Oct 17 1779 VII

398

Committee of Correspondence in
Massachusetts

550 May
568 Jan.

IS 1771 V
13 177a —

3»7
350

Committee of Correspondence in
Pennsylvania

466 March 13 1768 V

467 April i6 — —

X18

Committee of Foreign Affairs

943 Tan. iq 1770 VII a 18

1008 Mi

lay

15 1779 VII
a6 — —

317

Committee of Merchants in Phila-
delphia

504 July 9 1769 V

aao

Committee of Secret Correspond-
ence

8x3 Dec. 8 1776 VI 476

816 Jan. 4 1777 VII 9

CoNDORCET, Marie- Jean,
Marquis de

735 March ao 1774 VI aax

854 Oct. I a 1777 VII 67

Conway, Madame
974 March 2$ 1779 VII a66

Conyngham, Captain Gustavus

1061 Nov. aa 1779 VII 418

1283 Feb. 6 178a VIII 375

CooMBE, Rev. Thomas

660 April 6 1773 VI 34

74a July aa 1774 — 233

Cooper, Sir Grey

858 Dec. IX 1777 VII 76

1161 Nov. 7 1780 Vm 165

No.

Cooper, Dr. Samuel

Vol.

Feb.

34

1769

V

April

a7

—

Sept.

30

—

—

April

14

1770

8

—

30

—

Feb.

5

1771

, an.

13

177a

, uly

7

1773

VI

1 ."[y

as

—

—

Feb.

25

1774

May

1

1777

VII

Oct.

a7

X777

March

16

X780

VIII

X466

Dec.

May 15

iune a8

>ec. 26

Dec. 2t

1781 —

178a —

178a —

1783 IX

Page
196
ao3
a3x

354
a59

385
a98

354

89
107

ao3

55
407

38
x8a
356

558
648
144

Council of the Massachusetts
State, Honourable

861 Dec. a9 1777 VII 79

xoai June 4 17 79 — 353

Court de Gebeun, Antoine
xao6 May 7 X781 VIII a46

103 1

Cramer, Mr.
Aug. 19 1779 VII

369

Crevecceur, Michel Guillaume
Jean de

1338 Sept. a X781 VIII
ia45 Sept. ai — —

1783 IX

X7H3 AA
16 1788 —

297
307
147
636

1468

17x6 Feb.

Crigan, Claudius
X580 July 5 X785 IX 353

Crocco, Giacomo Francesco
1459 I^ec- 15 1783 IX xa8

Croghan, George
437 Aug. 5 X767 V 39

Crowley, Thomas
486 Oct. ai [1768] V x66

CuLLEN, Dr. Wiluam
305 Oct. ax 176X IV 116

Cummings,

Su Joseph Wharton, «tc.

^,r or CORK^-^""^

c,o»«o. •""■{I,

.^ Dec- '
• Nov.

6,8 Feb. .* '"3 ""

Pies
U9

6.7 V«=-

til ttr

656

Mar

.773 «

DAWSOH. M^JO*
gl 38, Mar •» '"•'"' ""

DEANE. SI"*

. 1776 VI *

™ 5^'- -
,05 Sept. '.

7,6 Much i

737 AP'^l

739 '^P"'

111 Ji^*

746 i"'^

747 Sept.
',5' Sept.
7S3 Sep*-

755 O'*-

756 Oct.
',64 J"

S« •

131

64'
874

May

I

M- I* ■' "" "

1 Ship " ^"-l", Ibe Said Sww . »'
OrncEES or

^'°"C. , ,,80 vni »«

K- ■' "4i - 11-
C >' '"' ' "'

DICEWSO". Jo»»
Mud. .! ""» ■*

„„„..I...B-" ,

566

1 6.4 D"- "

"S -

1769 -

1770 _

1773 "

irn z

•"6 -,
1779 vu

LIST OF CORRESPOJ^DEirrS

5>7

Na
907

477
791

894

934

951
971

X072

1098

1099

1 104

xzx8

X139

XX43

"51
Z156

1172

X178

1x97

iao5

1935
1336

"53
xa66

I3«4
139a
M77

480
534
591
594
1739
»739

Du CosQUER, Georgeun

Vol
[June II 1778] VII

DXTMAS, C. W. F.

July
Dec.
April

fee-

March

Tan.

March

March

April
une
une
uly

Oct.

Oct.

Dec.

Jan.

April

May

Aug.

Aug.

Nov.

Dec.

May

Feb.

Feb.

as

9
10

aa

19
x8

27

29

30
^3

5

22
26

a
9

.1

7

4

6

10

8

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1768

1775
1778

1778]
1779

V

VI
VII

1780 vin

X781 —

X78a —
X783 IX
1784 —

Du Pont de Nemours

July

Oct.

June

Aug.

June

Oct.

aS

a

IS
xa

9
a4

X768 V

X770 —

177a •—

X788 IX

Pacs

x6o

150
43|

189

779 — «3i

— — aOa

3

49

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60

81

«05
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141

183

«95

235

845
393

^93
3«8

348
447

15
168

405
409

658

671

Edes, Mrs. Caroline
1261 Dec. 13 1781 VIII 339

Editor of the Federal Gazette

1755 1788 IX

1794 March 23 1790 X

393

Editor of a Newspaper
May ao [1765] IV

698
87

367

Editor or the Pennsylvania Ga-
zette

[On tk€ Abuse 0/ the Press,]
X718 March 30 1788 IX 639

1746

Elam, Joseph
Nov. xo 1788 IX

680

Now
16x1
X709

6x
9»

Elbert, Samuel

Vol.
Nov. 5 1785 IX
Dec. x6 X787 —

Euot, Jared

iuly x6 1747 II
>ate uncertain

See Note —

103 Feb. 13 X750 III

as — —

la 1751 —

xo — —

24 — —

4 X75a —

" 1753 —

3 — —

31 »755 —

I — —

XX3 Oct.

X22 Sept.

126 Dec.

127 Dec.
131 Feb.
151 April
154 May
X92 Aug.

X93 Sept.

Page

474
625

310

383

I

30
5a
58
60

77

Vd

279
281

Elsevier, A.

See J. Rocquette and Brothers
Rocquette.

Elwood
See under MM. Hills.

710

1034

1675

415

429

457

509

531
54a

556
559
582

Enoraver, To An
Nov. 3 1773 VI

Epp» Charles
Aug. 27 X779 VII

ESTAING, COMTE d'

April 15 1787 X
Evans, Dr. Cadwallader

9

1766

IV

5

X767

V

20

X768

7

1769

—

a7

1770

—

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4
x8

1771

^■^

-—

—

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177a

149

371

566

455

a4

xox

326
271
304

335
388

Evening Serald^ To the Printer

OF THE

1710 IX 627

EwiNG, Rev. John
530 Aug. 27 1770 V 270

Falconer, Captain Nathaniel

X783 IX

1433

1430
1669

Dc

une 18 1753 lA 54

ly 28 — — 77

cc 16 Z786 ^ 552

US7 OF CORRESPONDENTS

FnAKCIEU, Gaetano

Vei.

Pacb

Fau

368

Sept.

6

1758

Ill

45'

Jan. 11 .783 ix""
Oct -4 1787 -

Mkr.

5

,760

IV

618

>88

395

1760

FUBAUX AND GftAND

303

Sept.

1761

Oct. a8 1779 VII

409

347

Dec.

;s

ijja
"763

~z.

«j

FLAmvnxE, Miss

i^

9

»7

.764

Z

188

Oct. »3 1788 IX

»7

3S8

Feb.

9

1765

358

3B9

eb.

FtEDKV, MASQUIS DE

397

381

Feb. »6 1780 vm

z

'3

";

[May .780] -

7'

408

eb.

Feb.

>7

.766

z

408
409

FoBBACH, Madame

April

6

Wilhout date X

44S

<»

fe

'3

z

z

i

FoTHEBGlLi, Da. John

436

s

's

1767

V

3'

37

Maich 14 1764 IV

455

13

1768

95

June 19 .780 VIII

.64

4SS

Oct.
Dec.

5

z

'S.

FOUKNtEl THE YODNGEB

1770

»64

May 4 ij8o VIII

6a

S3S

3

I77>

X

.87

Fox, Chaues James

S5»
!6i

e-

5

177'

V

'A

May 10 178. VIII

494

76

l°y

177J

37>

Sept. 5 .783 IX

86

3S8

5

39*

FoxcROFT, John

fX

£.

~

z

408
4S7

Feb. 4 177a V
July .4 .773 VI
Feb. 18 1774 -

"97

637
639

647
678

an.
eb.
Feb.

6

1773

VI

H

Fraheun, Mrs. Abiah

7"

18

'774

z

ii8

Sept. 1 1749 11

378

743

j5y

*34

Oct. 16 — —

April I) 1750 111

3

Feankun

Miss

JANK

Frankun, Mrs. DeBoKxa

5« Mn. J

aneM

ecom.

Dec. »7 >755 "I

3«>

Franklin. To

an. IS 1756 —

3=3

48

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11

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an. 30 — —

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33'

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8

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III

1 03

r; % - -

33"

Franklin, Jobn,

WiLUAM Hooker

^al i '= =

378

Smith. ai
CouNat

°

John

JENT

INS. W

395

.638

June

M

i;85

IX

S'S

£' n ~ ~

419

Franklin, Josiah

\ll: W 1758 -

::?

19

April

'3

1738

II

.14

k \~ ^

4a9

Frank UN

Josiah a

ND Abiah

438

47

Sept.

6

1744

II

t8i

UST OF CORRESPONDENTS

5«9

Frankun, Mrs. Maky

Vol.
^ug. a6 1766 IV

FSANKUN, PeTEK

Ma^ 7 1760 IV

See Note 176a —
See Note V

Fkankxjn, Samuel

17 1767 V

8 1770 —

za 1771 —

13 i77« —

7 1773 —

Franklin, Sasah

See Mrs. Sarah Bache.

Franklin, William

w

July

Aug.

Nov. 25

Dec. 19

Jan. 9

March 13

April 16

; July a

\ April ao

)

Jan.

30

5

Aug.

17

5

Aug.

19

7

Aug.

»9

3

Nov.

3

3

Dec.

a

4

Feb.

14

i7

April

6

(6

July

14

)5

Aug.

3

)9

Sept.

I

^8

Oct.

6

la

Nov.

3

16
iS

Jan.
Feb.

5

a

25

Feb.

18

■ •

June
Sept.

30

48

7

-72

May

7

i"

Aug.

16

1753 jn

1767 V

1767 —

1768 —

I77I —
177a —

1773 VI

Page

460

X4
186

5*9

35

333

370

95

1774 ~

— X

— VI

1775 —

1784 IX

Franklin, William Temple

778 Tunc 13 1775 VI

807 Sept. 19 1776 —

808 Sept. aa 1776 —
935 Nov. a6 1778 VII
351 Oct. 23 1 78 1 VIII
539 Aug. aj 1784 IX
1532 Sept, 8 — —
1534 Sept. 13 — —
'535 Oct. a — —
1538 Oct. 18 — - —

147

45

65

74

89

"3
lai

14a

^^\
378

410

411
41a

461
la

30
96

no

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144

15a

173
176

197
a74
a39

399
^12

405
467
468
203

321
a68

a 70

273

274

277

No.
86a

1053

"4

790

430
438
446

451
456
464

473
476
603
621
638
649

659
711

724

757
768

Friend, A

Vou
[1777] VII

Friend in Ameuca
Oct. 25 1779 VII

Friend in Boston
Dec. 25 1750 III

Friend in England
Oct. 3 1775 VI

Galloway, Joseph

V

Page

80

406

June

•i

1767

Aug.

Dec.

X

—

Jan.
Feb.

9
>7

1768

March

»3

—

May

14

July

a

—

Aug.

22

177a

Dec.

2

Jan.
Feb.

6
14

1773

April

6

—

Nov.

4»

—

Feb.

x%

1774

Oct.

za

Feb.

25

1775

VI

32

430

25
40

71
90

97
III

134
148

43

45

5
18

Zl

151
194

252

3"

Gant, Edward
Su Mason Weems and Edward Gant.

245

1745

803

lOIZ

1083

Garden, Dr. Alexander
April 14 1757 III

Gardoqui, Don Diego
Oct. 26 1788 IX

Gates, General Horatio

Aug. a8 1776 VI

iune a 1779 VII
larch 5 X780 VIII

381

679

451
27

GateUter, To the Printer op the
a 1766 IV

463

827

1025

Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
March

14 — —

x5 — —

8 X 768 V

Germain, Lord George
Feb. 7 1777 VII

Gillon, Alexander
July 5 1779 VII

395
397
398
xzo

22

36a

520

UST OF CORRESPONDENTS

GSAND, ]

Ferdinand

Vol.

Pack

July 3
Oct. 14

1778

VII,

»73
190

Nov. 3

—■

_

198

July as
Oct. ao

i7«S

IX

368

—

•—

471

Tan. a9
March 5

1786

—""

48a
49a

March ao

—

—

497

July IX

5*7

Aug. 15

—

—

536

April a a

1787

575

Oct. aa

6x9

Oct a4

1788

—

677

No.

9x4

925

930

159a
x6o8

1619

x6a4

x6a7

1648

1655
x68x

1703
174a

Grand Pensionary of Holland
See Van Berckel, £. P.

Grantham, Earl of
1358 Sept. XX X78a VIII 594

Greene, Governor William

349 July 19 1763 IV ao5

loao June 4 X779 VII 351
i6oa §ept. ao 1785 IX 405

Greene, Mrs. Catherine

x8a

194
197
aa8
a4a

337
350
35a
359
87s
«307
«757

March

Sept.

Oct.

Aug.

March

Jan.

Aug.

Sept.

Feb.

Feb.

April

March

4

IX

x6
a6

3

'3

X

5

15
a8

7

a

X755 ni

1756

1757
1763

1764
1778
X78a
X789

IV

VII

vin

X

Grenvills, Hon. Mr.
May 3x 178a VIII

Gridley, Joseph
Su Joseph Wharton, etc.

Grittin, Cyrus

109a March x6 X780 VIU
1 75 1 Nov. a9 X788 IX

245
a8a

a88
344
378
x88

»05
ao7

ai5
xia

4x9
3

520

686

GxTiLLOTiN, Dr. Joseph Icnacs

1733 May 4 1788 IX
X737 Oct. a3 — —

Hall, David

a74 A^jril 8 X759 III
X4 1765 IV
"1?. 9 X768 V

391

Feb.

648
669

473
159

Hancock, Thomas
No. Vou Pi

X95 Sept. II X755 lU 985

Hancock, John

8ia Dec. 8 1776 VI

8x9 Jan. ao 1777 VH

xao8 May 14 1781 VHI

X246 SepL ax — —

473
xa

«49

;o8

See also Thomas Gushing axid othexs.

Hare-Naylor, Mrs. Geoxoiana

608 Sept. a6 X77a V 438

1x55 Oct. 8 X780 Vm X48
xaoa Date

uncertain 1781 — a4a

X475 Jaa. ^5 «784 IX 159

855 Oct. 14

868 Feb. la

873 Feb. a6

897 No date

903 May

908 June

915 July

9ax SepL

933 Sept

9a7 Oct.

939 Oct.

936 Nov.

944 Jan.

948 Feb.

9Sa Feb.

953 Feb. %%

975 March ax

:oo3 May

073 Feb.

:47a

497
509
546

58a
609

Hartley. David

1777 vn

1778 —

!l = =

»3
3
14
ao
a6
39

as

3

X779 —

4 —

073 reo. a

aa3 Tunc 30

a64 Dec X5

873 Jan- '5

a87 Feb. x6

399 March 31

.304 April 5

:3X4 April X3

[3x6 April X4

May 13

:337 July 10

;36i Sept. 17

:40a March at

4x3 May 8
436 Sept.
447 Oct.
449 Oct.

Jan.

April
une

X780 vm
178X —

15 — —

X78a —

1783 IX

Tunc
Jan.
July
Oct.

uly
— , Jet.
786 Dec.

6
16
aa

7

17

a

3

5
a7

4

X784 —
1785 —
1789 X

68
lox
X07

143

x88
193

«94
003
a 19
aa6
a3J

367

309

4
a73

^\

408

413
4*7
4*9
500

a6
40

87
107
109

196
ax9
t84
359
47*
7«

UST OF CORRESPONDENTS

521

Hawkiswosih, John

Vol.
fay 8 1772 X

Hazaed, Ebenezsx
)ec. a6 1783 DC

Haiakd, Samuel
.pril II 1757 ni

Heathcote, Joseph
Tm under Henry Royle.

EBERDEN, DR. WiLLIAM

line 7 1759 ni

Helt, Thoicas
'ee under Henry Royle.

Helvetius, Madame

Without

date i778(?) VTI

ithoutdate X

ily 19 1785 IX

ily a7 — —

ct. ao — —

prU 23 1788 —

ct. as — —

Henry, Patrice

!b. 26 1779 ^^

^ERSCHEL, William
ay 18 1787 DC

[EwsoN, Mrs. Mary
ay 4 1759 ni

ay

ay

ne
pt.

X

17
II

»3

1760 IV

arch 30 1 761 —
ig. 10 — —

pt.

ao 1761] —
29

irch 8 1762 —

irch 22 — —

ne 7 — —

g. II — —

irch 2$ 1763 —

ne 10 — —

irch 14 1764 —

ne 17 1767 V

Dt. 14 — —

t. 28 1768 —

ne 27 1769 —

Dt. a — —
:. evening

)ast ten [1769] —

1. aa 1770 —

279

140

379

479

204

441

364

37a

470
646

678

•38

584

47«
10

18

ao

26

97
108

III
117
148

U9

158

173

193
201

2X6

30
48

179

ax9
224

234
246

No.

5*3

5*9

56s
782

817
822

U13
I3»7
1330
1350
1390
1408

1437
1465

1487
1521
1561

1577
1578
1594
x6xo

1635
1636

u

May

uly
~ov.
uly
an.
an.
April

June
une
Aug.
Jan.
April
Sept.
Dec.
March
Aug.
May

une

uly

ufy
ct.
May
May

31
S4

2

1770

Vou
V

Pags

M

I

12
26

»3

17

»7

26

7
a6

>9

«5

5
a6

4
a6

'I

1771 —

X77S VI

1777 vn

x78a Vin

1783 EC

1784 —

1785 —

1786 —
30 — —

HiLLEGAS, Michael
520 March 17 1770 V

345
410

10

»S
426

450

%

XI

36
89

181

»5i

322

351
3Sa
370
473
510

350

Hills, MM., Parses, Adams, Deoge,
Buckley, Elwood, and Warren.
Officers on Board the Alliance

960 March 11 1779 VII 243

HiNMAN, EUSHA

See under Thomas Thompson.

X071

"95
1300

1326
1455

1055
iS9»

1445

10x9
1086

1244
1382

ai8

Hodgson, William

Jan. ao 1780 VIII

April I 1781 —

March 31 1782 —

May 27 — —

Dec. 10 1783 DC

HoLXER, Jean

Oct. 28 X779 vn
July 25 1785 DC

HoLus, Thomas Brand
Oct. 5 1783 DC

HopKiNSON, Francis

June 4 1779 VII

larch 6 1780 VIII

Sept. 13 1781 —

Dec. 24 1782 —

HoRSFiELD, Timothy
March x 1756 HI

I

a3i
408

449
1*4

409
367

103

350
31

647

330

522

LIST OF CORRESPONDENTS

D'HouDETOT, Madame
No. Vou Page

[Feb. 1788] X 448

Howe, Lord

Feb. ao 1775 VI 387

July 30 1776 — 458

Sept. 8 — — 463

1525 Aug. 18 1784 IX 258

Hubbard, Miss £.
Stt Partridge, Mrs. Elizabeth.

Hubbard, Thomas
264 April 28 1758 III 435

158

280
403

Huey, Joseph
June 6 1753 in

Hughes, John

Jan.
Aug.

7
9

1760 IV
1765 —

Hume, Davh)

291 Sept. 27 1760
310 Tan. 24 1762
318 May 19 —

IV

199
1664

Hunter, Coxx)N£l William

Oct. 16
Nov. 24

I7S5
1786

in

IX

HtWTiNGTON, Samuel

1780 VIII

1781 —

605

867

882
909

HusKE, John
Sept. 6 1772 V

Feb.
Feb.
March
June

HuTTON, James

1778 VII

I
12
24
33

7

178a VIII

M3

7
39 »

82
127

155

290
547

22

69
72

78
119

124

x8o

i8s

217

252

267

284

301

43S

98
zox
laa
i6a
561

No.

707

733
840

865

1247

1414

1473

1559

1598
1 641

"^'§
1738

335

866
883
942

156

X22X
1225
Z226
X227
X229

622

Ingenhousz, Jan
Vol.

Sept. 30 X773 VI

March x8 1774 —

[April 26 X777] VII

Aug. 1777 —

Oct. 2 X781 vin

May x6 1783 DC

Jan. 16 1784 —

April 29 X785 —

Aug. 28 1785 —

27 1786 —

II 1788 —

24 — —

June

Feb.

Oct.

Ingersoll, Jared
Dec. II 1762 IV

Izard, Ralph

Jan. 29 1778 Vn
larch 30 — —
Jan. 4 1779 —

Jackson, Richard
May 5 X7S3 HI

Jackson, Wiluam

28 1781 vni

une
^ uly
] uly
] uly

uly

5

I

xo

James, Abel
Dec. a 1772 V

141
219

47
88

309
41
»55
307
413

033
670

185

97

«a3

ai6

^Zl

«7i
^74

»75

276

a8i

460

James, Abel, and Benjamin Morgan

642 Feb. 10 X773 VI 10

654 March 15 — — ay

690 July 14 — — 104

341

38a

55
9a

14a

200

•3«

«73
36a

364
39«
433
434
590
91

150
a87

Jay, John

10x5

June
Oct.

a

1779

Vll

1044

4

—

— ^

IIOX

April

7

1780

vm

1123

June
Oct.

13

'—

—

II52

2

—

—

xi8x

Jan.

27

1781

—

X200

April

12

—

—■

1224

, une

30

— —

—-

1274

an.

1 .

«5

178a

—

1276

an.

»9

—

—

1293

. tiarch

x6

—

—

1320

April

22

—

—

I32I

April

84

—

—

1353

Sept.

4

"—

—

1438

Sept.

xo

1783

IX

1470

Jan.
Feb.

6

1784

—

1548

8

1785

—

LIST OF CORRESPONDENTS

523

No.

1563 May

1600 Sept.

1645 July

1656 Aug.

1731 June

Vol.
xo 1785 IX
19 — —
6 1786 —
34 — —
27 1788 —

Pace

325
463

537
66a

Jay, Mr. and Mrs. John

1506 May 13 1784 IX a 14

1603 Sept. ai 1785 — 466

Jefferson, Thomas

1543 Nov. 33 1784 IX

1628 March ao 1786 —

1680 April 19 1787 —

1796 April 8 1790 X

a8i

499

573
92

Jenifer, Daniel of St. Thomas
ia4a Sept. 13 1781 VIII 303

Jenkins, John

5ee under John Franklin, William
Hooker Smith, etc.

Johnson, Captain Henry
847 July 22 1777 VII

968

9«3
1064

Johnson, Joshua

March 17 1779 VII
April 8 — —
Dec. 39 — —

Ste Joseph Wharton, etc.
Johnson, D.D., Samuel

60

358
a 79
424

108
109
no
III

laS

139

198
4x9

Aug.

Aug.

Sept.

Oct.

Dec.

July

9

23

X3

24

a

1750 III

1751 —
175a —

Johnson, Sir William

Oct. 16 1755 III
Sept. xa 1766

IV

Johnston, James
643 Feb. xo X773 VI

Johonnot, Samuel Cooper

la
16

19
ao

61
91

a89
461

XI

. . . Tan.
1279 Jan.

7 X78a X 363

as 178a VIII 371

904
90s

9^2

Jones, John Paul

May a7 X778 VII 156

Tune X — — 157

[unc xo — — 158

Jept. 6 — — 187

No.
964

997

037

046
062

077

080

087

093

"5
laa

"5

137
147
166

174
48a

585
694

March

April

July

Oct.

Dec.

Feb.

March

March

March

une

une

une

une

uly
Aug.
Nov.
Dec.
March
July
July

14

27
8

15
6

19

X

8
18

I
xa

17

27

5
12

25
9

4

9
22

1779

X780

1784
1785
1787

Jones, Noble Wymberly

555 July 3 1771
584 April 2 1772

Vol.

Page

VII

253

296

—

364

395

—

419

VIII

14

—

18

32

—

40

78

90

— -

97

XII

X16

136

—

176

—

188

IX

174

—

362

604

[BERLY

V

330

390

X400

Jones, Sir William
March 17 1783 IX

Jordan, Thomas
1684 May 18 1787 IX

24

582

Judges of the Admiralty Court at
Cherbourg

1107 May 16 X780 VIII

279
283
292

308
328

396
427
462

493
496

132
312

Tan.

May

Sept.

Nov.

Aug.

June

April

Feb.

Jan.

Feb.

Kames, Lord

1760 IV

3

3

27

17

2

II

28

I

21

1761
1762

1765
1767

1768

1769

Kinnersley, Ebexezer

March 2 1752 III
March 16 — —
Feb. 20 1762 IV

65

3

II

85
120

174

373
16

107

187

194

78

79

131

Kinsey, Joseph
Set under Samuel Tucker and others.

1761

Kinsey, Philip
May 25 1789 X

524

UST OF CORRESPONDENTS

CONDAIONE

La
No.
1488 March

19

DE La Sabuere

Vol. Pacb
1784 IX i8x

Lafayette, Marquis de

976 March aa 1779 VII a69

ioa9 Aug. 19 — — 366

103 a Aug. a4 — — 370

104a Oct. I — — 380

108 1 March a 1780 VIII ao

iao9 May 14 1781 — aso

1336 July 9 178a — 563

»343 July a4 — — 57i

1360 Sept. 17 — — 595

1678 April 17 1787 IX 569

La Luzerne, Chevalier de

Z085 March 5 1780 VIII 39

Landais, Captain Peter

98s April 8 1779 VII

X047 Oct. 15 — —

Z088 Mait:h la 1780 VIII

iiao June 7 — —

a8x

397

33

85

Landriani, Professor Marsiuo
1701 Oct. 14 1787 IX 617

La Roche, Abbe de

1068 No date VII 434

937 Dec. 7 1778 — ao4

1631 April 1786 IX 50a

1663 Nov. ao — — 546

La Rochefoucauld, Due de-

1674 April IS 1787 IX 563

1734 Oct. \2% 1788] — 665

1747 Nov. 13 1788 — 681

Lathrop, Rev. John
I7as May 31 1788 IX

Laurens, Henry

886 March 31 1778 VII

887 March 31 — —
1311 April I a 178a Vin

April ao —

»334

1425

143a

145

147

Z486

1499
1504

May

Jul?

Aug.
Dec.
Feb.

*^ Z Z

6 1783 IX

ai — —

6 — —

la 1784 —

March xa — —

April a9 — —

May 13 — —

649

"7
ia8

423

475

505
560

58
78

169
178
198

axi

No.
1213

ia69

Laurens, Johx

Vot.
May 17 1781 Via

Laurens, Miss Martha
Dec. a9 1781 Vm

»50

35*

Lavoisier

, Madams

1736

Oct. a3

Z788

IX

667

I.£E, Dr

. Arthuk

831

March az

1777

vn

31

870

Feb. a3

1778

105

881

March 17

131

889

April I

—

—

xa9

891

^ph! 3

13a

89a

^P^! *

—

«32

893

April 6
May 17

m

90a

— ~

~~~

154

941

Tan. 3
March 13

1779

215

961

245

96a

March 13

—

—

S4&

977

March a 7

—

«7»

978

March a 7

—

273

98a
998

April 3
May 3

"^

■ ■■

300

1041

Sept. 30

—•^

379

Lee, Arthur
Stt Samuel Osgood and Arthur Lee.

Lee, General Chaxles

793 Feb. II 1776 VI 438

794 Feb. 19 — — 440

L2X, Richard Heney

1549 Feb. 8 1785 IX a89

1555 April la — — 30a

Lee, Wiluam

878 March a 1778. VII zis

879 March 6 — — ri6
919 Aug. 13 — — Z84
980 April a 1779 — 376

Leech, Thomas

Set Charles Norris and Thomas
Leech, and Robert Morris and Thomas
Leech.

Le Roy, David

1597 Aug. 1785 DC

Le Roy, Jean Bapixstk

495 Jan. 31 1769 V

586 April ao 177a —

65s March 30 [1773] VI

674 June 22 1773 —

1480 Feb. a5 1784 IX

37»

19a

»73

UST OF CORRESPONDENTS

535

No. Vol.

1630 March 27 1786 IX

1654 Aug. 15 — —

1679 April x8 1787 —

1744 Oct. as 1788 —

1783 Not. 13 1789 X

Le Roy, Madame
[1787] X

Lettsoh, John Coakley

Z393 March 6 1783 DC
1 595 July a6 1785 —

Le Vezllakd, Louis

1626 March z6 1786 IX

IS 1787 —

17 1788 —

22 — —

8 — —

24 — —

5 1789 X

13 — —

1673 April

1717 Feb.

1721 April

1728 June

1 740 Oct.

1766 Sept.

X 784 Not.

Page

501
535
57a
679
68

454

15
371

495
558
636

64s

657

673

34

69

Lewis, Feancis, and the Boaed of

Admisalty

1 194 March 17 1781 VIII 223
1212 May x6 — — 258

LiBRAXY Co. OF Philadelphia
547 April 16 1771 V 3x2

Ldca, Viscount de PoNri ds
839 April 26 1777 Vn 45

LiMoziN, Andre
July 25 1785 IX

1593

370

Lining, De. John

X84

a47
267

March x8 X755 III
April 14 1757 —
June X7 1758 —

Lith, M.

252

383
446

834

April 6 1777 Vn

38

459

LivEZEY, Thomas
Feb. 20 1768 V

Livingston, Peter V. B.
786 Aug. 29 1775 VI

1282
1290

I2Q2

ia97

Livingston, Robert R.

Tan. 28 1782 VIII

March 4 — —

March 9 — —

March 30 — —

103

427

375
388

307
405

No.
1309
1312

1348

135a

1363

1365
1368

1373
1374
1381
1388

1395
1406
1409
14x9
X426

Vol.
AprU 8 1782 VIU
April 12 — —
25 — —

28 — —

June

June

Aug.

Sept.

Sept.

Oct.

Not.

Dec.

Dec.

Dec.

Tan.

March 7

April 15

April 27

June 12

July 22

II — —

>i ~ -

14 — —

7 — —

4 — —

5 — —
24 — —

21 1783 IX

Paob
420
4^4
54S

555
576
§86
602
614
618
627
628

645
r%

30

37
49

59

Livingston, Walter

See Samuel Osgood and Walter
Livingston.

Lloyd, John
xoox May 4 1779 VII

Lloyd, John, and Others
946 Jan. 26 1779 vn

Logan, James

73 [Dec. 4 1747] n

75 Jan. 27 1748 —

76 Jan. 30 — —
Apri
Oct.

304

223

77 April

356

359
360

367

6 — —
30 — —

Logan, James, the Younger
1776 Nov. 2 1789 X 49

London ChronicU^ To the Printer

OF THE

296 No date 1760 IV 89

483 Aug. 18 1768 V x6o

502 May 9 1769 -^ 206

London Public Advertistr, To THE
Printer of the

484 Aug. 25 1768 V

486 Oct. 21 — —

Louis XVI

X079 [March 1780] VIII

LovELL, James

853 Oct. 7 1777 VII

2t —

22 1778

2 1779 —

859 Dec.
Q16 July

1012

1040

une

Jept. 30 — —
1049 Oct. 17 — —

162
x66

17

65
77
'74
334
378
400

526

UST OF CORRESPONDENTS

No. Vol.

X089 March 16 1780 VIII

1145 Aug. 10 — —

1170 Dec. 2 — —

M

-, Rev.

316 March 30 1762 IV

McCR££RY, WiLLIAlC

970 March x8 1779 ^^

McKean, Thomas
125a Nov. 5 1 78 1 VIII

Pack

35

i8x

IS*

a6z

3^2

Maune Committee of Congress

1014 June 2 1779 VII

Marshall, Humphry

549 April 22 1771 V

645 Feb. 14 1773 VI

Marshall, Rev. William

646 Feb. 14 1773 VI

Marter, Professor
1407 April 22 1783 IX

Martin, Alexander
1345 Aug. 5 1782 VIII

Maseres, Francis

592 Tune 17 1772 V
1576 June 26 1785 IX

Maskelyne, Nevil

518 Feb. 12 1770 V
1672 March 29 1787 IX

Mather, Samuel
Mav

681
1502

Lay

7 1773 VI
12 1784 IX

338

315

13

15

35

573

406
347

347
557

86
ao8

Mathon de la Cour, Charles-
Joseph

1586 July 9 1785 IX
1614 Nov. x8 — —

Maty, Dr. Matthew
677 July I 1773 VI

Mazue, M.
1489 March 19 1784 IX

MA2ZEI, Philip

805 Date

uncertain [1776 (?)] VI

362
476

72

183

455

Mease, Matthew
Stt Joseph Wharton^ etc

Mecom, Edward and Jane
No. Vol.

137 May 21 1752 m 89

146 Nov. Z4 — — loi

233 Dec. 30 1756 — 356

221 June

239 Feb.

248 April

250 May

253 May

271 Sept.

501 April

538 Dec.

Mecom, Mrs. Jane

1727 II

»73i —

1743 —

1751 m

1756 —

1757 —

19
28

24
12
28
21

19
21

30
16

27

567 Tan. 13
650 March 9

7
26

26

683 July

752 Sept.

776 May

587 July

632 April

633 April

637

1758 —

1769 V

1770 —
1772 —

1773 VI

1774 —

1775 —

1785 rx

1786 —

64
65

689 May

699 Sept.

705 Nov.

707 Dec.

750 Nov.

765 Aug.

770 Oct.

787 Dec.

795

25
3

4

21

30
20

4

XI

26

3

19

X7
March 24

1787 —

1788 —

1789 X

1790 —

87
180

57

3»*
in
369
39"

303

403

45«

206

288
34S

2X

93
246

403

3^3

506

50S

514
522

539

589

612

620

623

684

II

43

73

9»

Mehelm, Jonathan
Su Samuel Tucker and others.

Mercy Argenteau, Comte de
1518 July 30 1784 IX 34S

Merwin, Miles
1789 Dec. 21 1789 X

Mifflin, Thomas

1460 Dec.
Z463 Dec.
1464 Dec.

25 1783 IX

20 — —
26 — —

1503 May 12 1784 —
1512 June 16 — —

75

129
140

M5
213
aao

LIST OF CORRESPONDENTS

527

Model or a Letter of Recommenda-
tion
No. Vol. Page

83a April a 1777 VII 36

Montaudouin, M.

8a I Tan. 26 1777 VII
969 March 17 1779 —

13
960

Montmoun, Asmand-Maec, Comte

DE

1769 Sept. 91 1789 X 42

MooAE, Samuel
X780 Nov. s 1789 X 63

MouELLET, Monsieur L'Abbe

1069 No date VII 436

i68a April 29 1787 IX 577

1753 Dec. 10 1788 — 690

Morgan, Benjamin
Set Abel James and Benjamin Mor-

Morris Robert

gan

787
1116

193a

1240
1271
1 281
1289
1291
1296
1310

1349
1376
1380

1394
146X

1775

Aug.
June

Sept.
Jan.
tan.

March 4

March 7

March 30

April 8

June 25

Aug. 12

Dec. 14

Dec. 23

March 7

Dec. 25

Nov. 9

99

1775

VI

3

1780

VIII

26

Z781

26

12

9

1782

—

28

—

1783 IX
1789 X

497

79
288

289

299

356
373
38s

395

401

422

553
580

637
644

17

48

Morris, Robert, and Thomas Leech
544 March 5 1771 V 307

Morris, Governor Robert Hunter
913 Jan. 26 1756 III 325

Morris, Thomas

809 Dec. 4 X776 VI 469

820 Jan. 26 1777 VII 13

MousTiERS, Elenore Francois
EuE, Comte de '

714 Feb. 10 1788 IX 632

759 April 97 1789 X 5

No.
1 163
1448

Nairne, Edward
Vol.
Nov. 13 1780 VIII
Oct. 18 1783 IX

Navy Board, The
March 15 1780 X

3*4
631

1039

957
11x7

1XX9

1009
1185
1444

Neave, Oliver

July 20 X762 IV
Date unknown V

Nesbit, Jonathan

Sept. 29 1779 VII
St€ Joseph Wharton, etc.

Neufville, Jean de

Feb. 28 1779 VII
June 4 1780 VIII
June 6 — —

Newenham, Sir Edward

May 27 1779 VII
Feb. 12 178X VIII
Oct. 2 1783 IX

Pace
x68
108

368

169
546

377

240
80

84

331
206

102

Nicholson, Captain Samuel

823

1239

VII

XX9X
1260

Jan. 26 1777

Ndcon, William
Sept. 5 178X VIII

Noble, Samuel
Feb. 4 1774 X

NOGARET, FeLDC

March 8 X78X VIII
Dec. xo — —

16

298

277

214
338

NoRRis, Charles, and Thomas Leech

307
3"

252
269

293

• • •

338

912

Nov.
Feb.

17
13

1761 IV

1762 —

NoRRis, Isaac

May

Sept.

Nov.

Feb.

Feb.

30
16

19

9

15

1757 ni

1758 —

1760 IV

1763 X

— IV

North, Lord
June 1778 VII

118

397
454
86
212
189

164

Officers of the Admiralty of
Vannes

X109 May 18 1780 VIII 69

538

UST OF CORRESPONDENTS

Olzvxk, Richakd
No. Vol. Page

965 March 14 1779 VII ass

Osgood, Samusl, and Arthttr Lee
1696 Aug. 31 1787 IX 606

Osgood, Samuel, and Walter Living-
ston

1713 Jan.

31 1788 IX

631

Oswald, Richard

U39 ;

1344 ,

1355 2
1385 ]

une
une
une

uly
>ept.
"^ov.
an.

6 178a VIIT
II — —
a7 — —
la — —
a8 — —

8 — —
a6 — —
14 1783 IX

536

567
571

6a I
3

OUDESICEULEN, C. VaN DER

"30 J

une

aa 1780 Vm

107

Paine, Thomas

1604 £

;ept.

a7 178s IX

467

Parker, James

X17 ]

^arch

ao I7SX III

40

181 March 1 1755 —

Parkes
Su under MM. Hills, etc.

Parsons, William

ao6 Dec. s ^755 HI

ao7 Dec. is — —

aaa Juntf ^8 I7s6 —

341 Feb. aa 1757 —

Partridge, Mrs. Euzabeth

ai7 Feb. 33 1756 III
I04S Oct. II 1770 VII
1749 Nov. i^ 1788 IX

Partridge, Richard
aoi Oct. %^ I7S5 III

Passports

9S9 March 10 1779 VII
966 March 14 — —
988 April II — —

a43

304
306

336

377

3»9

a9a

a4a

«55
a8s

Paxson, Henry
Su Samuel Tucker and others.

Pemberton, Israel
a73 March 19 1739 HI 470

Peninoton, Edward
No. Vol. Pack

301 Maj 9 1 761 IV 106

Penn, Mrs. Ann
433 Not. ao 1766 IV

Percival, Dr. Tbokas

6a9 No date 1771 V
706 Sept. as 1773 VI
1S15 July 17 1784 IX

Perkins, John

14a Aug. 13 i7sa m
149 Feb. 4 1753 —

466

138
136

95
107

Perreau, Pierre Joseph (Bishop or
Tricomia)

838 April 2% 1777 Vn 43

Peters, Richard
178 Sept. 17 I7S4 in

«30
30
64

830 March 6 1777 VII
8si Sept. la — —

Pettit, Charles
1661 Oct. to 1786 IX 543

Phillips, William
Stt Thomas Gushing and othen.

PlERRES, PhIUPPE-DeNIS

1418 June 10 1783 IX 47

Potts, Henrt
300 April 33 1 761 rV

100

Pownall, Governor Thomas

aa6 Aug. 19 1756 III 341
ias6 Nov. a3 1781 VIII 330

Pratt, Samuel Jackson (Coitrimit
Mblmotb)

IS4S I?

435

583
609

1074

iiS8

»33i
1441

1533

1547

1553
i6so

1687

Z76a

Price,

Dr.

1 704J x^^

Richard

aoj

Aug.
Feb.

I

XX

1767 V
177a —

I

Sept.
Feb.

•8

440

6

1780 vni

8 J

Oct.

9

— —

153

June
Sept.

W

178a —

1783 IX

457
99

Aug.
Feb.

16

1784 —

«54

X

1785 —

t86

March

t8

300

^y

%

1786 —

1787 —

'"1

May

3«

X789 X

UST OF CORRESPONDENTS

529

PSICE, ROBBST FSIEND

Su under Samuel Tucker and others.

No.

587
607

633

738

773
781

789

824

«o7S
■328
1538
1649

933

259
ate

330
471

PSZXSTLEY.

Da. J

OSEPH

i'

Vol.

Page

May

4

177a

V

394

"Jie

19
Note

.__

__

437
55<

April
^y

10

1774

VI

aa6

16

1775

—

400

July
Oct.

7

—

408

3

—

—

439

Jan.
Feb.

»7

1777

VII

x8

8

1780

VTIT

9

June

7

X78a

451

Aug.

ai

1784

DC

a66

July

29

1786

5^8

PsiNCE, Job
Nov. ao 1778 Vn

PsiNGLE, Sir John

Dec. a I 1757 in

Jan. 6 1758 —

Dec. I 176a IV

May xo 1768 V

aoi

425

497

177

ia9

Public Advertiser, Pkintee of
Dec. as 1773 VI 384

PuLTSNSY, William
884 March 30 1778 VII xa4

98
314

445
289

93

QUINCY, JOSIAH

a99 April 8 1761 IV

769 Feb. 26 177s VI

798 April 15 1776 --

993 April a a 1779 VII

1439 Sept. XI 1783 IX

Ray, Miss Catherine
See Mrs. Catherine Green.

Rayneval, Conrad Alexandre
Gerard de

869 Feb. aa 1778 VII 104

871 Feb. a4 — — 106

87a Feb. 2^ — — 107

888 April X — — xa8

Raynsval, Joseph-Matthias
Gerard de

<i3i Tune 24 1780 VIII 108

xiga March ix X781 — ai5

Tao4 March 22 178a — 399

X354 Sept. 4 — — • 590

VOL. X — 2 M

Read, James

No. Vol. Pagb

50 Aug. X7 X74S II 289

8a Dec. 5 1748 — 369

ao3 Nov. a 1755 III 395

Recommendation of a Galley Slave

X4X5 May 2a X783 IX 46

1094
109s

400

Sa8
543
717

Reed, Joseph

March 19 1780 VIII
March 19 — —

Rhoads, Samuel

uly 8 X76S IV

une a6 1770 V

eb. xo 177X —

June 5 X774 VI

I

4a
43

«65
30s
175

Ridley, Matthew
See under Joseph Wharton, etc

Ritchie, Juuana
8x8 Jan. 19 X777 VII

ROBERDEAU, DaNISL

x6a9 March 23 X786 IX

IX

Roberts, Hugh

a7o Sept. x6 X758 III
a97 Feb. a6 176X IV

7 1765 —
a7 X766 —

399
409

Feb.

500

456
409

Rocquette, J., AND Freres Roquette
xoa3 June 13 X779 VII 356

Rohan, Emmanuel de (Grandmas-
ter OF Malta)

X404 April 6 1783 IX a8

Ronayne, Thomas
4x3 April ao i%66 IV

ROSENCRONE, M.

X40S April X5 X783 DC

390 Feb. X4

398 June 8

428 April IX

447 Dec. X3

472 MajT X4

900 Apnl 26

931 Nov. 5

1103 April 22

X7X2 Jan. ax

Ross, John
1765
1767

IV

1768 —

X778 VII

1780 VIII

1788 IX

451

99

36X

384

23

73

13a
X46

199

59

630

533

LiST OF CORRESPONDENTS

No.

Vol.

Pagb

15^6

Aug.

19 1784

IX

a59

I5SI

March

5 1785
To

390

8sa

OcL

4 1777
To

vn

64

1544

1784
To

DC

98a

«S74

June

•oi78s(?)IX

345

To ?

1649

July

3 1786
To

DC

Sao

x666

Nov.

as 1786
To

DC

549

1708

Dec.

IS 1787

To

DC

694

1788

Dec.

19 1789
To

X

74

1791

Jan.

19 1790

X

8a

Thompson, Mrs. [at Lille]

838

Feb.

8 1777

vn

93

Thompson.

Thomas, and Eusha

Hinman

856

Nov.

as 1777

«

vn

73

Thomson, Charles

40X

\t.

II 1765

IV

389

4x0

27 1766

—

411

4flO

Sept.
Feb.

a7

—

462

76s

5 1775

VI

303

770

March

»3 —

—

3>S

1485

March

9 1784

IX

176

1493

March

31 —

—

190

M95

April
May

16 —

X91

1505

13 —

— ~

ai3

15"

Tune
Oct.

14 —

— —

934

«537

16 —

—

376

»S39

Nov.

II —

—

978

1564

May

10 1785

—

396

1639
1644

1670

1754

«3aS

18 1786 —

6 — —

95 1787 —

99 1788 —

Thornton, John
May 8 178a Vm

517

5*3

553
691

448

Thornton, Major

No. Vol.

857 [Dec. II 1777] Vll 75

Timothy, Peter

614 Nov. 3 177a V 446

750 Sept. 7 X 774 VI 943

Tissington, Anthony
577 Jan. 98 177a V 375

Todd, Anthony

358 Jan. 16 1764 rV 314

373 Sept. 9 — — 9|s

381 Nov. 6 — — 985

513 Oct. 99 1769 V 93a

TORRIS, J.

xixi May 30 1780 VIII 70

TowNSHEND, Thomas
1367 Nov. 4 X789 VIII 617

Tricomia, Bishop of
5m Perreau, Pierre Joieph.

Tucker, Josiah

721 Feb. 19 X774 VI 180

728 Feb. 22 — — 198

730 Feb. 36 — — aoo

Tucker, Samuel, and Others

749 Sept. 7 1774 VI »4a

766 Feb. X4 1775 — 307

Turcot, Marquis x>e
1304 May I 1781 VIII 944

UOARTA Y LlANES, THOMAS DE

1668 Dec. x6 1786 DC 551

Unknown Correspondent

1469 No date 1783 IX 149

1533 Sept. 19 1784 — 97J

Urban, Sylvanus (D. Henry)
1771 Oct. 90 1789 X 43

Van Berckel, E. P. (Grand Pen-
sionary OP Holland)

895 April 10 1778 vn 141

Vanetta, Captain
9IO Jan. X9 1756 lU 39X

UST OF CORRESPONDENTS

533

Na

1057
1338

1483
1500

»53»
»5Sa

1557

iS«9
X651
1741
1764
1777

i7Sa

814
898
9x8
926
938

950
954
95
95

XOIO

1038

1x08

XI27

"39

1x43

X149
X150

1x64
1165
1186
1189
iai5
12x7
1228

xa54
1275
1288

1 341
134a
1347
X351
X3S6
X369

»370
137a

J?

Vauohan, Benjamin

Vol.

1779 vn

178a VIII
1784 IX

Nor.

uly
arch
April

pt.

March
April

uly

ugr

ct.
Tunc
Nov.

I

9

XI

5

7
14

91

34

31

a4

3

2

1785 —

1786 —
X788 —
X789 X

Vauohan, William
Dec 9 1788 IX

VZILLAXD

Su Le Vdllard.
Vebgennes, Comtb de

Dec.

April

July

Oct.

Oct.

Feb.

Feb.

Feb.

March

Tune

Sept.

May

Tune

July

Aug.

Sept.

Sept.

Nov.

Nov.

Feb.

March

une

une

uly

~ov.
Tan.
March
April
May

uly

uly

ug.
Aug.
Sept.
Nov.
Nov.
Nov.

M

I

\

a3

X776

VI

94

1778

VTI

a5

—

90

-—

—

22

—

14

1779

—

a5

— •

— -

9

__

I
26

^~"

^■^~

x6

1780

Vll

18

—

—

xo
3

...

_«

7
20

^^H^

_^

19

—

22

•—

—

'%

X78I

MMM^

4
xo

20

x8

3

15

4
x8

1782

—

34
g

—

——

34
8

8
XS
«9

PA6B

4x0

56s

X74
X99
240
969
991
304
365

675

33

49

688

477

184
192
X94

331
334
338

34 X

33a

376

66

lOI

1x8

138
X39

X74

908

3x3
a6x

263

379
338
36a

384
463
485
568

570
575
585
59a
619
620
637

No.

1375
X377

1379
1386

1389
1396

J397
X403
X4X0
X4XI
14x2
X416
X4X7
X434
1437

X43X
I4S4
X457
1474
X481

1484
X507

X530
1560

1331

Dec.
Dec.
Dec.
Tan.
Taa.

March 9
March 16
March 24

Vol.
6 1789 VIII
,3 -- —

x8 1783 IX
a5 — —

May
May
May
May

}une
uly
uly

Aug.
Dec.
Dec.

an.

eb.
March

f

4 — —

5 — —

5 — —
33 — —

3 — —

4 — —
24 — —

16 — —

6 — —

X5 — —

17 1784 —
96 — —

5 — —

May 31 — —
Sept. 3 — —
May 3 1785 —

ViCQ d'Azyr, Feldc
July 20 X781 VIII

ViNY, Thomas

5x9 Feb. x6 X770 V
999 May 4 X779 VII

Walsh, John
606 Sept. 6 1779 V

Walter, John

X496

April 17

1784 IX

Wasskn

Su wider MM. Hillii, etc.

Wasrinoton, George

227

Aug. X9

X756 111

801

[ une 21

1776 VI

802

\ uly 22

— —

84s

; une 13

X777 VII

846

June 13

— —

849

[Aug.] 17

— —

850

Sept. 4

1084

March 5

1780 VIII

X097

March 95

— —

1303

AprU 9

X782 —

X308

April 8

-^ —

I60I

Sept. 20

X78S IX

1768

Sept. x6

X789 X

Pagb

637
640

642

8

xo

18

19
37

38

39

47

47

57

73

78

124

"5

X57

X73
X76

315
269

331

38s

248

30 X

436

193

343

449

450

58

6x

63
37
48

4x1

4x9

464

4X

Waterhouse, Benjamin
1177 Jan. z8 1781 VIII 194

534

LIST OF CORRESPONDENTS

No.
1498

1640

1647
1790

Webb, Benjamin

Vol. Page

April > 22 1784 IX 197

Webster, Noah

une 18 1786 IX 518

9 — — 527

a6 1789 X 75

Tunc
July
Dec.

Weeu s, Mason, and Edwa&d Gant
1516 July 18 1784 IX 238

Weissenstein, Chakles de
913 July I 1778 VII i66

Wells, Richard
. . . Aug. 39 1789 X 159

Wendorp, D., and Thomas
Hope Heyliger

xai6 June 8 1781 VIII 26a

West, Benjamin
1534 Aug. 17 1784 IX as7

West, Mr. and Mrs. Benjamin
1148 Aug. x6 1780 VIII 137

Wharton, Joseph, Matthew Rid-
ley, Joshua Johnson, Matthew
Mease, John Ross, Jon. Nesbtt,

CuMMiNGS, Joseph Gridley,

AND J. D. Schweichauser, Ameri-
can Merchants at Nantes

987 April 8 1779 VII 283

Wharton, Samuel
iza4 June 17 1780 VIII 94

Wharton, Thomas
460 Feb. ao 1768 V 105

Whatley, George

1537 Aug. ai 1784 IX

1569 May 19 1785 —

1570 May 33 -- —
1688 May 18 1787 —

Whttefield, Rev. George

86 July
aa4 July
369 June

6 1749 II
a 1756 III
19 1764 IV

Whitefoord, Caleb

334 Dec. 7 176a IV
1568 May 19 1785 IX
1695 July 27 1787 —

364

331
331
587

377
348

183

330
605

Wight, Thomas
No. Vou

1665 Nov. 21 1786 IX

WiLUAMS, Jonathan

343
354
368

379
414

5*4

545

615
685

1556
iS6a

1567

1583
1617

1618

i6ai

i6aa

177a

April
Nov.
May
Nov.
April
Tune
March
Nov.
July
April
May
May
,uly
, an.
an.
Feb.
Feb.
Oct.

13
a8

34

3
a8

6

5
3
7

13
5

19
5

19

37

la
16
a6

1763 IV

X764 —

1766 —

1770 V

1771 —
177a —
1773 VI
1785 IX

1786 —

1789 X

Williams, Jr., Jonathan

Pace

549

X98

aog

371

454

310

95

324

3*9
360

480
48X
486
487

Williams, Mrs. Jonathan
546 March 5 X771 V 3x1

788
8a6
860
876

949
967

97a

986

xoa6

XX06

"34

"75
X179

X180

xaao

"95

Windischgratz, Comtb db
X550 Feb. aa x 785 IX 390

Sept.
Feb.

xa

1775

VI

4*8

5

1777

VTT

ax

Dec.

aa

—

78

Feb.

2a(?)

1778

—

"3

Feb.

»3

X779

—

339

March

x6

—

356

March

19

—

263

April

8

—

aSi

fii^

8

363

10

X780

vin

64

Tunc
Dec.

37

—

—

XX3

27

—

xSS

an.

ao

1781

—

»97

, an.

33

—

X98

une

IS

—

370

March

23

X783

—

400

371

474
498
693

844

Winthrop, Professor John

Ju]
Jul
Ml

May

fuly
ruly
larch

xo

a
II

n

X

1764
1768
1769

1773

»777

IV
V

VI
VII

350

»36
198
106

57

LIST OF CORRESPONDENTS

535

WiTAL AND PaUCHE
No. Vol. Pacb

154Z Nov. 15 1784 IX 279

WooDWAKD, Richard
663 April 10 1773 VI 39

WsiGHT, Jaices

185 Tune 36 1755 ni a6o

189 July 3 — — 27a

277 juty 9 1759 — 483

WsiGHT, John
1779 Nov. 4 1789 X 60

Wright, Mrs. Patience
No. Vol.

xooo May 4 1779 VII

Wright, Susanna
125 Nov. az 1751 III
uly II 1752 —
unc 1 755 —

140
186

};

Wyld, Henry
1302 March 31 1782 VIII

1571

Wyvill, Christopher
June z6 1785 IX

Pacb
302

57

93
a6z

410

339

INDEX OF PERSONS

Abercrombie, Gen. James, iii, 439; t,

307.
Achenwall, German scholar, z, 941.
Acosta, d', & Co., vii, 879.
Acworth, Mr., ii, 301, 356.
Adam, the brothers, architects, i, 197.
Adams, Charles Francis, i, xVt 42.
Adams, John, conference with Howe,
vi. 4S7» 463, 464; X, 298; succeeds
Silas Deane, vii, 139, 140; examina-
tion of Williams' accounts, 271, 27a;
surrenders public papers to a. F.,
374; account of J. (^. Adams, 288 n.;
coins word BurgointsseSf ^14 n.; re-
lations to B. F., viii, 53 ; prize ships, 76 ;
communications to de Vergenncs, 1x7,
xz8, 123, 124 n., Z26, 127, 128; finan-
cial anairs, 129, 253, 262, 264, 267,
289, 300,^25, 357, 364, 368, 544, 553;
X, 318; his secretanr, viii, 147 n., 239,
5^2; iz, loz; his hostility to B. F.,
viii, 236; his opinion of Colonel Lau-
rens, 278; advice to William Jack-
son, 282; in Holland, 292, 501, 5x9,
549. 550. 5?a. 638; U, X29, 177, 249;
X, 320 ; assisting Colonel Laurens, viii,
339» 354; empowered to treat of
peace, 360, 408, 467,- 495. 509. 631; a
diligent correspondent, 369; letters
from, to B. F., 480; x, 317; sign-
ing the treaty of peace, ix, 8 and n.,
33, 191; his character, 17 and n.,
198; X, 323 and n.; his opinion of
France, ix, 61; concerning the fish-
eries, 91, 92 n., 93 n.; visit to Eng-
land, XII ; his calumnies, 146 and
n.; commercial treaty with Prussia,
91 x; liberty of Tames Hartwell, 276;
the Barbary affair, 301 ; received at
British coiut, 463; boundary dis-
putes, X, 93; the Hutchinson Let-
ters, 260; nis opinion of B. F.,
agr; quoted^ ill, 937 n.; x, 299; vi,
403. 467; vii, 91 n., 184, i8<, 219,
«39. a54, a|t7, 263, 319, 328, 329,
339. 340; vui, 99, 38, 99, 151, 179,
183, 184, 196, 197, 901, 220, 224,
934. 302. 338 n-. 349. 405, 434. 448.
475. 476f 504. 539; W. io5» »«>7,

t99, 193, 134, 147. a5^ *^. V3
and n.

Adams, Mrs. John, ix, 585 ; descriptioti
of Mme. HelvAtius, x, 430.

Adams, Miss, daughter of Jonn Adams,
X, 408.

Adams, John Quincy, i, xf'i; his mar-
riage, vii, 959 n., 278 and n.; letter
to B. F., 288 n.

Adams, Mrs. John Quincy, vii, 259 n.

Adams, Matthew (tradesman), i, 239;
X, 148.

Adams, Philip (farmer), vi, 193.

Adams, Samuel, Committee of Cor-
respondence, V, 317 n.; letter, vi,
180; destroying the tea, vi, 223;

{governor of Massachusetts, viii, 182;
etter from A. Lee, x, 322.
Addingtoii. Dr., vii, 151.
Addison, Joseph, i, 34, 36, 127, 279 n.;
quoted, 331 ; ii, 91, 391 ; iii, 28, 30 n.;
X, 10 n.. X49.
Adelaide, Mme., daughter of Louis XV,

V. 51-
Aepinus, Fr.-Ulrich-Theodore, account

of the Tourmaline, iii, 481; theory

of magnetism, iv, 250; quoted, vi,

9^ and n.
A^nppa, Cornelius, ii, 198.
Aikennead, Robert, viii, 288.
Airey, Sir George, i, xix.
Alembert, Jean Le Rond d*, i, 198; z,

357-
Alexander the Great, ii, 56; viii, 44^.

Alexander, James, i, ^87; ii, 977; iii,
9 and n. ; his expNcnment to measure
speed of electricity, 171; letter on
the Albany Plan of Union, 199 and
n., 207 n.

Alexander, Mariamne, vii, 21 n.; x,
4x7, 465.

Alexander, William, impressed with
B. F.'s carelessness with regard to
documents, i, 2; iv, 157, 371, 373; v,
196, 442; vi, 428; vii, 91 n.; his
opinion of A. Lee, 31 n.; concern-
ing Lord Selkirk's plate, 250, 953;
certifies to the interview between
B. F. and Pultcney, viii, 45, 335 n.;
concerning the separate treaty with
Great Britain, 358, 458 and n.; sends

537

538

INDEX OF PERSONS

cardinal birds to Mme. Helv6tius, ix,
503; iv, aoa; vi, 444 n.; ix, 139;

X, 45-
Alison, Rev. Francis, iii, 6a, pa; Vice-
Provost of the Academy in Phila-
delphia, ia6 and n., 127, 381 and n.,

434.

All, Captain, V, 374, 408, 457; ▼». S»
7. 16, 73, 193; ix, §07; X, 289.

AUamand, warden of forests of Cor-
sica, i, 207.

Allemand, Professor, oil upon water, i,
64; vi, 161.

Allen, Andrew, vii, 330.

Allen, Ethan, ix, 477, 544.

Allen, Mrs., ix, 486.

Allen, William (chief justice), i, 294,

362; iii, 49. SO. 132. 230; iv, 253,
279 and n., 283, 332; x, 10, 165, 172;
charges B. F. with promoting the
Stamp Act, 219, 220, 226; acknowl-
edges B. F.'s service, 234 and n.,
297.

Alleyne, John, x, 278.

AUone, M. d', iv, 23 n.

Almon, J. (publisher), iii, 231 n.; iv,
412; V, 466; viii, 330 and n. ; x, 278.

Alphonso X (king of Spain), ix, 332
and n.

Alrihs, Harmanus, x, 162, 165.

Ambrustcr, Anthony (German printer),
iii, 440 and n.; v, 442.

•*Americanus" (pseudonym for B. F.),
iii, 296 n.

Amherst, Sir Jeffrey (general), i, 426;
iv, 202; v, 67, 163.

Amiel, Mr., vii, 131.

Amiel, Mrs., vii, 250.

Amontons, Guillaume (physicist), viii,

Anderson, Prof. John, i, 8a n.; x,

203 n.
Andrews, Samuel, viii, 146 and n.
Anne, Queen, iv, loi, 234, 239, 329;

ix, 685.
Anquetif-Duperron (orientalist), i, 206.
Anstev, Christopher (poet), ix, 547

ancl n.
Anspach, Prince of, vii, 57.
Antes, John (musician), 1, 213.
Antill, Mr., vi, 240.
Antis, Mr., x, 218.
Apch^r, Comte d', x, 447.
Appleton, Dr., of Cambndge, ix, 650 n.
Aranda, Pedro Pablo Abarca y Bolea,

Condcd', vii, 9 n., 191, 198; viii, 51,

^"S^ 57. M4, 201, 204, 240, 559; IX,

275; X, 314, 375.
Arbuthnot, John, ii, 395.
\rbuthnot, Mr., ix, 242; x, 356.

Suthnot, Marriot (admiral), vii, 329.
bishop of Canterbury, refuses to

ordain Weems and Gant, iz, 2t8;

anecdote of Queen Anne and tne,

68c.
Archbishop of Paris (1784), ix, 238;

X, 356.
Archduchess of Austria, nuptiids of,

i, 2xa.
Arendt, Baron d', viii, 69 and n.
Ariosto, quoted, vii, 98.
Aristotle, i. 63; v, 141.
Arlandes, Marquis d', aeronaut, i, 78;

ix, IIS, 345 n-
Arlincourt, Ch. Victor Privet, Vicomte

d*, vii. 358, as9 n.
Arlond, Miss, iv, 194.
Armit, Mr., ii, 333.
Amall, William (political writer), i,

a7a n.
Arnaud, Abb6 (Francois), ix, 498.
Amdt, Captain, iii, 335, 336, 330.
Arnold, Benedict, i, 31; viii, 177, 178

and n., 235, 250, 351, 311, 393, 63a;

ix, 696: X, III.
Arnold, £. P., x, 206 n.
Arnold, Matthew, i, 178.
Arrcnbcrg, Reinier, i, 146; vii, 35 n.,

82 n.; viii, x n., 245 n.
Arros, Baron a, i, 202^ viii, 119, 120 n.
Artois, Comtessc d', viii, 214 n.
Arundel, M., soldier, vi, 438.
Asgill, Sir Charles, viii, 57a and n.,

S36 and n.
bridge, George, iv, 333.
Ashbumer, Walter, t, 36 n., 440 n.;

ix, 529 n., 58c n.
Ashburton, Lord, su John Dunning.
Aston, Caotain, iii, ^06, 320, 326.
Atkins ana Martin, iii, 305.
Auchmutv, Robert, vi, 264; x, a eg.
Auckland, Lord, MSS. at Cambridge, vi,

458 n.
Aufrere, Anthony (antiquary), iz, 257

and n.
Austin, Benjamin, vii, no n.
Austin, Jonathan Loring, vii, no n.;

viii, 146; X, 338.
Autroche, Baron d', vii, 375.
Ayen, Due d', i, 99.

B

Babcock, Dr. Joshua, iii, 378; vii, 113;
X, 252.

Bache, Alexander Dallas, i, 58, 59 and
n.

Bache, Benjamin Franklin, his child-
hood, i, 32, ii\ V, 339; vi, 410 and
n., 468; vii 10, 43. »26, 22;|, 289, 3^45
and n.. 346, 348. 369 n. ; viii, 304; in-
structed by Didot, 336 n. ; ix, 279 ; in-
structed by Pierres, 48 n., 270; his
character, 89, 368, 373, 323, 328, 351,

INDEX OF PERSONS

539

364,471; at college, 474, 481, 49«.

503. S04..5". 514, 515. 537, 56a. 581
and n. ; in printing business, 644 ; x,
4; copies Autobiography, 35, 289;
accompanies B. F. to Fans, 301 n.,
363, 486, 496. 498. 499.
Bache, Richard, i, 174; marries
Sarsih Franklin, v, ^a n., 38, 39 n.,
178, 184; his English family, 347,
349, 373; «. 254; his business, v,
375. 376, 377. 380. 387, 396; vi,

9. 16, 35, 240, 406. 410, 467; vii,
351 n.; viii, 396; ix, 314, 510; x, 41,
45. 470, 471, 494, 495. 496, 501. 508,

509-
Bache, Sarah [n6e Franklin — Mrs.

Richard Bache], ii, 180; iii, 4, 89,

90. 285. 327, 328, 331, 332, 367, 395,

405, 4aa. 423. 424, 428, 429, 430, 431,

432, 434, 435. 438, 439. 443; »▼. 9.

10, 25, III, 117, 151, 179, 196, 199,

202, 204, 206, 208, 246, 254, 259,
a88. 358, 360, 361, 391, 409, 449,
450, 460; V, 33, 34, 37. 38, 39 and "-,
178, 264, 283; vi, 406, 410; viii, 305;
ix, 279, 507; X. 157, 219 and n.,
254 n., 479, 490. 494, 496 and n.,

497, 500, 50'. 509-
Bache, Theophylact, vi, 7.

Bache, William, viii, 305; ix, 515;

X, 499.
Backhaus, German soldier, i, 201.
Bacon, A., x, 232.
Bacon, Francis, quoted, x, 62, 332.
Bacon, Roger, quoted, iv, 456; vii, 311.
Bailey, Francis, x, 5x0.
Bailli, Dr. (member of commission to

examine into Mesmerism), i, 121;

ix, 502.
Baird, Dr., of Philadelphia, i, 301.
Baird, Heniy Carey, iii, 227 n.
Baker, Sir George, on lead-poisoning,

v, 101.
Baker, Sir William, v, ^30.
Baker, William, Lonaon merchant,

iii, 90.
Balbo, Prospero, vi, 221 n.; vii, 417 n.
Baldwin, Mrs., ix. 555-556. 615.
Balfour, Mr., iii, ^43.
Ball, Sir Robert, 1, xix.
Ballendene, Mr., vi, 1x3.
Baltimore, Lord, i, 371 n., 436.
Balzac, Honor6 de, i, 44 and n.,

Bancroft, Dr. Edward, vii, 15; identi-
fied with '* Edwards," 142 n.; x, 310;
relations with Deane, vii, 155, 187,
233. 250. 251, 253; exchange of

yrisoners, 268 and n.; assisting Paul
ones, viii, 19, 54, 116 and n., i\t^,
534; ix, 42; F.'s oiiinion of, 50.
77. 3*2, 319, 630; his account of

F.'s examination, x, 266, 267, 271;
Lee's opinion of, 321, 370.

Bancroft, George, i, 6.

Banks, Mr. (of Georgia), vi, 40 x.

Banks, Sir Joseph, i, 9, 71 ; aeronautics,
77 and n., 78, 79; ix. 85 n., 99, 100,
*55. 479; viii, 109; on Cook's
voyage, v, 394 and n.; vi, 143 n.,
150, 165- vii, 242 n.; X. 44, 350 n.

Banks and Solander, their voyage, v,

394.

Barb^-Marbois, Marquis de, viii, 31;
ix, 60 and n., 278; viii, 649; x, 42.

Barbou, Joseph- Gerard, ix, 195 and n.

Barclay, David, i, 199; negotiations for
peace, vi, 325, 327, 328, 341, 342,
344, 353. 359, 37i, 372, 374, 375, 383,
384, 386, 389, 395; viii, 105 and n.,
206 n; ix, 16; X, 286; quoted, viii,
194.

Barclay and Sons, David, iii, 476; iv,
270 and n.

Barclay, John, ix, 669.

Barclay, John and Robert, vi, 411.

Barclay, Robert (the Apologist), viii,
xo^ n.

Barclay, Thomas (consul), viii, 33X, 337,
341, 347. 367 and n., 37X, 377, 386,
387, 402, 403, 404, 423, 548, 578, 584,
59 2, 636, 639, 640; IX, x8, 19, 34,
68; letter from, 76 n., X23, X37, 158,
606, 686, 687, 692, 696; X, 348, 351.

Bard, Dr. John, i, 115, 273; ii, 294
and n.; iv, 373 and n.

Bard, Samuel, iv, 373 and n.

Bariatinski, Prince (Russian ambassa-
dor), viii, 502, 503, 514.

Barker, Prof. George F., i, 88 and n.

Barker, Mrs., v, 37, 44X.

Barker, T., x, 105 n.

Barletti, Carlo, on electricity, vii, 97;
viii, 192, 313.

Barney, Captain, viii, 635, 637, 638,
640, 644; ix, 32, 50, 55, 56, 58, 59,
77. 96, 97, "2, X29, 161.

Barre, Colonel, i, 64.

Barrington, Daines, ix. 273 and n.

Barrow, Mr. and Mrs., vi, 240; vii,
24, 26.

Barry, Captain, viii, 324, 370 n., 386,

387, 395. 397, 401.
Barry, Mrs. Amelia, iv, 361; vi, 230,

234; viii, 330 and n.

Bartram, JoHn, i, 15, 84 and n.; ii, 277,
282, 284, 363, 364, 365; iii, 9, 59, 61
and n., 63 n., 77, 164, 262, 264, 280,
281, 366, 4o<>, 431; V, 10, 25. 182.
242, 260, 261; v, 184, 246 n.; viii,
30, 104 n.; ix, 314.

Bartram. Mrs., iv, 383; v, 192, 246,

335. 433. 444.
Barwell, Mr., v, 268, 269.

INDEX OF PERSONS

Buwell, Min,

Bacwell, Mra..

Baskenrille, John, i, 1151 hii edition of
Viisil, iii, 4J7 n.; iv, 86; his edition
of MiltoD, ill, 454 and d.; iv, 87 n

Ti, 196.

Bukett, John (the ting's printer),

Batemu), Charles, ii, 146 n.

Bath, Lord. V, .1.

fiathum, I^ord and Lad;, v, fi7 and 0

Baudeau, Klcolaa (physiocrat), v, 409
Baxter, Andrew, ii, 317 n., 311.
Bayard, John, x, 47).
Bayard, H,. ii, 99.
fiaynton. Whan—

Philadelphia),
Bays. M. de, i,
Baieley, LieutetiauL, vn, ua a.
Beach, Zerah, ii. 6it.
Bcardsley, E. Edwards, iii, i> n., 19 n.,

Beatty,' Mr. (chaplain), i, t\i; iii,
3j8; iv, aj. 151.

Beaudoin, M., viii, 348.

Beaufremont (or BauffTcmonl] (ad-
miral), iii, 198.

Beaugeard, M., x. 406.

Beaumann, Messrs. (of Bordeaux),

407-

Beaumarchais, Caron de, i
vii. 175, 181. J65, 383, 391

3-, =

'Figaio," ii, 305; the lint mill-
™. SS4.,5^S "■; ». 303"-. 305, 3»i;
wAmbhitritt. 335, jjfl and n.; 317,
iS and n., 3SS, 418.

Bniumonl, M. fan advocate),
Beccaria, Giambaticla, i, 11, 1
'", »69; his experimenis, iv.

Backford, William, M.P , v.
Bccklrith. Maj.-Gen. John, !■

Bedford, 1
James Pi
« »nd n.. 36.
I BeWonl, Duke ol.

rhomas Sydney, T
Jenny (daughter ■

■. .\thillc-Cuillaunie Le.

''(.^N.-^'yiv. 105.
*Riony). hti travels.

rnciet, Anthony, i, 199, 357 and B.;
V, 43' n.; X. »8;.
Benger, Elliot (postmaster), iii, 49, 50;

3, W. H., iii, 5 n.

, M." (see Silas Deasc), i

Bentinck, Hon. (japtain, vi, 161, 161,
Bentinck, Count (of Holland), i, tn;

Bentley, Richard, (partner of Wcdg-

Berkeley. Ceoise (bishop of Clayue),

Berkearode. M. de, viii, 414, <i4.
Bernard, Dom (Benedictine).
Bernard, Sir Frandi (goi

'JMbi

SS«. 300. 35» "■. 353; ". S". <o.

88, 148 and n.; i, 350.
Bernier, Francis ("Travels in India"),

iii, 44; ; iv, i9>-
Bemouilli, J<dui, ptopulBOH of shipi,

ii, 38S.
BetnMorff, Andres Peder, Count, vii.

4Jon.; viii, 184 n.
Berthier, Joseph Etienne (F.R.S.), i.

Benin,

■ "-^i^x

Leonard- Jeaa-Baptine,

Bessborough, Witliam, Lord, i

I, 177-
Besse, Jacques, 1 115.
Betlesworth, Richard (of P(

(editor of Vidtaire), i<

Beuchot, C. V

368 n.
Bevan, Paul, iv. ; n.
Bevan, Sylvanus.lv, 5 and n., <
Bevis, Dr. J., iii, 164 n.. 169 n
Biddle, Aleunder. i, xtu.
Biddle, Charles, ix. <45 n.
Biddle. Louis A.,' — •-- ■ -

n., 319 n.. 360

Biddle, Nicholas, ix, 545 n.

Biddle and Bayle]' (astronomical ob-

■; ix, 3»4
16 0., 4*7;

i.. 11. 137 n., 141 n.. 377 n.

307 n

S7n.iT,34n-,iJJB.,3S7n

! '». IS

INDEX OF PERSONS

541

n., 159 n., X7a n., 173 n., 179 n..
196 D., aoo n., 903 n., 206 n., 2x4 n.,
881 n., 3S5 n., 245 n., 344 n-. 447 »•;
vi, 195 n., 2x9 D., 425 n., 458 D.;
▼ii, 43 n-i 45 n-. 47 n.. 78 n., 340 n..
343 n., 351; viii, X15, X37 n., 356 n.,

409 n., 419 n-. 447 »•; «. iS »»•. 57 «»••
174 n., 283 n., 290 n., 307 n., 340
n., 353. 371 »•» 468 n., 469 n., 572
n.; z, X n., xx6 n., X3X n.

Biheron, MUe., v, 465; vii, xo and n.

Billings, Mrs., iii, 57.

Bingham, William (U.S. commercial
agent at Martinique), vii, X73 and n.,
x8i. 322, 330; viii, 55. 73 and n.,
396; i2, 99 and n., 250. 328, 513;

X, 379. 489-
Bird, John (instrument maker), i, 50,

7x; iii, a66 and n.; v, X36, X98.
Bissct, Rev. Mr., i, X17.
Black, Dr. Joseph (chemist), iv, X2X n.;

V, 380; X, 204 n., 354.
Blackburn, John, iv, 333.
Blarkburne, Franda, ^'Life of Hollis,''

iz, X03 n.
Blacker, Mrs. (n6e Martin), vi, 39, 40.
Blacklock, Thomas, z, 276.
Blackmore, Sir Richard, ii, 95.
Blackrie, Alexander, ix, 329 and n.,

330*
Blackstone, Sir William, ix, 253, 305.

Blackwall, Anthony, iii, 30 n.

Blagden, Sir Charles, vi, 165; ix, 73

and n., 75.
Blair, Rev. James, ix, 240.
Blair, Dr. John, iii, 264.
Blake, Daniel, vii, 223 n.
Blake, W., vii, 293 n.
Bland, Rev. Mr., ix, 355, 356.
Blome, Baron de, vii, 424.
Blount, Dorothea, iv, 193 and n., 201,

2x7; V, 226, 268, 27s; vi, 4x9,429;

vii, 15 and n.; ix. 36, 37X, 5x1, 513.
Blount, William, ix, 5^4 n.
Boerhaave, Hermann, 1, 1x4; ii, 253 n.,

281.
Boeris, M. (agent of the Dutch East

India Company), viii, 514, 529, 540.
Boers, Mrs., viii, 448.
Bohlen, Mme. de, viii, 329 n.; x, X43

and n.
Boldsworth, Jonathan, x, 105 and n.
Bolingbroke. Lord, i, 17, 287 n.; x, 333.
Bollan, William, Massachusetts agent

in London, v, 284, 205, 207. 3i7. 35©.

391; vi, XX4, 182, X83, 187, 303, 34a,

378. 379; «, 693. 695; X, 263, 264.

98^.
Bona, John, ii, 298.
Bond, Dr. Phineas, i, 405; ii, 977.
Bond, Richard (son of Dr. Thomas

Bond), V, 385.

Bond, Dr. Thomas, i, 113, XX5, 376,
405; ii, 377; iii, 33X, 430, 43a; V,
338, 374, 387; ▼»!». 38 n.

Bond and Ryland (merchants), vi,

Bond&eld, John (U.S. agent at Bor-
deaux), vii, 202, 354 and n.; x, 343-

Bonnell, Captain, i, 427.

Boone, Governor (of N.Y.), iv, xoo
and n., 104; X05.

Booth, Mr., iii, 429.

Bordeaux, Archbishop of, lu Mon-
signeur Cic6.

Bordley, J., ii, 298.

Borre, Major (French officer), vii, 389.

Boscawen, Edward (admiral), iii. 97^.

Boscovich, Roger-Joseph (F^ej, in,
XII, X19; vi, 143-

Bossu, N. (** Travels through Louisi-
ana"), V, 387 n.

Boswell, James, vi, 146 n.; ix, 550 n.

Botetourt, Lord, v, 359, 487, 488.

Boudinot, Elias, iii, 499; viii, 967 n.;

X, 397-
Boufflers, Mme. de, x, 498.

Boulainvilliers. Mme. de, x, 453.

Boulton, Mattoew, i, 64; iv, 133.

Boulton, Richard, ii, 979 and n.

Bouquet, Col. Henry, iv, 959 n.,

255. 285, 359, 363, 440; V, 9x7;

testifies to F.'s

189 n.

public services, x,

Bourbon, Don Gabriel de, vi, 436 and
n.; vii, 32 and n.; x, 294*

Bourdieu, M., ix, 198.

Boutineau, Mr., iii, 163.

Bowdoin, James, i, 70, 71, 132 n.,
435 n.; iii, 32, 33, 164, 369; iv,
2x9 n.; V, X97, IQ9, 255, 298, 360 n.;
vi, 310, 446; viii. 189 n., 183; ix,
443, 480, 48X, 483 n., 486.

Bowdoin, Mrs. James, iii, 163; vi, 310;
ix, 480.

Bowcn, Mr., v, 333, 370: viii, 330.

Bower, Archibald ("History of the
Popes'*), iii, 95 and n., 149, 165, 170.

Bowie, Mr., ix, 501 n.

BoydeH, Mr. (ship-broker), v, 388.

Boyer, Abel, v, 464.

Boyeted, M. (French consul in Spain),
viii, 367 and n.

Boyle, Robert, i, 196, 995; ii, 971 n.,
270 and n., 280 n.; iii, 170; x, 285.

Boxhom, Mark Zuirius, vii, 169 n.

Brabanzon, M., ix. ^62.

Braddock, General, 1, 154; assisted by
B.F., 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 924,
303» 395. 308, 400 and n., 406, 416,
428, 429; iii, 57 n., 260, 262 n., 278,
289 n., 297 n., 376, 398, 309; iv. 953.
439; V, 911, 489, 483; X, i8x, x89 and
n., 190.

^

542

INDEX OF PERSONS

Bradford, Mr. (of Boston)^ vii, 289,

292.
Bradford, Andrew, i, 256, 257, 258,

293. 30'. 30a, 303, 308, 309; ii, 100;

iii, 88; x, 152, 153, 164; rivalry with

F., 165; post-o&ce accounts, 168,

169 n., 170.
Bradford, T. Hewson, i, xv.
Bradford, Thomas, vi, 402 n.
Bradford, William, i, 250 and n.; iv,

234 n.; X, 152.
Bradley, James, iii, 266 n.
Bradshaw, Thomas, letter from

Anthony Todd, x, 178.
Bradstreet, Colonel, iv, 255, 256, 257,

267. 28c.
Brand, Thomas, stt Thomas Brand

Hollis.
Brandlight and ^ns (merchants of

Amsterdam), viii, 306 and n.
Branscombe, Captain, iii, 125.
Bray, Dr. Thomas, i, 199; formation

of *'Dr. Bray's associates," iv, 23 n.,

463 and n.; v, 308.
Breintnal, Joseph, member of ' ' Junto,*'

i. 399. 3001 30a. 307; author of

"Busy-body," ii, 100 n., 119 n.,

128 n.
Bridgen. Edward, viii, 339, -340, 573.

574, 646; X, 350.
Bnllon, M., i, 185, 186, 189, 190, 211;

vii, 414; viii, 159, 160; ix, 274, 498;

X, 408, 417, 418. 419. 420, 436,

464.
Brillon, Mme., i, 182, 184, 185. 186,

210, 216; dedication of " Ephemera,"

vii, 206; viii, 99; her gardens, 159,

160; meets Lord Cholmondely, 460,

544; ix, 271, 274, 561; X, 328 n.,

340, 406, 407, 408, 409,415.416, 417,

420, 421, 423, 424. 425. 426, 427, 429,

436, 437. 438. 449. 464-
Brillon, Mile, de, ix, 496 and n.; x,

417, 420.
Brindley, J., iii, 56.
Brisson, Mathurin-Jacques, vii, 30

and n.; x, 406.
Brockden, Charles, i, 269. 312, 321, 322.
Broglie, Prince Victor Claude de, viii,

411 n., 419 and n., 421, 423.
Bromfield, see Ingraham and Bromfield.
Brooke, Lawrence, letter to, vii, 223 n.
Brooke, Dr. R., iii, 264 and n.
Brougham, Lord, i, 49. 5° and n.
Brou^hton, Sarah, x, 158.
Broussonet, Dr. Pierre-Marie-Auguste,

viii, 502 and n.
Brown,' Dr. (innkeeper), i, 252.
Brown, Mr. (of S.C.), viii, 18.
Brown, Mr. (adoDted son of Mary,

widow of Peter Franklin), iv, 461.
Brown, Captain, ii, 346 n.

Brown, William (a tanner), recoOH
mended by F., vi, 193; x, 277.

Brown and Collinson (bankers), v, 447;
vi, 104, 406, 4x1.

Browne, Joseph (vice-chancellor of Ox-
ford), x, 205.

Browne, Thomas, of Hull, viii, 6 and n.

Brownell, George, i, 233; x, 147 and n.

Brownell, John (masters mate), viii, 2.

Brownrigg, Dr. William, effect of oil
upon water, i, 63, 64 n.; iii, 163;
VI, 153 n.; X, 252.

Brunswick, Duke of, ix, 604.

"Brutus" (pseudonym), see Sir Edward
Newenham.

Bryan, George, burgess of Philadelphia,
X, 217.

Bryant, Captain, iii, 19c.

Buchan, Earl of, healea by F., i, 1^4;
ix, 20 n.

Buckingham, J. T., ii, i.

Budden, Captain, iii, 39, 48, 423. 43a;
iv, 22.

Bufifon, Comte de, causes F.'s works to
be translated, i, 16, 84, 98, 4x8,
iii, 270; Nogaret dedicates to him,
viii, 215 n.; his illness, ix, 566 n.,
572 ; his " Natural History of Birds,"
VI, 236.

Buisson (publisher of F.'s "Memoirs"),
i, 23, 24, 25.

Bull, Colonel, iv, 307.

Bullen. Mrs., taken by BUuk Prince,
vii, 409 n.

Bunyan, John, i, 36, 238, 251; ii, 119;
X, 148, 149.

Burch, William, v, 66 n.

Biirger, Gottfried August (translator of
F.'s "Memoirs"), i, 25 and n.

Burgh, James, iv, 220; viii, 4^7 and n.

Burgoyne, General, i, 9; polite maca-
roni, 175 n.; vii, 54; surrender of,
no n., 140; viii, 27 and n., 8^; x,
328, 329 n., 374; parole and ex-
change of, viii, 317, 318, 319, 3ao,
321 n., 322, 340, 353, 463, 536, 537,
540, 556.
Burke, i^danus, x, 354 and n.
Burke, Edmund, i, 9, 136, 196 ; v,
239 n.; characterization of F., x, 30^,
304; exchange of Burgoyne, viii,
317, 318, 310, 32a. 340, 353; account
of his examination, x, 220, 247, 266;
account of the scene in the Cockpit,
267, 268, 270, 275; tries to release
Colonel Laurens, viii, 166 n.; x,^74;
agent for New York, vi, 303 and n,,

342.
Burkett, Mr., iii, 422.
Burkmaster, "Cousin," iii, 440.
Burnaby. Rev. Andrew ("Travels in

North America"), iii, a n.

INDEX OF PERSONS

543

Burnet, Bishop, father of governor of

New York, i, 364.
Burnet, Judge, quoted, iz, 294.
Burnet, Thomas, i, Qoj ii, 305.
Burnet, Governor Wilham (of N.Y.)f

i, 364 and n., 303.
Bumey, Fanny, ix, 356 n.
Burt, Mr., iii, 43a.
Burton, R. ("Historical Collections"),

i, 238; X, 148.
Burton, Robert, ix, 488.
Bustill, Samuel, i, 294.
Bute, Lord, defence of, iv, 450; v.

193; secures appointment

450; V,
of W. F.,

X, 3X3 n.. 335, 335.

Byles, Mather, life saved by lightning-
rod, i, 103; ix, 655 n., 656 n., 684.

B3nx>n, Com. John, vii, 194 n.

Cabanis, Pierre Jean Georges, i, 183;

vii, 376 n.; ix, 498. 5o6, 546, 577 n.,

647, 691; X, «a, 407, 438-
Cabanis, the Elder, viii, 115 n.
Cabarras and Co. [Frangois, Comte de

Cabarras], Spanish bankers, viii, 336,

398 and n.
Cabot, Sebastian, vi, 413.
Cadell, Thomas, ii, 337 n.
Cadet De Vaux, Antoine-Alexis-Fran-

5ois (chemist), ix, 307 n., 501, 535,

536.
Cadogan, William, first Earl Cadogan,

^vemor of the Isle of Wight [17 16],

li, 59 and n.
Cadwailader, Thomas, i, 1x5.
Caffieri, Jean-Jacques, vii, 163 n.; bust

of B. F., ix, 45 n.
Cagliostro, Comte de, ix, 493 and n.
Caiile, M. Audibert, x, 353.
Caillot, Mother, x, 435.
Calas, Jean, iv, 368; v, 355.
Caldam, Leopold, President of the

Academy of Sciences of Padua, let-
ter from, viii, 436 n.
Cftl£f, Cadtain, vi, 79, 80.
Calonne, Charles-Alexandre de, x, 348.
Calvet, M. Pierre du, merchant of

Montreal, ix, xxa.
Calvin, x, aoi.

Cambray, de, receives medal, viii, 71 n.
Cambray, Archbishop of, ii, 95.
Camden, Lord, i, 196; vi, 306, 311, 3^1,

36a, 364, 369, 396, 445, 446; viii,

484; ix, 587; X, 314.
Cam pan, Mme., x, 493.
Campbell, Captain W., ix, 336.
Campi, Charles Joseph, i, 32.
Campomanes, Don Pedro-Rodriguez,

Cond6 de, i, Tni; viii, 237 n., 367 n.,

368; letter from, ix, 223; x, 375.

Canton, Edwin, v, 45 n.

Canton, John, i, 99, 421; iii, 73 n.;
iv, 261, 370 n.; V, 4c n.; vii, sx n.;
'f 375, ^09; his electrical experi-
ments, iii, 247, 353. 267, 377, 353;
»v, 133, 134, 135, 140, ai8 n., 45a,
459; V, 426.

Canton, Mrs. John, iv, aao. •

Canton, R., iv, 370 n.

Canton, William, v, 45 n.

Capellen, Jan Derek van der, x, 333,
334; letter from, 335 n.

Cappy, M. (instrument maker), ix, 538.

Cardross, Lord, set Earl of Buchan.

Cardross, 3d Lord, su Henry Erskine.

Carey, Mathew, iii, aa6 n., 237 n.;
ix, 238 n., 533 n.

Carlcton, General, viii, 555, 557, 558,

^60, 564, 567. 572, 573. 577. 603;
IX, 58; X, 112.

Carleton, Sir Guy, su Lord Dorchester.

Carlisle, Lord, x, 331.

Carlyle, Alexander, x, 202 and n., 203.

Carlyle, Thomas x, 141, 144.

Carmichael, William, vii, 37 n., 309 n.;
viii, 49 and n., 50, 57 n., 98 n., 145,
200, 237 n., 340, 253, 295 n., 544;
ix, 135, 178, 221, 223 n., 275 n.,
301 n., 303, 346; X, 310, 311 n., 314,
346, 378; surrounded by spies, 323;
origin of the ephemera, 408.

Carnoc, General, vi, 165.

Cams, Captain, iv, 241.

Carpenter, Emanuel, iv, 333.

Carrabas, M., vii, 391, 399.

Carroll, Charles, of CarroUton, de-
preciation of currency, i, 14a n.;
expedition to Canada, vi, 443 n.,
447; i3c. 152 n., 153, 696; X, 7 n.,
295 and n.

Carroll, Rev. John, expedition to
Canada, vi, 443 n., 448 n., 44^; vii,
337 n.; X, 295, 296; superior of
clergy of United States, ix, 126; x,

349-
Carson, Hampton L., vii, 163 n.

Carver, Capt. Jonathan ("Travels in
North America"), v, 203 n.

Casas, Mr., viii, ^70.

Cash, ** Cousin," iii, 454.

Caslon, William, "The English Elze-
vir," ii, 243 and n.; iii, 165, 166, 340,

473; »▼, 87; X, 86.
Castera, J., translator of Franklin, i, 26.
Castries, Marquis de. Minister of the

Marine, viii, 186, 205 n., 386, 539,

543. 638; ix, 152; X, 341; letter

from, 458.
Castrioto, M., vii, 45 n.
Catherine II, Empress of Russia, vii,

10 n.; viii, 60, 82, 104 n., 238, 502;

ix, 6, 258 n., 383, 633; X, 350 n.

^

544

INDEX OF PERSONS

Cave, Edward, i, \^, i6. 418; the

CtnUUmaiii MagaMim, iii, 98, 106

and n., 133 and n.
CaTendiih, Henry, i, 34, 63, 96, 106,

109; iv, aao; v, 420; vi, 142.
Cavendish, Lord Charles* iv, 136, sao;

V, 394. 540.
Cavendish, Lord John, viii, 566.
Caze, M. Le, ix, 54^.
Cellini, Benvenuto, i, 4^.
Ceracchi, Giuseppt, alleged bust of

B. F. by, ix, 44 n., 4^ n.
Cesarotti, Melchior, viii, 436.
Chabot, Due de, x, 467.
Chalut, Abb6. ix, 326, 4^8, 569 n.
ChamberUn, Mason, artist, portrait of

B. F. by, vi, 118 ; viii, no.
Chambers* William and Robert, ii,

155.375-^ .
Chambers, Mr., iz, 14.

Champfort, M«» z, 3

hampig

x8i n.

,'^

Champigny, Jean, Chevalier de, vii.

Chandler, Rev. Samuel, iii, S87, 337;

vi, 327.
Chandler, Thomas B., iii, 16 n.
Chantd, M., vii. 418.
Chapman, Abraham, iv, 333.
Chapman, Mr., M.P., vii, 144.
Chappe d*Auteroche (Jean), Abb6,

V, 39 n., 9a n.
Chaptal, anecdote of B. F., i, 85 n.
Chardon, Daniel-Marc-Antoine, vii,

a6K and n.
Charlemont, Earl of, iv, 405 n.; letter

from Newenham, z, 487, 488 and n.
Charles the First, king of England,

ii, a6, 56. 60; iv, 336; v, x6o, 357;

viii, 444, 446.
Charles the First, king of Spain, iv, 6^.
Charles the Second, king of England,

i, a3i. ^83; ii, a6; iii, 370; v, 215;

vii. 153.
Charles the Fifth (emperor), viii, 337.
Charles the Ninth, king of France, ix,

167 and n.
Charles the Twelfth, king of Sweden,

i, 13; ix, 167 n.
Charles, Jacques- Alexandre-C6sar, aero-
nautics, i, 78; ix, 43. 79. 84, X06, 116,

no, 130, 133, 125, 155, 156.
Charles, Robert, i, 434, 438; iii, »9^,

367 n., 444; iv, 189, 331 n.; x, 186 n.,

X95, 196, 300.
Chartres, Due de, viii, 456; his balloon,

X, 355.

Chase, Samuel, Commissioner to Can-
ada, vi, 443 n.; vii, 337 n.; ix, 153 n.,
696; X. 295.

Chastellux, Marquis de, translation of
Humphrey's poems, i, 306 ; his travels,
viii, 4a and n., 349; with the army

of Rochambeau, 415 and n.; ix, 537,
567 n.

Chatham, Lord, his regard for B. F.,
i, 196; his illness, v, 34, 30; favours
America, 253; vi, 333; action in
Parliament, 303, 305, 306; consid-
ers the Plan m Union, 31 1 ; first meet-
ing with B. F., 320, 321; intercourse
with B. F., 349, 351, 360; his motion
of Jan. 20, 1775. 361, 363, 363; his
plan of conciliation, 368, 369; his
plan rejected, 374; his speeches^ 446
n.; his death, 149, 150, 151. 152, 153;
his statue, ^03 n., 445; vii, 76 n., 3x5
and n.; ix, 350 n., 587; x, a46.
347. asa» a7o. a8x, 28a, 383, 964,
a8k.

Chatham, Lady, vi, 35X.

Chattin, printer, iii. 439-

Chaulnes, Marie-Joseph d' Albert
d'Ailly. Due de, experiments in
chemistry, vii, 50 and n., 4x3, 4x3 a.;
X, 406.

Chaumont, Donatien Le Ray de, i, 23
n., 185, axi; vii, X13, 173 n., 187
and n., a4x, 364, 396, 397 ; ▼»"» »o,
33. 34, 63, 64, 67, 68, 90, rx 3, XI 3.
141, 175, 188. X97, r98, 199, 330, a65.
370, 321 and n., 323 n., 396, 417,
543. 577. 589; «, 68, 368, 37 x;
medallion of B. F.. 383, 303, 469 n^
498, 690; lets his house to B. F.,
. X, 305: letter from John Adams, 317,
318; financial embarrassments, 337,
338, 339. 340. 343. 344. 345. 346,
369, 370. 429 461, 464. 466.

Chaumont, Donatien Le Kaj de, fib,
viii, 37X; ix, 303; his marriage, 543,
620; X, 42.

Chaumont, Mme. Donatien I^ Ray
de, vii, 354; viii, 331; ix, 543. 6ao;

X. 453-
Chaumont ^phie], MUe. Le Ray de,

vii, 254; IX, 469 and n., 542; x, 464.
Chauncy, Dr., of Harvard College, iv,

251; vi, 267; X, a6o.
Chavagnes, Captain, viii, 38 and n.
Cheap. Mr., vii, 35.
Cheetham, James, i, 39.
Chesterfield, Lord, x, 80.
Chew, Benjamin, x, 37.
Chewton, Lord (lieutenant-colonel), viii,

535-
Chezaulx, M. de, French amsul at

Bergen, Norway, vii, 420, 421, 423.
Childs, Frands, {Mrinter, i, 183; ix, 468

n.; X, 406.
Chittick, Dr., ix, 330 n.
Choiseul, Due de, his party favours

B. F., X, 306, 308, 333.
Chollet, Frangois-Auguste, ix, 178.
Cholmondely, Lord, compliments to

INDEX OF PERSONS

S4S

B. F.y viii, 460; their coiiTenatioii,

463. 464.
Chotck, Count, ix, 314.
ChrepCowicz, Comte, v, 281.
Chriraan, Duke of Zweibriick, iz, 5a n.
Christian, Evan (Isle of Man), ix, 354

and n., 3^6.
Chriatian, vii, (king of Denmark), i,

394; viii. aay, 503; ix, 29, 31, 65, 66.
Christie, Mr., vi, 54.
Church, Mr. £. D., i, 33; iii, 479 n.
Church, Edward, ix, 656 n.
Church, William Singleton, s€t James

Digses.
Churchman, John, ix, 557 n.
Cic6, Monsigneur (archbishop of Bor-
deaux), ix, 136 n., 503 and n.
Cicero, quoted, i, 331; ii, 9, 32, 46,

244 and n., 245; iii, 39; viii, 135 n.
Clap, Thomas, President of Yale, iii,

160 n.
Clapnam, Captain, iii, 328.
Clapham, Colonel, i, 4x2.
Clare, Lord, v, 46, 67, 68, 147, 148; x,

406.
(Hare, Mr., F.R.S., ii, 252 n.
Clarendon, Lord, v, 364; vi, 2x1; x,

334.
Clark, General, v, 66; ix, 261.
Clark, Dr. George, iv, 210; v, 190.
Clark, Capt. Henry, ii, 53.
Clark, Joseph, vi, 27.
Clark, Richard, and Sons, merchants of

Boston, vi, 177.
Clarke, Major, v, 361 n.
Clarke, Dr. William, iii, 63 n., 72 n.,

287; iv, 37 n., 43 n.
Claypoole, George, li, 180 and n., x8i.
Claypoole, John, ii, 180 n.
Clajrton, Mr., iii, 381.
Clephane, Dr. John, iii, 264 and n.
Clerval, M., musician, i, 2x3.
Clerval, Mme. de. x, 468.
Clifton, John, i, 381.
Clifton, Miss, vii, 347.
Clinton, Francis, see Earl of Lincoln.
Clinton, George (colonial governor of

N.Y.), i, 362 and n.; ii, 355.
Clinton, George, governor of New
York (1777-1795), ix, 477 n.; letter
to, 610.
Clinton, Sir Henry (general), vii, z88;
viii, 6, 82 and n., 94 and n., 99, 264;
ix, 609.
Clive, Lord, v, 436 n.; x, 2x0.
Cobden, William, i, 136; x, 2x1.
Cobham, Mr., vi, 239.
Cobham, Lord, iv, 5, 6.
Cochran, Mr., friend of B. F. Bache,

vii. 368 J viii, 372.
Cocke, William, ix, 534 n.; x, 483.
Cocker* Edward, i, 243; x, 148.

VOL. X — 2 N

CofFyn, Francis, vii, 202, 419 n.

Coigny, Due de, x, 459 and n., 465.

Coke, Sir Edward, ii, 290; ix, 253.

Colbert, "Cousin," iv, 358, 450.

Colburn, Henry, publisher, i, 30.

Colden, Alexander, iii, 395 and n.;
vi, 38.

Colden, Cadwallader, F.'s correspond-
ence with, i, 66, 67 n., 82. 83; iii,
17X n., 186 n.; makes F. known to
Gronovius, i, 130; sends F. papers
on meteorology, 207; ii, v; nis-
tory of the Indians, 240 n., 358 n.;
iii, z 22, 126; V, 480; stereotype
printing, ii, 241 n.; origin of Amer.
Philo. Soc., 276 and n.; treaty with
Indians, 279 n.; f riend^p with Dr.
Bard, 294 n.; Doctrine of Flux-
ions, 324 n. ; iii, 191 n. ; criticises F.'s
theory of population, 63 n.; cure of
cancer, 87 n.; trade with Canada,
164 n.; Plan of Union, 199 and n.,
200, 203 n.

Colden, David, iii, xo^ n.

Coleman, ** Cousin," li, 380.

Coleman, Dr., preaches funeral ser-
mon of B. Franklin, uncle of B. F.,
X, X47 n.

Coleman, William, member of the
*' Junto," i, 300; assists F. in busi-
ness, 304; ii, 277- iv, 450 J V, X83.

Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, vii, 68 n.;

Collas, Mr., son-in-law of Jane Mecom,
vii, 257 and n.; ix, 623.

Collas, Mrs., niece of B. F., vii, 257 n.

Collier, Hannah, marries W. T. Frank-
lin, i, 5: lives at Etampes with sec-
ond husoand, 6; dies, 1846, 6.

Collier, Sir George, vii, 377.

Collins, Anthony, source of F.'s early
scepticism, x, 148.

Collins, John, friend of F. in youth, i,
240, 244; assists F. in flight from
Boston, 249, 258; clerk in post-office,
261, 263, 264; his intoxication, 265,

267, 269, 2QS.

Collinson, Michael, son of Peter, v,
185 n., 191 n., 192, 221, 246.

Collinson, Peter, gives F.'s first
pamphlet to the press, i, 15 and n.:
his death (1768), 16, 17; v, 185 ana
n.; viii, 105 and n.; sends Leyden
jar to Philadelphia, i, 34, 87, 417,
418; correspondence with F., 46,
47, 50 and n.; iii, 34, i2t, 134 n.,
z;^9 n., 228; description ot a whirl-
wind, i, 59*, nature kA light, 65;
magic squares, 74 n.*, electrical ex-
periments, 89, 93 n., 94 n., 9^, 96,
07 n., 98, 99, 112; ii, 323; iii, 8;
kite experiment, i, loi; iii, 99;

546

INDEX OF PERSONS

/

lightning rods, i, xoa, 103 n.; iii, 124;
fur trade i, 150; iv, 245 and n.;
F.'s opinion of T. Pcnn, i, 154 n.,
162 n.; French translation ol F.'s
works, iii, 98; Plan of Union, i, 156,
157, zsSn.; affairs in Pennsjrlvania,
160 n., 161 n.; F.'s first visit to,
434; before the Royal Society, ii,
293 n.; iii, i7i n., 175 n.; buys
books for Pniladelphia. ii, 296,
299, 376; reads C. Golden, 324;
recommends Peter Kalm, 364, 367;
character of, iii, 52, 146 n.; meadow
grass, ^9, 60; NoUet's experiments,
105 ; if niversitv of Pennsylvania, 1 89 ;
Germans in Pennsylvania, 139, 190;
water-spouts, 228, 269; cruelty to
Indians, iv, 241 n.; injustice to
Indians, x, 185; peace of 1748,
171, 172; ii, 333; iii, V, 338.
357» 405. 419. 422, 440; IV. 97,
163; V, X91 and n.; vi, 11 1 n.; x,
197.

Collinson, Mrs. Peter, death of, iii, 147.

Cond6, Prince de, anecdote of, ii, 103.

Condorcet, Marquis de, i, 135, 183, 196;
Eloge of B. F., iii, 45 n.; x, 492; vi,
237; «» 565. 666; X, 360; death of,
489.

Confucius, principles of, ii, 377.

Conway, Mr., M.P., viii, 460.

Conway, Mrs. Rowley (of Bodrhyddon),
i, XVI.

Conway, Henry (general). Secretary
of State, i, 404; iv, 392, 408, 412, 461 ;
V, 45. 46; he resigns, 89, 90, 105,
205; X, 244.

Conway, Thomas, Count de, vii, 266.

Conyngham, Capt. Giistavus, his
capture, vii, 377 and n.; his escape,
418 n.; complaints of Frenchmen
concerning him, 198; viii, 552; his
commission, vii, 190, 322, 389; viii.

574, 575-
:, Captain

(packet commander),

Cook,
vi, 252.

Cook, Capt. James (circumnavigator^,
i, 7; ix, 20o; gold medal in his
honour presented to F., vii, 242 andn.,
243; viii, no n.; ix, 258 n., 398;
X, 43. 44, 350 and n. ; his * * Voyages,"
ix, 241, 258 and n., 509, 510, 582 n.;
F. grants passport to, x, 4^, 44.

Coombe, Rev. Thomas, vi, 34 n.,
102 n.* V, 185; viii, 647.

Cooper, Sir Grey, M.P. (secretary of
the treasury), v, 143, 144, 145, 146;
vi, 32; interrogates F., vii, 75,
76 n.; X, 232; inquires into treatment
of Colonel Laurens in Tower, viii,
165 and n., 254 n., 340. 352; x, 374;
interrogates F., 232, 302.

Cooper, Lady Grey, vii, 7^ and n. '

Cooper, James Fenimore, 1, 44.

Cooper, Joseph, i, 295.

Cooper, Dr. Samuel, letters from F.,
i, 11; depreciation of currency, 141;
iii, 369; IV, 251; d^ree from Edin-
burgh, v, 37, 230 n.; letter from,
357 n.; on ventilation, vi, 93 n.,
94; the Hutchinson Letters, 109,
267, 371, 272 n.; x, a6o; Bishop
Shipley's sermon, vi, iic; 446;
vii, Z15, 184, 358; love of France,
viii, 39 n.; ix, 6az; viii, 358 n.,
371 n.; treaty of peace, ix, 91 n.;
death of, 478, 487 ; z, 348.

Cooper, Mrs. Samuel, v, 197.

Coplev, Sir Godfrey (the Copley
gold medals), i, 421; v, 70.

Copley, John Singleton, ix, 45.

Copper, George, li, 298.

Corcellen, Pierre von de, i, 305.

Combuiy, Lord, iv, 334.

Cornu, Captain (of Dunkirk), viii, laa.

Cornwallis, Lord, surrender of, i, 197;

viii» 321. 333 "-. 40i, 4"; ix, 474 n.;
X, 388; retreat to Brunswick, vii,
31; conquest of America impossible,
330; his parole and release, viii, 349,

507, 530. 531. 532, 534, 535, 536. 537,

538. 539. 540. 556, 561, 571; arrival

in England, 393, 483, 573, 633; x,

III.
Cortes, discovery of turkeys, ix, 167 n.
Cortracht, Henry, iii, 331.
Cotiere, Cathallet (of St. Sulpice), i, 1 18.
Cotin & Co., viii 197; x. 34^, 344, ^4^.
Cotton, Charles, travesty of Virgil, i,

352 and n.
Coudray, Tronson, de, vii, 30 and n.;

affair of the AmphitriU^ x, 335, 33O,

327; death of, 328.
Courault fr^res, viii, 199.
Court de Gobelin, Antoine, native

languages of America, i, 85, 199;

vii, 43 n., 436; viii, 346 n.
Courtanvaux, Marquis de, see Due de

Doudeauville.
Couteulx & Co. (Paris bankers), viii.

389, 390. C84; ix, 137.
Cowper, William, viii, 448 n.
Coxe, John (of Trenton), ii, 377.
Coxe, Mr. (of Philadelphia), x, 33.
Coxe, Miss (of N.J.), wife of Chau-

mont, fils, ix, 543 n.
Cradock, JoKph, i, 78 n.
Craig, Captain, iii, 336.
Craig, Col. John, ix, 611.
Craige, Mr., v, 396.
Cramer, Mr. (of Geneva), oversees

education of B. F. Bache, vii, 368,

369. 436.
Cramer, Mme., vii, 369 n.,* viii, 373.

INDEX OF PERSONS

547

Crawford, Adair (phjrsician), vii, 413
and n.

Crell, Aletta, iii^ 5.

Creilius, Mr., iv, no.

Creutz, Comte de (Swedish ambassa-
dor to France), complains of American
cruisers, vii, 373, 390; solicits
treaty with America, viii, 150, 503,
514, 55». 618, 6^5, 646; ix, 30, 53, 69.

Cr^vecoeur, Michel Guillaume-Jean
de, his "Letters from an American
Farmer," i, 305; viii, 297 n.; his
name, ^07 and n. ; friendship of Mme.
d'Houdetot, 708; x, 446, 448.

Crfcvecceur, Rooert de, viii, 297 n.

Crigan, Claudius, Bi^op of Sodor and
Man, character of, ix, 353 n.

Crillon, Due de, viii, 200, 203, 295 ; ix,

106; X, 406.
Crocco, Giacomo Francesco, ix, 97 n.,

127, 133 n.; X, ^53.
Crocker, Joseph, iii, 395, 441.
Croft, Richara (lieutenant), viii, 130.
Croghan, George, sends F. tusks of
mastodons, i, 85, 86 n., 199; v, 92 n. ;
his life, i, 400 and n.; v, 39 n.; Wal-
pole grant, 67; x, 255; treaty with
Indians, v, 499.
Cromwell, Elizabeth, ii, 180 n.
Cromwell, Oliver, ii, 180 and n.; x,

334.
Crook, Dr., ii, 216.
Crowley, Thomas, vi, 116 and n.
Croxall, Samuel, his fables, ii, 301; iii,

22.
CuUen, Dr. William, cold produced

by evaporation, i, 69; iv, 116 n.

Z32, 192; nature of fire, 121 and

n.; contagious colds, vi, 100, 10 1;

iv, 210; V, 380; X, 202, 254.
Cumberland, Duke of, i, 78; iii, v,

358 n.
Cumberland, Richard, viii, 237 n., 238

n.
Gushing, Thomas, v, 283 n., 317 n.,

357 n., 379 n.; vi, 180, 263 n., 268 n.;

vii, no n.; x, 178, 248, 258, 260.
Cutler, Manasseh, x, 478.
Cuvier, i, 86.
Czartoryski, Prince, i, 199.

D

Dacosta, Mr., clerk of the Royal

Societv, V, 76.
Dagge, Mr., F.R.S., ix, 100 n., 172,

Dailli, M., ix, 498.

Dalibard, Thomas-Francois, i, 16;
compliments to F., 18, 98, 112 n.,
225, 419, 420; iii, 105, 164, 192, 193.

Dalibard, Mme., v, 95, 230.

Dalrymple, Alexander, iv, 123; v,
340 and n., 341.

Dalrymple, Sir John, i, 82 and n.;
viii, 98 and n.

Dalton, Mr., x, 342.

Dampier, Admiral, iii, 120, 196; vi, 68.

Dana, Francis, member of Congress,
vii, 197; poes to Paris with Tohn
Adams, viii, 53, 76, 146; in Holland,
aoi, 205, 223, 232 n., 238, 253, 291;
in Russia, 534; x, 320, 341, 342, 346,

_378.

Dan by, John, x, 162.

Dandelot, Mme., ix, 268.

Danforth, Samuel, iv, 251 and n.; vi,
10 c n.

Danforth, Samuel, Jr., vi, 105 n., 106.

Daniell, William, x, 171.

Danver, Mr., iii, 39.

Danville, ii, 301.

Darby, George (vice-admiral), x, 340.

Darcet, Jean (chemist), i, 121; ix,
670 and n.

Darling, Thomas (merchant), iii, 166.

Dartmouth, Lord, succeeds Hills-
borough, V, 410, 433, 43s; X, 254,
2^6; his regard for B. F., v, 411;
VI, 30; his popularity in America,
V. 414. 459; nis first levee, 444,
445, 448; receives the petition to
the king, 450; vi, i and n., 303,
304; X, 283; presents the petition
to the king, vi, 172, 189, 349, ^50;
his opinion of Governor Hutchin-
son, 48, 49; the Hutchinson Letters,
281, 282; destruction of tea in
Boston, 179; reconciliation with
America, 31, 56, 114, 147, 232, 302,

342, 359. 368, 369, 374, 379. 39^;

scene in the cockpit, x, 267.
Darwin, Erasmus, i, xix, 196; x, 252.
Darwin, Prof. George H., i, xix.
Dashkof, Princess, i, 199; x, 346.
Dashwood, Sir Franas, iv, 407 n.;

set Lord Le Despencer.
Davenant, Dr., iii, 205 n.
Davenport, Enoch, v, 372; vi, 18.
Davenport, Joseph, vi, 17 n.
Davenport, Mrs. Joseph, death of, ii,

180 and n.; iii. 57; x, 497.
Davenport, Josiah, iii, 57; iv, 360; vi,

96.
David de Morlaix, vii, 260 and n.
Davies, Mary Ann, i, 212.
Davies, Samuel, President of Princeton,

vi, 227 n.
Davies, Thomas, publisher, ix, 149 n.
Davies, Rev. Thomas F., i, xv; iii, i n.
Davy, Sir Humphry, i, 49.
Dawson, Greenberry, ix, 679.
Dawson, Major, i, 106; v, 397 n.
Dazeux, M., v, 393.

54B

INDEX OF PERSONS

Dean, Joseph, z, 509.

Dean, Sir Robert, iv, 405 n.

Dcane (Uie Six Clerk), z, 487.

Deane, Barnabas, vii, 257 n.

Deane, Silas, story of Polly Baker,
i, 17a; his secret correspoiidence,
aoi n.; knowledge of French, a 16;
X, 428; employment of French
officers, vii, 66, 77; x, 321. 325, 326;
recalled by Congress, vii, 128 and
n., 129, 130, X32; qiiarrel with

A. Lee, 133, 134, r35, X36, 137,
149, 247, 335, 401. 402 n.; viii, 204;
». ^^Z^ 336; succeeded by John
Adams, vii, 139; x, 330; departure
for America, vii, X46, 147, 148;

B. F.'s opinion of, 174, 175;
settlement widi Beaumarchais, i8x,
265; recommends General Con-
way, 266 n.; return to Europe
(1780), viii, 74, 75, 126; introduced
to Dumas, 196; goes to Holland, 201 ;
his accounts, 204, 223; his change of
character, 393, 394 and n., 404, 640;
ix, 77; first visit to Paris, 554 and
n.; X, 294, 300, 301 and n.; anec-
dote of B. F., 271, 272 and n.,
303 n.; his lodgings in Paris, 305,
3x0; criticised oy Carmichael,
3x1 n.; his expenses in France,
320; affair of the AmphiiriU^ 328
n.; instructions by Congress, vl, 470,
472,474, 475; vii, 9, 20, 21, 23, 31
n-, 3«. 33. 35. 3*. 46, 78, 105, 106.
154 n., 155, 218,2x9, 257 n.; viii,
a6, 434. 587; ix. 49. 64; x, 307, 308,
3a*. 339. 34a, 365-

Deane, Simeon, vii, X97 n., 257.
Deane, Mrs. (of Ireland), ix, 14.
Dearborn, Gen. Henry A. S., 1, 236 n.
De Beaufort, W. H., x, 325 n.
De Berdt, Dennis, Massachusetts agent

in London, v, 284, 294, 302.
De Bory, Dr., i, i2x.
Decow, Isaac (surveyor-general), i, 295 ;

X, 170.
DefiFand, Marquise du, quoted, x, 303,

305. 329-
Defoe, Daniel, i, 36, 238, 25 x; x, 148,

149.
De Grey, Lord Chief Justice, the

Hutchinson Letters, vi, 184, 185; x,

264.
Delancey, Mr., v, 114.
Delany, Mrs., vi, 143 n.
Delap, J. H., commercial agent at

Bordeaux, vii, 405 and n.
Delap, Samuel, commercial agent at

Bordeaux, vii, 405.
Delaresse, iii, 142. 165.
Delaval, Edmund Hussey, F.R.S., i,

2x0; iv, 165 and n.; vi, 14a.

DemosthencSt anecdote of, x, 358.

Denbigh, Lord, x, 335.

Denham, Mr., ix, 267.

Denham, Mr. (of Philadel|]iiia), i, 274,
275, a76, 285. a86, a89; li, 54; offers
B. F. employment, x, 155.

Dennie, William, vii, 257, 258.

Dennison, Ma^jor, v, 360 n.

Denny, John, ii, 298.

Denny, Gov. WiUiam (of Pennsyl-
vania), i, 391, 417, 421, 4t6, 437,
439; "»i 399. 400, 44a; iv, 3x6,
319. 3*1. 3aa. 323. 334; x, 185 n.,

^93-
De Normandie, Dr. John A^ r, 459,

461 ; vi, ao and n.
De Renne, Mr. W. J., i, xvin; letter

from, vi. 401.
Deny, Bishop of, ix, 239.
Desa^^ers, John T., LL.D., i, 53; ii,

269.
Desmarets, Nicholas, ix, X95 and n.
Desain, M., innkeeper at Calais, v,

3*0.
Deudon, M., improves upon the

Armonica, i, 21a.
Deuxponts, PriiKe des, viii, 456 n. ;

ix, 51 n., 52 n., 70 and n.; x, 406.
Devonshire, Duchess of, ix, x6o n.
Dewitt, John, murdered, ix, 604; quoted,

vii, r52.
Dexter, Dr. F. B., Librarian of Yale

University, \^ xv; x, 147 n., ao4 n.
Dexter, Timothy, quoted, ix, 85 n.
Dibden, Thomas F ., vi, 436 n.
Dick, Sir Alexander, i, xa8, xta n.

iv. X n., 15s, 157; V. 109, 380; X,

aoa, 254.
Dick, Lady Sarah, iv, x and n., 210,

373; V, 347, 380-
Dickinson, John, Galloway's answer to.
iv, 315, z^t, 343; character of Will-
iam Penn, 345; his protest, 337.
358; his "Letters from a Farmer,'*

V, 114 n., 19a. 231 »•; X. «43; Com-
mittee of Secret Correspeodence, vii,
9 n.; X, 293, 294 n.; champion of
Pennsylvania Assembly, a 16, 9x7,
218, 297.

Diderot, Denis, i, ax a; x, 357.

Didot, Francois, i, 2x5 ; ix, 537; x, 445 "•

Didot, Frangois-Ambroise, le jeune,
viii, 336 and n.

Dieskau, General, commaoding FTmdk
troops in Canada, v, 2x0.

Digges, Thmnas, i, pj viii, 331 and n^
407 and n., 408; his dishonesty, 413,
429, 474. 477. 478» 55* *. »• J46,
37a.

Dillwyn. Mr., vi, 214^ 94s*

Dilly, Charles (p^blUher), v, 465; vi,
235; ix, SSO and n., 551; x, 97 n.

INDEX OF PERSONS

549

Dinwiddie, Governor, z, 189.

Diot, Mr., yii, 409.

Diricks, Colonel, vii, 341.

Divisch, Pastor Prokop, i, 103 and n.,

104 n.
Dobbs, Arthur, ii, 278.
Dodd, Mead, aind Co., U, 85 n., zi8 n.,

Z19 n.
Dodsley, Robert, li, 324 n.
Dohrman, Mr., iz, 66^.
DoUond, Peter (optiaan), i, 125; ix,

337 and n.
Domien, Pire, Hi, 1^5 n., 252.
Donebauer, Fritz, vii, i n.
Doniol, Henri, vii, 14a n.; z, 303 n.,

310.
Donne, W. B., x, 331 n.
Donnel, Miss Frances M. F., iv,

466 n.
Dorchester, Lord, vii, 18 and n., 145 n*;

viii, 619.
Dorset, Duke of, ix, a68; z, 460.
Dorsey, Wheeler, and Co. (of Balti-
more), ix, 153 n.
Doudeauville, Due de, v, 9a n.
Douglas, William, Summaries, iii, 243,

364 ; on the smallpox, 96.
Douglas, John, Bisnop of Salisbury, i,

145; »". 93 «•; »v. 45 n-
Douglass, Uerron, and Co., v, 44a.

Dove (pamphleteer), x, aao.

Dove, Engbsh Instructor in Academy,

iii, 6a; x, 14, ij.
Dover, Baron, ztt Sir Joseph Yorke.
Dowden, Dr. Edward, i, xnn,
Dowell, Mrs., v, 227.
Dowlin, Captain, viii, 65.
Downes, Mrs. Elizabeth, st» Mrs.

William Franklin.
Dowse, Captain, ii, 316; z, 143 n.
Dowse, Elizabeth (sister of B. F.), ii,

i8a and n.; iii, ^^i, 403, 451, 461.
Dreer, F. J., i, 9; lii, 89 n.
Dromgoole, Mr., iz, 635.
Drouillier, Mr. (Indian interpreter), ix,

524.
Drown, Solomon, ix, 357 and n.

Dryden, John, quoted, i, 396; vii, 411;

X. 39-
Duane, Mr., viii, 44.

Duane, William, ii, a^7 n.

Duboccage, Mme., vii, 13 n.

Dubois, Professor, vi, 59 n.

Dubourg, Dr. Barbeu, F.'s de-
voted friend, i, 13, publishes a
translation in French of "Experi-
ments and Observations on Elec-
tricity," Paris, 1773, 17, 18; com-
pliments F., 18; love of America,
114; origin of colds, laa; doctrine
of life and death, 134; a physiocrat,
135 and n.; z, 361; theArmonica,

i, a 10; iv, 169 n.; poke-weed, iii,
87 n.; the Quakers, v, 330 n.; on
perspiration, vi, 60; his translations,
100; his scientific merit, ^yi\ "The
Morals of Chess," vii, 357 ; his letter
to Congress, z, 301; correspondence
with Vergennes, 313; 61oge of, 340;
death of, viii, 451; 1, aa, iia n., 113,
1x4, ia6; iv, 45> "•; v, 15a, 154.
282, 397 n., 546 n.; vi, 9, 19 and n.,
ao4; vii, 10 n., 64; viii, 344; z,

a94, 305-
Dubouig, Mme. Barbeu, v, 930, 465;

vi, 47a.

Duch^, Jacob, iii, 137, 350; v, 183.

Duffield, Edward (of Philadelphia), v,
96, 183; X, 501, 509.

Dumas, C. W. F., inspires the European
press, i, 146; his life, v, 150 n.;
his recompense, vii, 181; encourag-
ing news, 296; trouble with Sir
George Grand, viii, 49 and n., 55,
61 n.; employed by Congress, x,
293, 294 and n.; his influence in
Holland, ^75; i, 175; vii, 130, 141 n.,
371 n.; viii, 76, 80, 94 n., 131, 146 n..
177, 184 n., 421, 437 n-, 55a» 553;
X. 403.

Dumont, M. (?), viii, 108.

Dunbar, Colonel, commander under
Braddock, i, 398, 40a, 404, 4x6; iii,
390; X, 1 8a, 190, 191.

Dunlap, Mr. (of Philadelphia), or-
dained deacon and priest, iv, 409.

Dunlap and Hall, pnnters in Phila-
delpnia, x, 171.

Dunlap, William, printer in Philadel-
phia, iii, 26a, 379, 429, 439 and n.,
440; iv, a n., aa6, 315; viii, 94 n.

Dunmore, John Murray, fourth earl of,
vii, 249.

Dunn, Samuel, vi, 20 and n.

Dunning, John (Lord Ashburton),
Solicitor-ueneral, defends B. F.
before Privy Council, vi, x86, 187,
189, 190; X, 266, 268.

Duplessis, M., ix, 499, 567; x, 46X.

Duplessis, J. S., portrait of F., viii, 62.

Du Pont, Col. Henry A., i, xix; v, 153 n.,
281 n., 405 n., 409 n.

Dupont, M., Inspector of Commerce,

X. 348. . .

Du Pont de Nemours, i. x%x^ 135; v,

230, 282; vii, 413 and n.; x, 361.

Duportail, Brigadier-General, stt Le
B^ue Duportail, viii, 370 n., 389
and n.

Dupr6, Louis, vii, 374.

Durand, M., French minister in Lon-
don, V, 47- „

Durand, M., stt Beaumarchais.

Durival, M. (Chef du Bureau des Fonds

550

INDEX OF PERSONS

des Affaires Etnmg^res), — the lost
million, — ix, 517 n., 554; x, 385,

386, i87» 388.
Dussaulx, M., x, 347.
Dutaitre, Mme., ix, 667.
Duvivier, B., artist, medal given b^

Congress to Marquis de Flcuiy, viii,

34 n., 71 n.
Dydie, Thomas, Dictionaries, ii, 298,

30X.

E

Easton, Jonathan, tutor in the Academy

of Philadelphia, x, 21, 22.
Echard, Laurence, ii, 297.
Eckhardt, Mr .(of Utrecht), ix, 173 and n.
Ecles, Mr., experiments in electricity,

iiif 359*
Ecrammeville, M. Le Marquis d',

Eden, William, i, 201 n.; vu, i^ n.,

142 n.; X, 310 n., 329 n.; appomted

commissioner to restore peace, 331

and n.
Edmond, Mr., iii, 328.
"Edwards" (alias of Dr. Edward

Bancroft),!, 3; vii, 142 n.;x, 3x0, 311.
Edwards, Admiral, x, 372.
Edwards, David, iii, 421; his death,

iv, 25.
Edwards, Morgan (founder of Brown

University), v, 71 and n.
Edwards, Capt. William, iv, 304.
Eggleston, Edward, iii, 40 n.
Egremont, Earl of, i, 287 and n.
Elam, Joseph, ix, 680 n.
Elbert, Samuel (governor of Georgia),

ix. 474 n.
Eliot, Andrew, v, 37 and n.
Eliot, Jared, i, xv, 31, 47f 57f 58 n.,

83, 84 n.; iii, 59, 123 n., 171 n.,

268 and n.; iv, 360.
Eliot, Mrs. Jared, ii, ^14-
Eliot, John (apostk), i, 83; ii, 310 n.;

viii, 247.
Elizabeth, Queen (of England), ii, 6i;

iv, 50.56, 7a; V, 112; vii, 152; ix, 434.
Ellery, Mr., viii, 575 n.
Ellicot, Mr., i, 72; v, 199.
Elliot, Mr., iv, 251.
Ellis, Mr,, i, 76.
Ellis, Welbore, x, 232.
Elphinstone, Mr. (teacher of penman-
ship), iii, 2w; vi, 412; ix, 259.
Elphinstone, Mrs., vi, 412.
Emmons, Rev. Nathaniel, gift of books

by B. F. to town of Franklin, Mass.,

ix, 301 n.; X, 482, 483 n.
Em(^n, Mrs., iv, 360, 383.
English, Mr., medalled ny the Society

of Arts for propagating rhubarb, v,

245-

Ennis, Mr., iv, 2x4.

Enville, Mme. la Duchesse d', vii, 67;

ix, 497, 565 and n., 666; x, 346, 406,

467.
Eon, La Chevali^re d', x, 276, 407.
Epictetus, ix, 260.

Epinasse, M. L' (electrician), v, 165.
Erskine, Henry, ix, 23 n.
Erwin, Captain, iii, x6^.
Estaing, Comte d', vii, 184, 188, 194

and n., 231, 291, 380; viii, 512, 544;

ix, 566 n.; X, 330, 340, 342, 346, 406,

437-
Esthe, the Countess, sister-in-law of

Kosziuszko, i, 304.
EstUn, Mr. (John Prior?), Lx, 341.
Evans, Ameha, see Mrs. Amelia Barry.
Evans, Dr. Cadwallader, i, 119; silk

production, v, 460 and n.; death of,

vi, 117 and n.; x, 2x9, 233.
Evans, Governor, iv, 339.
Evans, Lewis, maps of America, iii, 9

and n., 377 and n., 380; v, 481;

vi, 334 and n.; viii, 330 n.
Evans, Miss Ninely, x, 390.
Everett, Edward, i, 6; x, 144, 145 n.
Ewing, Rev. John, observations on

transit of Venus, i, 71; v, 270 n.;

greets B. F. on his return to America,

x» 475-

Eyre and Spottiswoode (king's print-
ers), viii, 336 n.

Ejrre and Strahan (king's printeis),
ix, 193 n.

Fabricius, J. A., ii, 245 n.
Fairford, Lord (son of Lord Hills-
borough), vi, 99.
Falconer, Captain Nathaniel, iv, 360;

V. 31. 38. 39. 95. >o». '03. io4» I XI,
184, 364. 321, 338, 372, 459; VI. X75.
193, 194, 336, 303, 428; IX. 55 n..
513; ». 278, 289.

Falconer, Mrs., v, 39; vi, 429; vii, 12a.

Faneuil, Benjamin, vi, X77.

Faroes, M. Louis, i, xiii.

Fannelli, singer, i, 346 n.

Farish, Rev. Mr., vi, 153 n., 165.

Parish, Prof. William, vi, X53_n.

Farrer, Dowager Lady, i, xviii.

Fauchet, Abb^, x, 492.

Faucitt, William, viii, 348 and n.

Faulkner, George, founder of Dublin
Journal^ x, 80.

Fave, Mr., viii, 313.

Fawkener, Sir Everard (postmaster-
general), i, 415; ». 175-

Featherstone, Sir Matthew, v, 313, 314.

Featherstone, I*ady, v, 314.

Fcines, Mmc, x, 468.

INDEX OF PERSONS

551

FendaD, P. N., vii, 223 n.

Ferdinand, Archduke, inoculated for

smallpox, vi, 141 n.
Ferdinand of Brunswick, Prince, vii,

181, 315 and n., 316.
Ferguson, Mr., vi, 429.
Fer;giison, Dr. Adam, v, 380; z, 204 n.,

254-
Ferguson, James, improves on B. F.'s
dock, i, 5a, 53 and n.; admires B. F.'s
magic squares, 74 and n.
Feriet, fiaron, ix, 361.
Feutrv, Am^Ambroise- Joseph, viii, 37
and n.

Fielding, Sir John, iii, 143.

Filangieri, Gaetano, his studies in juris-
prudence, ix, I n., 2 n.; x, 361.

Finck (B. F.'s maitre d' hotel), ix,
469.

''inlay, Mr., vi, 103.

^'\n\cy^ Dr. Samuel (president of Prince-
ton), vi, 237 and n.

isher, Daniel, x, 157 n.

isher, Hezekiah, x, 483 n.

sher, Jabez, vii, 330.

sher, Marv, daughter of Thomas

FrankL'n, S. F.'s uncle, iii, 451, 453;

X, 143, 144 and n., 145 n.

iher, Richard, i, 229; iii, 452, 453;

ch^ John, inventor of steamboat,

, 82, 109; ix, 671 n.

rgcrala, Anne, viii, 329 n.

:^erald, Thomas, viii, 339 n.

her l>ert. Alley ne (Baron St. Hel-

is), viii. C79, 594.

hu/;;hs, Messrs., ix, 499.

Tiaurice, Lord, x, 357, 358.

naui

cJ n.

Tiaurice, The Honoura

Die, ix.

583

lux, Messrs., viii, 282, 431.

lux and Grand, viii, 269, 272, 334,

U 43 r, 432, 479; X, 379.

Tsham, Mr., v, 308.

i^ille, M. de, x, 308.

/illc, Miss, ix, 667.

r% Marquis de, 1, 202; receives

lal from Congress, viii, 16 n., 24,

I., 75 and n., 128; x, 377.

, M. de — (of the Comedie

liaise), viii, 31 n.

Mr., Chinese cheese, v, 246.

Rebecca, iii, 454.

Robert Ralph, proprietor of
lead Place, Kent, ix, 13 n.
Abiah, see Mrs. Josiah Frank-

Capt. Timothy, v, 232, 233; vi,

ix, 406; X, -^y

** Cousin," v, 178.

Peter, i, 231, 232 and n.; x, 146.

, Abb^, vi, 141.

Forbach, Mme. de, viii, 456; ix, 52

n.; X, 408, 444, 445, 508.
Forbes. General, iv, 252 n.; v, 216.
Ford, Mr., vii, 301.
Ford, Paul Leicester, i, 44, 346 n.; iii,

45 n.

Ford, Worthin^on C, i, xiii; vi, 315
n., 425 n.; vii, 163 n.

Fordyce, David, iii, 133 and n.

Fordyce, James, iii, 133 and n.

Forest, M. de, viii, 638.

Forman, H. Buxton, C. B., i, onii.

Forster, John Reinhold, iii, 9 n.; v,
386, 387 n.

Forster, Mrs., vi, 17.

Forsters, Puchelbcrg, and Co., mer-
chants at Nantes, viii, 135 n.

Forth, Charles Parker, i, 3; viii, 427,
428, 429, 464, 513, 522.

Foster, Dr. James, i, 346 and n.; iii,
90.

Fosters, Messrs. (of Bordeaux), ix, 99.

Fothergill, Dr. John, i, 11^; iii, 422; v,
221, 336, 4|3i; X, 275; his character,
i, Z14; aovises the publication of
B. F.'s essavs, 418; advises B. F.
concerning nis action toward the
Proprietaries,* 4^4, 435; B. F.'s
medical adviser, iii, 419; silk culture,
V, 388, 38^; reconciliation with the
colonies, vi, 326, 336, 341, 359, 371,

375. 383. 389, 395. 399; vi". 5.?5 n..

206 and n.; x, 286; his hfe, viu, 104

and n.; his death, 194 and n.; ix,

11; his works, 16 n., 371; x, 470;

court of arbitration, 330; present

from, 500.
Foucault, Mme., viii, 321, 322 n.; ix,

620; X, 408.
Foulke, Captain, iii, 325, 326; x, 183.
Fouquet, M., teaches the making of

gunpowder, viii, 129.
Fourmcr, Edouard, "L'Esprit des

Autres," quoted, i, 198 n.
Fournier, Pierre-Simon (printer and

type founder), i, 215; viii, 62 n.
Fox, Charles James, negotiations for

peace, viii, 483, 485, 487. 490, 492,

511, 512, 514, 524. 525. 527. 543. 544,
545;; ix, 58; X, 395; letters from,
viii, 488; ix, 87 and n.; character
of Mr. Grenville, viii, 489; his res-
ignation, 563, 564, 566, 567, 571;
reconciliation with North, ix, 18;
Fox's Martyrs, x, 357.
Fox, Charles P. (o^ Philadelphia), i,

3. 4-
Fox, George (of Philadelphia), i, 3,

88; V, 349; viii, 328 and n.
Fox, Joseph, iii, v», 304; iv, 283 n., 333;

V, 461 ; X. 18c;.
Fox, Miss (of Champlost), i, 8, 89.

55^

INDEX OF PERSONS

Fozcroft, John, iv, 203, 209, 214, 4C0;
V, 184, aaa, 46a; x, 287, 288; his
wife an alleged daughter of B. F.,
vi, 102 n.; B. F.'s colleague as deputy
postmaster, x, 176, 177, 178, 180 n.

Foxcroft, Thomas, vi, 193; Xi 387, 288.

Francis, Mr. UA Philadelphia), v, 38.

Francis, Sir Pnilip, i, 371 n.

Francis, Tench, 1, 371 and n.; iii, 12,

14, 16, 20, 21, 30; X, 10, II.

Francy, Mr., vii, 175.

Frank, Lieutenant-Colonel, ix, 191.

Franke, M., x, 352.

Franklin, Anne (first wife of Joatah
FrankUn), ii, 182; x, 146.

Franklin, Benjamin (uncle of B. F.),
i, 229, 230, 231, 232, 238; iii, 452,
45?; V, 3< n.; X, 143 n., 146, 147 n.

Franklin, Mrs. Benjamin (Deborah
Read), i, 258, 269, 273, 275, 277, 288,
296,311; 11, 289 n.; iii, 263, 284, 344,
439 n., 483; iv, 150 n., 176, 188, 196,
199, 204, 216, 246, 248, 254, 259 n.,
388; ,v, 270, 271 -,7 vii, ao6; ^x, 146,

^^^ 157. 158. 227, 287.
Franklin, Elizabeth, set Mrs. Elizabeth

Dowse.
Franklin, Francis Folger (son of B. F.),

"i. 4»3» 439. 442; X, 157-
Franklin, James (brother of B. F.), i,

239; forbidden to publish Courant,

248; ii, 49 n.; x, 151, 152; publishes

Courant^ 149, 150, 497.
Franklin, Jane (cousin of B. F.),

daughter of John Franklin, iii, 459.
FrankUn, Jane, see Mrs. Jane Mecom.
Franklin, John (uncle of fe. F.), i, 228,

229; iii, 459; iv, 465; V, 36, 263 n.;

X, 143, 146.
Franklin, John (brother of B. F.), i,

237, 262; iii, 328 n., 40 V, X, 143.
Franklin, John (of Abingdon), x, 143;

viii, 329 and n.
Franklin, Mrs. John, iii, 329 n.
Franklin, Josiah (father of B. F.), i,

229, 231, 236; ii, 182 n.; iii, 459;

iv, 14 n.; X, 146, 147 n.
Franklin, Mrs. Josiah (Abiah Folger),

i, 231, 2^6; iv, 14 n.; x, 146, 147 n.
Franklin, Josiah (brother of B. F.), i,

337.
Franklin, Lydia, see Mrs. Robert Scott.

Franklin, Mary (sister of B. F.), ii,
181 n.

Franklin, Peter (brother of B. F.), i,
81 n., 214; iv, 14 n., 450 and n.,
460 n.

Franklin, Samuel (son of Benjamin
FrankHn, uncle of B. F.), i, 238.

Franklin, Samuel (grandson of Ben-
jamin Franklin, uncle of B. F.), i,
229, 238; v, 35 n. I

Franklin, Samuel (brother of B. F.).

X, 497.

Franklin, Sarah, see Mim. Sarmh
Bache.

Franklin, Sarah (Lutterworth, Eng-
land), iv, 465; v, 33, 36. 38, 96 and
n., 183, 263 and n., 269, 279; x,
280.

Franxlin, Thomas (uncle of B. F.), i,

220: iii, 451. 453; X. 144, i45» 146-

Franklin, Thomas (grandfather of
B. F.), i, 228, 229; IV, 465; ac, 146.

Franklin, Thomas of Lutterworth,
England (grandson of John Frank-
lin, uncle of B. F.), iv, 465; v, 36,
38, 96 n.

FrankUn, WilUam (son of B. F.), i, ix,
a; iii, 3*7, 3*8 and n., 331. 33a. 357,
367, 379» 405, 419, 420, 429, 434, 438,
458» 477. 478, 483; IV, 96, III, 151.
172, 183 and n., 191, 204, 287 n., 450;
V, 269 n.; X, 63, 276, 461, 470. 493;
amazed at B. F.'s activity, i, 17;
the defeat of Braddock, i, 163, 396;
X, 182; B. F.'s election to Royal
Societv, i, 421 n.; expedition against
Canada, iii, 4 and n.; entered at
Middle Temple, 39, 440; x, 200;
his marriage, iv, 183 n.; x, 212 and
n.; his uncle Thomas, 14c; his
appearance, 203; letter to William
Strahan, 219; Walpole's Grant, 254;
health of Deborah FrankUn, 287.

Franklin, Mrs. WilUam, iv, 183 n., 204,
287 n.; X, 2x2.

Franklin, WilUam Tem[de, i, vtV , a, 3 ;
V, 219, 269 and n.; vii, 10 and n.,
43. 45. 136, 201, 261 n.; viii, 31,
40 n., 55. 46s n.; ix. 90, 251. 252,
274 n., 323, 325. 328, 329, 351, 364,
464, 471, 474, 495, 514, 562, 605 n.,
687; X, 7, 82 n., 267, 310. 336, 340,
351; inherits B. F.'s papers, i, 4;
li, 92 n., 99; their historv, i. 5. 6, 7,
8; exchanges MSS. with Le Veillard,
24; his edition of B. F.'s works,
26, 27, 29, 30, 32, 33, 288, 433 n.;
pubUshes the "Bagatelles," 184, 187;
viii, 162; Paris fashions, vii, 16;
account of James Hutton, 98 n.;
account of Patience Wright, 302 n.;
e£Fort to remove him from Paris, 345
and n., 348, 349; x, 335 n.; presents
sword to Lafayette, vii, 371 and n.;
favoured by Lafayette, 380; iropriaon-
ment of (^onel Laurens, viii, x66 n.;
recommended for pubUc office, 222;
ix, 141, 9Mt 603, 694; account of
Court de G6belin, viii, 246 n.; be-
queaths B. F.'s papers to Fox, 328 n. ;
B. F.'s allowance to his secretary,
587, 388; X, 3x5 and n.; his farm in

INDEX OF PERSONS

553

New Jersey, ix, 490. 49i. 49^, 5",
644, 647, 675; accompaiues B. F. to
France, x, 301 n.; at school in
Geneva, 363; seeks to marry Mme.
Brillon's daughter, 411, 4x7, 419;
signs deed with his father, 470; in-
herits from B. F., 497, 499, 500,
508.
Franklin and Jenkins, ix, 541, 544, 609.
Franks, Major, viii, 331 ana n., 369.
Franval, Captain, vii, ^7.

Frederick the Great, 1, xvii; iii, 476;
iv, 156 n.; vii, 58; x, 209, 314, 358;
battle of Kuncrsdorf, iv, 7; proph-
ecy concerning, 2za; x, 309; eaict
of, vi, 146; posthumous works, x, 33;
destruction of Dresden, vi, 419;
commercial treaty with, ix, an,
399 n.. 463.

Frederick, Sir Charles, v, 430.

Frederick, Prince (father of George
III), i, 423.

Freeman, Mr., v, 433; silk culture,
vi, 10,

Freeman, Captain, ii, 87.

French, Colonel, i, 359, 374.

Frendel, Caroline de, marries Gaetano
Filangieri, ix, 3 n.

Frenicle, Bernard, magic squares, i,
73 ; ". 456 and n.

Frcjr, Baron de (French army officer),
vii, 59.

Friend, Captain, iv, 366, 385, 391.

Fries, Countess de, ix, 315.

Frink, Mr., v, 309.

Frisi, Paullus (physicist), iii, 346 and n.

Fromond, Jean Claude (physicist), vi,
113 and n., 143.

Fry, Captain, iv, 305; viii, 403.

Fry, Dr. (president St. Johns College,
Oxford), X, 307, 3o8.

Gage, General, iv, 313; v, 118, 497,

499» 500. 5»5. 516, 519, 523; vi,
239, 331, 353, 302, 36a, 408; viii,
83, 632; X, 109, 384.

Gale, Mr., x, 470.

Gale, Benjamin (of KiUingworth), i,
118; iv, 345 n.

Galevan, Dr., i, 118.

Galileo, i, 6^; iii, 86.

Galitzin, Pnnce, viii, 333, 334.

Galloway, Joseph, iii, vi; iv, 386, 409;
V, 35 n., 48, 67, 105 n., 336, 337, 461,
466, 498; VI, 30, 111; vii, 330; ix,
353; X, 31^, 373, 373 n.j preface to
speech by, 1, 31 and n.; iv, 316, 358;
aestruction of F.'s papers, i, 1, 33;
viii, 304 ; evils of luxury, i, i ^ i ;
character of, vi, 174 and n.; election 1

in Philadelphia (1764^, x, 316, 3x7,

318,334; Pennsylvania politics, 354.
Galloway, Mrs. Joseph, iv, 383.
Galvez, Don Joseph de, viii, 303.
Galwa^, LorcT, v, 264.
Gambler, Com. James, v, 356 and n.
Gant, Edward, ix, 238 n.; 358 n.; x,

355 n.
Garanger, Captain, vii, ^o and n.
Garden, Dr. Alexander, iii, 381 n.
Gardoqui, M. {Charge ^Affaires to

U.S.), ix, 275 and n.
Gargaz, Pierre Andr6 (galley slave), i,

199; ix, 46.
Gamett, Dr. William, i, xx, 94, 96

and n.
Garrick, David, i, 64; x, 275.
Garrigues, Mrs. iii, 431.
Garth, Charles, vi, 303, 34a.
Garvey, Mr., freight expenses, ix, 368,

369-

Gascoign, Bamber (lord of the ad-
miralty), vi, 98.

Gassendi, his first observations, v, 348.

Gastellier, Dr., i, 113; decollation by
guillotine, 115.

Gates, Gen. Horatio, opinion of
Burgoyne, i, 175 n.; v, 117 and n.j
vi, 438, 4$i n.; vii, 188; x, 375.

Gauger, Nicolas, La Mechanique de
Feu, ii, 349, 353; ix, 431.

Gay, James, i, 373 n.; Nogarefs
criticism of, viii, 315 and n.

Geary, Admiral, viii, 108.

Genet, M. (Chef du Bureau des Affaires
Etrancdres), viii, 116, 339 n.

Genlis, Comtesse de, viii, 456.

George III (king of England), i, 7, 31;
his American botanist, 84; changes
style of lightning rods, 107, xo8;
vi, 277; vii, 381^ viii, 446; corona-
tion of, X, 309; IV, 8, 313, 360, 365;
V, 166; vii, 133, viii, 65, 184, 427,
467, 476, 521, 614, 623, 631; ix, 486,
695; X, 346, 310, 331, 350 n., 358.

Germain, Lord George, i, xi, 31 n.;
vii, 33 n.; viii, 94 n., 166 n.; x,

372-
Gerry, Elbridge, ix, 479 and n., 481;

X, 478.
Gervaise, Mr., ix, 334.
Gibbes, Sir Phillip, x, 330.
Gibbon, Captain, iii, 195.
Gibbon, Edward, i, 143 n.; ii, 237 n.
Gibbons, Joseph, iii, vi.
Gibbs, Mr., ix, 617.
Gibelin, Dr. Jacq^ues, i, a4, 36.
Gibson, Bishop, iii, 16 n.
Gibson, Sir John, ii, 55 and n., 56.
Giddins, Captain, vii, 330; viii, 114.
Gillon, Com. Alexander, vii, 364;

viii, 136 and n., 339, 363, 364, 371 n..

554

INDEX OF PERSONS

779 n., j8i, ^i^i, 289, 301. 325, 341,

364, ^79. 4*7. 402.
Giusti, M., viii, 294.
Gladwin, Major (governor of Detroit),

iv, 214.
Glover, Mrs., ix, 549 n.
Gluck, Christopher Willibald, viii, zoo.
Glvzin, John (sergeant at law), vi, 186,

187; X, 266.
Goddard, William, ▼, X05 n., 380, 461 ;

^ 495-
Godfrey, Thomas, i, 297, 299 and n.,

3op;'ii, 277.
Godfrey, Mrs. Thomas, i, 309, 310.
Gojard, M., the lost million, x, 385.
Goldsborough, Mr., i, 117.
Goldsmith, Oliver, yi, 233.
Golofkin, Princess, i, 199.
Gontard and Fils, Frederick (bankers

at Frankfort-on-the-Main), vii, 140.
Gordon, Mr., F.R.S., iii, 109.
Gordon, Rev. Alexander, viii, 12 n.
Gordon, Lord George, viii, 9$, 99.
Gordon, Major, i, 288.
Gore, Mr., ix, 652.
Goudeman, M., i, 204.
Gourlade and Moylan, vii, 74; viii,

14, 59 and n., 135 and n., 176, 188;

X, 339-

Gouvion, Jean Baptiste de (lieutenant-
colonel), viii, 389 and n.

Gower, Lord, v, 89 ; x, 244, 266.

Grace, Robert, i. 300, 304, 311, 370
and n.; ii, 369, 374; x, 496-

Grace, Mrs., iv, 383.

Graeme, Mrs., iv, 383.

Graeme, Miss Elizabeth, iv, 360, 383.

Grafton, Duke of, v, 143, 144, MSi 252;
vii, 76 n.; x, 178, 244, 245.

Graham, Richard, ii, 373.

Grammont, M., i, 211.

Grand, Ferdinand, vii, 17, 138 and n.,
154 and n., 155, 173 n., 241, 271,
365; viii, 51, 53, 139, 144. 188, 197,
198, 199, 201, 204, 231, 239, 240, 268,
270, 290, 291, 362, 370, 582, 583,
584, 639, 644; quarrel with Dumas,
49 and n., 50, 54; ix. 10, 35, 50,
136, 137. 158. 178. 254, 302, 344,
368, 370. 502, 504, 536. 573. 619;
X, 48. 337. 338, 339. 340, 341, 343.
344, 345. 346. 352. 354, 357, 398, 426
469, 500; the lost milhon, ix, 517 and

n.. 553, 554. 555; X. 384. 38s, 388.
Grand, Almc. Ferdinand, ix, 498; x,

426.
Grand, Sir George, vii, 173 n.; viii,

212, 2QO, 431; ix, 498; quarrel with

Dumas, viii, 49, 50, 55, 61 n.
Grant, Mr., iv, 198.
('.•■ant. Alexander, iii, 94, 1951 ^^i 287.
Grant, Major, v, 217.

Grantham, first Baron, viii, 594 n.;

X, 177.
Grantham, second Baron, viii, 594 n.
Granville, Lord, i, 434; viii, 241.
Grasse, Comte de, viii, 120 n., 334, 452,

5". 524. 544-
Gratz, Simon, i, xv; iv, 363 n.,

461 n.; vi, 427 n.; viii, 328 n.; ix,

58 n., 168 n.
Graves, Mr. (a lawyer of the Temple),

111, 442, 445.
Graves, Admiral, x, 366, 367.
Greeme, Mr., iii, 379.
Green, Mr., iii, 422, 423.
Green, Thomas, diar^ of, iii, 134 n.
Greene, Mrs. Catherine, iii, v, 245 n.,

423. 440; iv, 205, 208; vi, 403, 428,

468; vii, 352; viii, 417 and n.,

586 n.; ix, 624; X, 408.
Greene, General Nathanad, viii, 333,

348, 573-
Greene. Ray (son of Governor Greene),

vii, 112, 352; viii, 419; ix, 465.
Greene, Mrs. Ray, iv, 205, 208.
Greene, Rufus, iv, 216.
Greene, William (governor of R.I.)i

iii, V, 245 n.; iv, x88, 206, 208, 2x6;

vi, 403, 468; vii, 112, 113, 230. 35X

n.; viii, 419; x, 408.
Greenwood, Mr. (of Boston), a painter,

vii, 55-

Greenwood, James, his English gram-
mar, i, 243; X, 149-

Greenwood and Higginson, v, 307.

Gregory, Dr. John, vi, 68.

Grenville, George, iv, 407; v, 26, 41,
72, 73, 75. 76, 82 n.. 99, 116. 143,
148, 149, 494; VI, 82, 199, 200, 201,
202, 216, 217; vii, 118, 119, 120;
X, 221, 222, 225, 244, 259 and n., lyi.

Grenville, Hon. Mr. (brother of Lord
Temple), n^otiations for peace, viii,
485-498. 508. 5"-5X4, 5»6, 517, 518.
520, 521, 522, 523, 526, 528. 529,
533, 535. 538. 540, 541. 542. 545-549.
554-556, 560, 561, 563. 565. 567, 57Xf

579-
Gresham, Sir Thomas, vii, X52.

Gresham, Sarah, ii, 298.

Grew, Theophilus, iii, 127 and n.

Greville, C. C. F., i, 33.

Grey, General, vii, 330.

Grimn, Cyrus, viii, 39 n.

Griffith, Mr., iii, 378; iv, 24.

Griffiths, Hannah, i, 131 n.

Griffiths, Ralph, iv, 247 and n.

Grigby, Joshua, ix, 26, 27.

Grimaldi, Marquis de (Spanish am-
bassador), vii, 31 n.

Grimm, Friedrick Melchior, Baron
von, i, 198 n.; x, 376 n.

Gronovius, i, 130.

INDEX OF PERSONS

555

Grotius, Hugo, ii, 393; vii, 422 n.
Guerchy, Comte de, v, 47 and n.
Guez. M. (a Swiss sui:geon), vii, 43

and n.
Guichen, Comte de (admiral), viii,

392 and n.; x, 367.
Guidart and Sons, ii, 35c.
Guillotin, Dr. Joseph Ignace, i, 113,

115, 121; ix, 637 n., 669 n.; x, 362.
Guillotin, Mme., ix, 637 n.
Guinand, M. (instrument maker), iii,

382.
Gumel and Co., Jonathan, iii, 39.
Gurney, John Henry, iv, 221 n.
Gustavus III (king of Sweden), ix,

676; X, 347. 348, 353. 357-
Guthrie, Professor, {,91 and n.
GujTton de Morveau, Louis Bernard,

Baron, ix, 157.
Gwatkln, Rev. Mr., ix,

355-

H

Hadlev, Professor (of Cambridge),

cold produced by evaporation, i, 69 ;

iii, 446; iv, 132; trade winds, iii,

182 n.
Ha^a, Comte de, x, 357.
Hames, Reuben, ix, 224 and n.
Haldane, Lieutenant, viii, 535.
Haldimand, Sir Frederick (governor

of Canada), i, 175; vii, 145 and n.;

viii, 437-

Hale, Edward Everett, vii, 57 n.

Hales, Dr. Stephen, i, 98 n.; ii, 285
and n.' iv, 10^.

Hales, William, iii, 3 n.

Halifax, Lord, i, 229; iii, 229; settle-
ments on the Ohio, v, 491 ; approves
F.'s conduct (1753), iii, 190; Plan
of Union, 243; appoints William
Franklin governor 01 New Jersey,
X, 212 n.

Hall, Captain, vi, 178.

Hall, David (printer), i, 138; ii, 296,
297, 299, 301, 355, 365, 372, 375;
"1, 7, 39. 142, 143. 286, 320, 337. 367,
423» 430* 470; iv, 181, 409; vi, 37;
X, 200, 220, 287; becomes partner of
B. F., i, 373; ii, 237 and n., 243, 278,
280, 316; X, 171; his life, ii, 358;
succeeds F., 362, 363; iii, 51, 439,
440; V, 31; IX, 291; X, 244; cir-
cumventing the Stamp Act, 227,
228 and n.

Hall, Hubert, i, xiii.

Hall, Thomas (instructor in Academy
of Philadelphia), x, 21, 22.

Hall and Miller (printers at Lancaster,
Pa.), X, 171.

Hall and Sellers, ix, 630.

Hallcy, Dr. Edmund, iii, lo.

Hamilton, Mr. (of Hudson), ix, 544.
Hamilton, Andrew, i, 273, 274, 275,

276, 303 and n., ^07; iv, 351.
Hamilton, Dean (of Armagh), v, 379.
Hamilton, James (governor of Pa.),

i, 156, 274, 387, 389, 391; ii, 361;

"1. 304, 306, 441; IV, 321, 333, 351 ;

X. 187, 19s, 212.
Hamilton, Sir William, iv, 454; vi, 141.
Hamilton and Balfour, London, iv, 249.
Hammond, Captain, vii, 330.
Hammond, George (secretary to David

Hartley), x, ^48, 35?. 3.'54, 355, 357-

Hammond and Co., ii, 373.

Hampden, John, v, 239 n.

Hampden, Robert, ste Lord Trevor.

Hanburv, John, i, 434; v, 490, 49 1-

Hancock, John, vi, 180, 466; vii, 53,
121, 388; destroying the tea, vi, 223;
petition to the king, 315 n.; Presi-
dent of Congress, 473 n.; vii, 12
n.; elected governor of Massachu-
setts, viii, 182 and n., 307 ; ix, 574.

Hancock, Mrs. John, iii, 286.

Hansard, Luke, House of Commons'
Journals, iv, 405 n.

Harcourt, Lord, vi, 116.

Hare, Robert, vi, 34 and n., 35; x, \\ n.

Hare-Naylor, Francis, ix, 159 andf n.;
his annuity, 160.

Hare-Naylor, Mrs. Georgiana, i, 20 n.,
184; V, 329, 438 n.; vi, 16 n., 17;
viii, no and n., 162 n., 242 n.; ix,
159 n.; X, 408.

Hargrave, Captain, ii, 296.

Harley and Drummond (army con-
tractors), vi, 38; viii, 235.

Harmar, Col. Josiah, ix, 525, 571;
takes ratification of treaty to France,
ix, 190, 191, 196 and n.

Harris, Mr. (improves upon F.'s stove),
iii, 268.

Harris, Anne (sister of B. F.), x, 497.

Harris, Captain, vii, 374.

Harris, Grace (niece of B. F.), iv,
198 n.; V, 311 n.

Harris, Matthias, iii, 95, 142, 165.

Harris, Sir William Snow, i, 88 and n.

Harrison, Benjamin, vi, 429 n.; vii,
9 n.; viii, 44; ix, 696; x, 292, 293.

Harrison, John, v, 386 n.

Harry, David, i, 290, 308, 309, 310.

Hartley, David (the elder), vii, 68.

Hartley, David (M.P.), i, xi, xiv, 7,
199; vi, 299 n., 430; vii, 118 n.,
143, 146, 153. 234 n.; viii, no,
132, 407, 480. 497; ix» 56, 130,
154 n.; X, 330, 407, 461; exchange
of prisoners, vi, 441; vii, 68, 75, 155,
254, 268 n., 311 n., 320; viii, i, 2,
4 n., in; peace communications,
vii, 308; X, 399, 400; separate treaty

556

INDEX OF PERSONS

with England, viii, 381 n., 498, 429;
z, 389; letter to F., viii, 6 n., 499,
CI 4, 5x5; protecting theatres from
fire, 346 n.; peace commissioner,
ix, 32. 38, 39 n., 58, 78, 97. loi, 110,

i77i i79» «90. 191. 19^. aio. 211, aia,
aas, aa6, aa7, a4i; x. 348. 35a, 355,
357; introduced by C. T. Fox, ix,
87 n.; commerce with Ireland,
103; F. takes farewell, 359; Lord
North's conciliation, vii, 105 and n.,
X06, X07 and n., 115.
Hartley, Col. W. H., letter from, viii,

530-

Hartwell, Jonas (of Salem, Mass.)i
ix, ^^ and n., 303.

d'Harvelay, M. {Garde du Trisor
Royal), viii, a 19.

Harvey, Reuben, i, 304.

Harvey and Co., D., vi, 54.

Hastings, Countess of (Sdina Hunting-
ton), viii, X04 n.

Hatch, Captain, vi, 94, 96.

Hauteford, Marquis de, i, 313.

Hauteville, Mme. d*. ix, a68.

Havemeyer, Mr. William F., iv, 118 n.,
190 n.; v, a7o n.; vii, 378 n.

Hawkesworth, Dr. John, i, 64; iv,
158 and n., 173, 179, ai7; x, 375,
a ^9; his oratorios, iv, 194 and n.;
his book, vi, 143 and n.; ix, 58a
and n.; his conversation, 583.

Hawkesworth, Mrs. John, iv, 158, 194,
217; V, a7s; ix. 371.

Hawkins, Sir John, "History of
Music," quote(^ i, 346 n.

Hawksbee (electrician^ i, 80.

Haydockj Miss (of Philacielphia), v,

373; vi, 17.
Hayes, Mr., saves F.'s life (?), x, 74.
Hayne, Col. Isaac, his execution, viii,

, 348,^73-

Hays, Captain, iii, 335, ^a6.

Hays, Dr. I. Minis, i, xtii.

Haywood and Co., vii, 3aa.

Hazard, Ebcnczer, ix, 140 n., 693.

Hazard, Samuel, iii, 26$ and n., 379 n.

Heathcot, Mrs., vii, a 5.

Heberden, Dr. William, v, 540; experi-
ments on amber, iv, i6a n.

Helv6tius, M., vii, 434, 435.

Helv^us, Mme., i, i8a, 185, ai7; vii,
ao5, ao6, 375 n., 376, 435 n.; viii,
T15 and n., 158 n., 461; ix, 371,
364 n., 498, 503 *n«l n., 546 and n.,
576, 577 n-. 619, 690 n.; x, 35, 35a,
395. 405, 406, 408, 437. 438. 439.
441, 442, 456-

Hemphill (preacher), i, 345.

Henclcel Family, vii, 15.

Henderson, E., LL.D., i, 53 n.

Henley, John, i, 979 n.

Henley, Rev. Mr., ix, 355.

Henley, William, his suiridff, Tii, sas

and n., 413 and n.
Henmarsh (widow), x, 404.
Henry, Mr. (publisher of^tbe Register)^

V, aa7.
Henry IV, King of France, ix, 6x9.
Henry VI, King of Enghuxi, v, 398 n.
Heniy VII, King of E^land, vi, 413.
Heniy VIII, Kinjg of England, i, 985

n.; V, a44; vi, 330, 376.
Henry, D. (editor of Gemtlemuu^s

Magaune), x, 43 n.
Henry, Patrick, vii, 338 n.
Henry and Jc^naon (publishers), ix,

550-
Henshaw, Lieutenant, iii, 321.

Heppel, Captain, takes Colonel Laurens

to London, x, 373.
Herder, Johann dottfried, ii, 88 n.
Herime, M. d', i, 197.
Herodotus, edition of 1711, ii, 246;

Sepulchres of Sc3^thian kings, v, 34,

35 quoted.
Herries, Farquhar, and Co. (bankers),

i, 5. «9-
Herschel, Alexander S., i, xix.
Herschel, Miss Caroline, i, xix.
Herschel, Sir William, i, xix, 70, 71 n.,

X99; ix, a47; satellites of Uranus,

ix, 581 and n., 584.
Hertford, Lord, i, 404; x. ^3%.
Hertz, Professor, action of fight on dis-

chai]^ of gases, i, 91.
Hesselius, Mr., iii, 380, 439.
Hewes, Mr. (member of Congress from

N.C.), vii, 348.
Hewins, W. A. S., iv, 183 n.
Hcwit, Rev. Mr., ix, 355.
Hewitt, James (M.P., Coventry), x,

330-
Hewson, Elizabeth (daughter of Mrs.
Maiy Hewson), vi, 411; vii, 10; ix,

„$»$» 5", 513; X, 508.

Hewson, Mrs. Mary, i, xv, 81 n.; iii,
479; iv, 148 n., 360, 383; V, 185.
458; vi, 104, 406, 41a, 429; ▼»!,
15 n., aai, aaa; ix, ix n., 977, 395;
X, a, 94a n., 40^, 408, 508; death
of Dr. Hewson, vi, 930 and n., 934;
visit to Passy, ix, 3aa n.; goes
to America, 5x4 n.; coloured drais,
i, 7c; the Annonica, axa; reformed
spelling, V, X69 n.; her marriage, 95$.

Hewson, Thomas (son of Mrs. Mary
Hewson), ix, ^93, 51 x, 513; x, 508.

Hewson, Dr. William, v, aa4 n., 2$$ n.,
269, a7o, 44a; vi, X04; viii, 451;
death of, vi, 930 and n., 934.

Hewson, Jr., William (son of Mrs.
Mary Hewson), vii, 15 n.; ix, 393,
six; X, 508.

INDEX OF PERSONS

557

Higginson, Mr. (dcnonnan), ▼, 361 n.

Hilborne, Mn., iv, 383.

HiU, Mr. (surgeon), vii, 374.

Hill, Heniy (executor of F.'s will), x,

UillcgaB, Michael, v, 250 n., a66 and n.,

HuUard, Rev. Mr. (of Cambridge,
Mass.), ijE, 650 and n., 65a.

Hilliard d'AuberteuU (Micha-Ren^),
viii, 635, 636 n.

HiUsboxough, Lord, Secretary of State
for America, v. 89, 90, 91, 97, 113,
117, Z18, 453 and n., 46a; vi, 48,
369; X, 343, 372; interview with,
V, zxi; opinion of ** Farmer's I^et-
ters," 114; returns to Board of
Trade, 148, 149; decides against
colonial paper currency, 188, 189;
objects to Assembly appointing
agents, 394, 998 and n.; x, 249; his
character, v, 298, 4x3; vi, 127 n.; x,
248; dislikes B. F., v, 299; conference
with, 300-304; dislike oi America,
35^ and n.; vi, ao6; B. F. said
to be a tool of, v, 357 n.; in Ireland,

364, 365* 366. 378. 379. 392; X,
252; succeeded oy Dartmouth, v,
410.433; X. 256; Walpole's Grant,
V, 46s, 466, 473. 5". 515. 523; X.
254, 255; affair of St. Vincent, vi, 12;
a meeting with B. F. at Oxford, 98,
99: petition to the king, x, a^o.

Hillsborough, Lady Charu>tte, vi, 99.

Hillsboroiuzh, Lady Mary, vi, 99.

Hinman, CapL Eusha, vii» 73 and n.,

74.

Hoadly, Dr., iii, ^52.

Hoare and Arnold, ii, 298.

Hobart, Mr., viii, 330, 331.

Hockley, R., iv, 107.

Hodge, Mr., vii, 32a, 389.

Hodgson, William, viii, x n., 430, 455;
ix^ 3, 24, 144; exchange of prisoners,
viii, 7 and n., XIX, 339, 340, 545, 551 ;
ix, 7a n., 143 n.; x, 339; assists
Colonel Laurens, viii, 352, 353; x,

374.
Hohendorf, Baron, vii, 27.
d'Holbach, Baron, vii, 435 n.
Holbrook, Mr., iii, 148.
Hdbrook, Mrs., obtains B. F.'s papers,

i, 8.
Holbrook, Geor^^e O., i, 8.
Holden, £. B., iv, 208 n., 209 n.; ix,

363 n., 471.
HoUnshed's Chronicles, ix, 3«8.
Holker, Jean, vii, 409 and n., 4x0;

viii, 396; ix, 369; X, 466, 467,

469.
Holker, Mme., vii, 409; ix, 367 n.;

X, 276, 466.

Holland, Samuel, printer at Lancaster,

Pa., X, 171 and n.
Hollis, Thomas, iv, 99 n. ; ix, X03 and

n., X05.
Holmes, Abiel, i, 198.
Holmes, Oliver Wendell, i, xp8.
Holmes, Capt. Robert (brotner-in>law

of B. F.), i, 258, 259, a6o, a6x, 289;

ii, x8z and n.
Holmes, Sir Robert (governor of the

Isle of Wight), ii, 6a and n.
Holt, Mrs. (printer to the state of

N.Y.). ix. 268.
Holt, Betsey, iv, aoa.
Holyoke, Rev. Edward (president of

Harvard College), iv, a5x n.
Homans, Captain, ii, 66.
Home, Mr. (secreta^ of the Jerseys),

ii, a77.
Home-Drummond, H. S., Esq., i, xviii.
Home, Henry, see Lord Kames.
Home, John, iv, 2 and n.
Homer, ii, 245 n.; iii, 28; iv, 299, 300,

301; quoted, viii, 247.
Hooper, W., vii, 9 n.
Hope, Dr. John (of Edinburgh), iv, X26

and n., azo; v, 443.
Hope and Co. (of Amsterdam), x, 325.
I'Hdpital, Marquis de, Eloge of, vii, 68.
Hopkins, Stephen, Governor of Rhode

Island, i, 209; iv, 68 n.
Hopkins, Theodore, ix, 482.
Hopkinson, Francis, i, xviii, 9; v, 38,

183; vii, 347, 350 and n., 351; viii.

170 n.; ix. 573; X, 497. S©*-
Hopkinson, Mrs., v, X83.
Hopkinson, Thomas, 1, 90, 357; ii.

a77. 304 n., 317 n.
Horace, quoted, li, 106: quoted, 233;

iii, a8; vi, X50; Miss Shipley's

translation, viii, X48.
Hornby, Professor (of Oxford), ix, 109 n.
Horneca and Fizeaux, Messrs., vii,

283 and n.; x, 325.
Horsefield, Timothy, iii, 330 and n.
Horsefield, Mrs. Timothy, iii, 330.
Hortales and Co., Beaumarchais, vii,

322; ix, ^55; X, 30c, 325, 328 n.
Houdetot, Viscount d , x, 446.
Houdetot, Comtesse d', recommends

Crfevecceur, viii, 307 and n., ix, 636;

ix, 500; X, 405, 406, 408; entertain-
ment at Sanois, 445-452.
Houdon, Jean-Antoine, ix, 369, 464;

at Mount Vernon, 465 n., 47 x.
House, George, i, 297, 298.
Houston, John, Governor of Georgia.

ix, 474 n.
Howard, Ann (of Annapolis), ix, 153 n.
Howe, George Augustus, Viscount,

killed in America, x, 299 n.
Howe, Richard, Earl (admiral), vi, 324;

SS8

INDEX OF PERSONS

vii, i6i, 194 n.; first meeting with
B. F., vi, 345-349; desires to pro-
mote reconciliation, 352-359; x,
386; suggested as commissioner to
America, vi, 374; letter to Mrs.
Howe, 383; negotiations for peace,
384-3^7. 390-395; viii, 105 n., 206
n.; correspondence and interview
with, vi, 457-466; X, 298, 299 and
n.; presents B. F. with Cook's
*' Voyages," vii, 242 n.; ix. 509;
z« 44« 350; conquest of America im-
possible, vii, 330.

Howe, Sir William (general), i, 208; vi,
353. 457. 458, 463; vii, 32, 54. 104,
330; X, 298, 303, ^62.

Howe, Lady, sister of Lord Howe, vi,
324, 3*6. 345. 347. 353. 354, 356, 357,
358, 2iH, 390, 391, 394; X, 286.

Howell, David, i, 209.

Hubbard, Elizabeth, see Mrs. Eliza-
beth Partridge.

Hubbard, Tuthill, cousin of B. F., v,
258; ix, 624.

Huck-Saunders, Richard, vi, 47 and n.,

M3. 235-
Huddy, Capt. Joseph, viii, 572 n.

Huey, Joseph, lii, 143 n.; x, 85 n.

Hughes, John, iii, vi, 304, 327, 438,
440; iv, 7 n., 10, 151, 202, 283 n.,
409; v, 258; X, 185, 218, 220;
named stamp-distributor, vi, 201;
X, 326, 238.

Hume, David, i, xii^ 136, 137; ii, 237 n.;
iii, 68 n.; iv, 127 n. 370; vii, 435 n.;
X, 201, 202, 204 n., 27^; criticises
B. F.'s English, i, 41; iv, 83; ad-
mires his wisdom, i, 45 ; letters from
Braddock, 404; entertains B. F., v,
344, 379; X, 254.

Humphreys, Colonel, his poetry, i, 206;
viii, 42 n.; ix, 567; replaces W. T.
Franklin, 694.

Hunt, Mr., iii, 431.

Hunter, Dr. John, i, 119.

Hunter, Polly, iii, 432; v, 374.

Hunter, Rachael, niece of Colonel
Hunter, iii, 4^2.

Hunter, Col. William, appointed post-
master, i, 386; iii, 289, 290 n., 332
and n., iss, 423, 43^, 479; post-
office accounts, x, 173, 174, 175.

Hunter, Dr. William, iv, 121 n.; v,

255 n.

Huntington, Samuel, viii, 71 n., 217 n.;
vii, 382 n.

Huntington, Selina (Lady), see Count-
ess of Hastings.

Huntington, Theophilus, Earl of, ix,
267 n.

Huske, John, M.P., iii, 89; v, 435 n.;
X, 230, 231.

Hussey, Abb^, viii, 218.

Hutcheson, Francis, me elder, ii, 387 n.

Hutchins, Capt. Thomas, viii, ^^^ 97 n.

Hutchinson, Elisha, vi, 177.

Hutchinson, Thomas, Governor of
Massachusetts, iv, 427; v, 301; %i,
376; X, 178, 191, 256; votes and
proceedings of the Freeholders <A
Boston, V, 452, 453; t^e tea duty,
vi, 22; the answer of the Assembly
to his speech, 30, 48; the Hutchin-
son Letters, 57 n., 92 n., 1x4, 144,
263, 265, 270, 275, 282, 284 n., 2&0;
X, 258, 259, 263, 264, 503; his de-
jection, VI, 146; unpopular in Eng-
land, 252; death of, viii, 99;
anecdote of, x, 359 n.

Hutton, Henry, v, 66 n.

Hutton, James, v, 275; vii, 98 n., 99 n.,
104, 123 n.; X, 330.

Hyde, Lord, vi, 341. 342, 344. 359. 374.
375, 384, 386, 387, 389, 390, 391,

394-
Hynson, Capt Joseph, vii, 17; x, 310
and n.

Hive, Jacob, v, 291.

Hive, Mrs., v, 2^1, 292.

Ince, Mr., of Wirksworth, i, 56.

Ingenhouss, Jan, i, jrvt, jm'i, xvfti, 14,
22, 46, 107, 113, 114, 134. 146. 199:
vi, 456; vii, 49 n., 51 n.; viii, 8;
ix, 41 n., 70 n., 307 n., 633 n.; clock
with three wheels, 1, 52; gravita-
tion, 63; aeronautics, 80; electricity,
1x0 n.; vii, 50 n.; smok^ chim-
neys, i, X28; iii, 461; tt, 536;
smallpox, vi, X41; Americm, vii,
47 n.; aurora l^realis, aog n.,
3x3, 214 n.; roasting vessel, 22 x n.;
chemistry of plants, viii, 32 ; elected
to A. P. S., 37 n.; Wharton's re-
lation to, ix, 42 n.; his works in
French, 43 n. ; Ceracchi the sculptor,
44 n., 4<.

Ingersoll, Jared, iv, 185 n.

Inglis, Mr., x, 27.

Ingraham and Bromfield, merchants of
Amsterdam, viii, 337 and n.

Innis, messenger of Philadelphia, i. 426.

Isted, Mr. (lord of manor of Welling-
borough), i, 229.

Izard, Ralph, vii, 97 and n., 322; x,
266; quarrel with B. F., vii, xa3 n.,
177 and n., 216 and n., 218, 336, 340,
344, 345 n.; viii, 236, 306; x, 323.
364; Morris's trunk, vii, 147, 148;
dislikes Frenchmen, x, 304; his
commission, vii, 274; applies for
money, 324, 385; to sail with Jones,

INDEX OF PERSONS

559

viii, 15, 54; carries challenge to
Whatefy, z, 36a; sent to Tuscany,
320.
Izard, Mrs., ix, 283.

[ackson. Tames (of Georigia), x, 87.

[ackson, John, ix, 663.

[ackson, Paul, iii, 127 n.

[ackson, Richard ("omniscient Jack-
son"), i, jcit, 20; iii, 277; iv, 186,
259; V, 27, 67, 118, 119, 120, 147,

205. 3»4. 339. 434. 498, 500; vi, 7;

IX, 55 and n.; x, 195, 470; joint
author of Canada pamphlet, i, 138,
139; agent of Pennsylvania, x, 218
n.; on agriculture, iii, 59, 60, 77,
128; in Ireland, x, 252, 253; Green's
diary, iii, 134 n.; Germans in
Pennsylvania, 190 n.; Georee Ill's
opinion of, x, ^31 n.; Plan of Union,
in, 243; invited by Hillsborough,

V, 378, 379-
Jackson, Capt. William, viii, 271 n.,
276 n., 279 n., 289, 301, 326, 331,

37?- ,,
Jacobs, Mary, x, 494.

James, Mr., maker of Armonicas, i, 212 ;

iv, 196.
James I, King of Enj^land, iii, 167.
James II, King of England, ii, 26; v,

214; vii, 83 n.
James, Abel, i, 23, 313, 314; iv, 286;

vi, 10 n.; ix, 550.
James, John ('* last of old English letter-

founaers"), ix, 531.

iames, Mary, iii, 483.
ames, Phillip, x, 62.
ames, Thomas, printer, i, 291; v,
291 n.
James and Drinker, Messrs., iv, 279 n.,

288.
Tarvis, Captain, v, 328.
Jastrow, Dr. Morris, Tr., i, xiii.
Jauge and Cotin, Messrs., viii, 199;

X. 344-

Jay, John, vi, 311; viii, 44, 53, 129,
142 n., 204, 240, 302, 360, 370, 408,
433 "•. 434 n., 467, 475, 480, 495.
Sia, 523, 548, 555, 558, 559, 560,
590, 591; IX, 93 n., no, 136, 127,
128, 130, 134, 135. 177. 214, 285,
47a, 693; X, 344, 405, 458, 487, 501 ;
committee of secret correspondence,
vii, 9 n.; x, 293, 294; President of
Congress, vii, 382 n.; his finances,
viii, 22, 51, 52, 129, 187, 253,
358, 259, 264, 266, 267, 274, 289,

295. 300. Z^^^ 347. 357. 368, 369,
^78. 402, 403. 407, 422, 424; in
Madrid, 54, 9a n., 98 n., 26a,

500. S39» 544; X, 346; returns from
Spain, viii, 547, 550; his illness, 5O7;
ix, 39; Peace Commission^ viii,
575. 615, 617, 631; ix, 32, 144, 147,
191, 198, 212, 225, 226; X, 395;
treaty with Spain, viii, 579; goes to
Normandy, ix, 8, 9; treaty with
Morocco, 72; the fisheries, 91 and
n., 92; returns to America, 256;
X, ^530 n. ; Secretary of Foreign
Affairs, ix, 276, 325 n.; anecdote,
X, 300; his opinion of Frenchmen,

394-

Jay, Mrs. John, viii, 57, 93, 145, aoo,
202, 240, 241; ix, 150, 289, 336.

Jay, William, viii, 142 n., 433 n.,
434 n.; ix, 91 n.

Jeans, Mr., x, 312.

JeflFerson, Thomas, i, 8, 38, 86, 166;
vi, 455 and n.; viii, 317, 434, 586 n.,
589 n., 614 n., 621 n.; ix, 32, 249,
250, 256, 276, 284, 289, 463, 575,
604; X, 460 and n., 461; Polly
Baker story, i, 1 72, 17^ and n. ; his ex-
penses, X, 320 n. ; declines commission
to France, vi, 470, 471; vii, 32;
*f 30'. 321; Peace Commission, viii,
408, 414; minister to France, x,
459; his knowledge of French, i,
216; X, 428; the Barbary affair,
ix, 301; recommends Houdon,
464; the lost million, 517, 553.
555; Declaration of Independence,
X, 297; leaves France, 458 n.; last
account of B. F., 488.
effrcy, Francis, i, 27, ^3, ^4.
effreys, George (chief justice), ix, 641.
effries. Dr. B. Joy, i, xviii^ 11.
effries, Dr. John, aeronautics, i, xviii^
11; V, 196; ix, 479, 481.

Jenifer, Daniel of St. Thomas, viii,

enkms, Captain, vi, 21, 94.
enkins, Howard M., iv, 106 n.
enkins, John, ix, 611.
enner, Thomas, x, 206.
ennings, Mr. (of Maryland), viii, 57 n.
ennings. Captain, ix, 366; x, 468,
470.
Jennings, Edward, viii, 505.
Jenny, Dr. (clergyman olPhiladelphia),

iii, 17 and n.
Jenyns, Soamc, v, 47.
Jerman, John, ii, 210 and n., 223, 22^
and n., 226 n., 227 n., 239, 240; iii,
167.
essop, Mr., vi, 157.
bhnson, Mr., iv, 214.
ohnson, Mr., iv, 182.
ohnson, Mr., Maryland merchant, ix,

353. 360.
Johnson, Mr. (of Nantes), viii, 74, 204.

560

mOEX OF PERSONS

Johnson, Mr. (pa^aster), i, 159.
ohnaon, Henry, ix, 193, 194 and n.,

195-

Johnson, Capt. Henry, vii, 60 n.
ohnson, Louisa Catherine, vii, 959 n.
ohnson, Robert (governor of S.C.)«
»v, 233.

Johnson, Dr. Samuel, iii, 26^, 279; v,
90 n.; vi, 146 n., 289; ix, 73 n.,
256 n.; z, 1 10.

Johnson, D.D., Samuel, President of
Columbia, ii, 310 n.; iii, 12 n., 16 n.,
19 n., 20 n., 27, 29 n., 30 n., 6z n.,
01 n.

Jonnson, Mrs. Samuel, iii, 15, x6, 19,
62.

Johnson, Thomas (of Maryland), com-
mittee of secret correspondence, vii,
o n.; viii, 26, <?; x, 293.

JcMinson, Sir William, appointed by
Braddock, iii, 289 n.; treaty with
the Indians, ' 342 ; iv, 255; Wal-
pole's Grant, v, 67; x, 255; iii, 290;
IV, 467; v, 46; the new colonies,
68, 113, 118, 483, 486, 488, 495.
496, 497, 499, 500; death of, vi,
241 and n.

Johnson and Co., American merchants,

ix. 513-

Johnston, Col. Alexander, vi, 7, 19.
ohnston, W. (publisher), x, 234.
ohnstone, George, Governor of West
Florida, vii, 153, 197 and n.; viii,
43 n., 44.

Johonnot, Colonel, viii, 256 and n.
ohonnot, Samuel Cooper, viii, 38 n.;

)line, Mr.

Joline, Mr. Adrian H., i, jipv; iii, 20 n.,

29 n., a6o n.
Jones, Dr. Evan, x, 161, 162, 163,
164.

[ones, Griffith, v, 90 and n.

[ones, Hugh, ii, 368.

[ones, Dr. John, x, 50X, 509.

[ones, John Paul, pretended letter to
Yorke, i, 175, 176; viii, 433, 44a;
engagement with Serapis, 46, 47,
67, 69; his reputation, vii, 156 n.;
exchange of prisoners, 161, 185,
287, 299, 300 n., 312, 313, 318, 319,
320; quarrel with Landais, viii, 89,
122, 223, 224, 225, 238, 229; ix, 75,
. 76; X, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372; i,
xi, 7, 8; vii, 390, 398, 399, 400, 401,
404, 406, 407, 408; viii, 2, 12, 13,
18 n., 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 33, 66, 78,
97 n., 113, 116, 176 n., 182, 196, 324,
384 n.; ix, 129, 134, 13s n., 147.
662; X, 339; his Cross of Merit,
viii, 322.

Jones, Noble Wymberly, i. xviii; let-
ter from, V, 33a n.; vi, 401.

Jones, R. Strettrell, v, 313.
Jones, Sir William, viii, 149 n., 153; ix,
24 n.

ordan, John W., x, 143 n.

ordan, Thomas, ix, 582 n.; x, 407.

oseph (king of Portugal), iii, 58.

oseph II, Emperor of Austria, i, xvii,
X14; ix, «s, 314. $1$, Z»o.

purdan, M., i, 2x1.

oy. Captain, iii, 2^2.

by and Sudden, iu, 30s.

udd. Major, ix, 543.

upin. Mile., x, 4x1.

Kalm, Peter, 11, 363 n., 365. 367, 368:
iii, 8 and n., 146; v, 387 n.; America
discovered by the Northmen, vi, 86.

Karnes, Lord, i, awtfi, 136; iv, 3 n.,
XI n., 1x6 n., 127, 157, 174 n., 377;
v, 16 n., 32 n., 187 n., X90 n., 194 n.,
344, 379, 380; X, »oi, 202, a 10 and n.,
212 n., 228, 254, 275; smoky chim-
neys, i, X28 and n.; labour the
standard ci value, 147; parable on
persecution, x8o, i8x; iv, 258; vii,
410 n.; X, 53; Scottish melodies,
i, ax4; death of, ix, 11; the Paxton
boys, X, 215 n.

Karnes, Lady (Agatha Dnmimond), iv,
3 and n., 6, 85, 123; v, 380.

Kastner, answer to, iii, 190.

Kaunitz, Prince, ix, 43 »•; ^ 333-

Kearney, Captain, iv, 451.

Kearsley, Dr. John (of Philadelphia),

V. 374.
Keimer, Samuel, i, 256, 257, 259, a6o,
267, 268, 269, 288, 289, 290, 291,

29», a93» 394, a97i 3oo» 301 » 3»oJ
ii, 15s; X, 153. »7o; .goes to Bar-
badoefl, i, 308; establishes Petm-
sylvania GozeUe^ 302 n.; ii, 100 n.,
122; X, 155, i<6.

Keith, George (Quaker), i, 250 and
n.: X, 6x.

Keith, George (governor of Neuchltel),
iv, 156 and n.

Keith, Sir William, i, a^8, adt, a62. a66,
275, 276, 288, 296; IV, 107; charac-
ter of, X, 153.

Kelly, Dr. J., iv, 173, 199 and n.; letter
to William Strahan, x, ao8.

Kempenleldt, Admiral, viii, 377, 39a n.;
sinldng of Royal Gwrgt^ 5^1.

Kennedy, Archibald, i, 387; iv, aoa.

Kennedy, Captain, i, 430, 431, 433-

Kennedy, Elizabeth, se^ Lady Cooper.

Kent, Benjamin, iv, aid; ix, 683 and n.

Kenyon, Lord, letter from John Walter,
ix, 193 n.

Keppel, Lord, vii, x 88; viii, 83.

INDEX OF PERSONS

S6r

Keralio, Mme., translation of Gay, viii,

315 ^^

Kermelin, Baron de (of Sweden), viii,
6i8.

Kerr, Captain, iv, 459.

Kettilby, J. (printer in Dublin), vi, 40,
41 and n.

Kilby, Hr., ii, 355.

Killan (of Delaware), his debt to F.,
X, 496.

Kilwarling, Lord, x, 3^3.

Kinnersley, Ebenezer, 1, 418; ii, 407 n.,
4H n., 423; iii, 125, 148, isr, 153,
'93t 3S4i V, 396J F. writes lectures
for him, i, 87, 417; his lectures, iii,
52, 73. 98; lightning rods, i, 103;
nis opinion of F.^ 13a, 133 and n.;
his experiments, iv, a 18. 319: in-
structor in Academy of Pniladelphia,
X, 17, x8, 19, ao, 21; 33, 33, 34, 37.

Kinsey, Tames, x, 8 n.

Kinsey, Joseph, vi, 343 n.

Kinsey, I'hilhp, x, 7, 8 n.

Kinsey and Hewlings, Messrs., vi, 241.

Kippen, Capt. Walter, ii, 67, 69.

Kippis. Dr. Andrew, x, 43.

Kirk, Mr. Tan engraver), iv, 386 and n.

Kneeland, Mr., iiL 379, ^95.

Knight, Gowin, r.R.S., ill, 73 and n.;
vi, 73 n.

Knight, John, x, 147 n.

Kninon, Chevr. de, vii, 60.

Knox, Gen. Henry, x, 337 n.

Knox, William (under secretary of
state for America), v, 446, 463; x,
334, 316.

Kockj Mr. (Swedish traveller), ii, 368.

Koemg, Professor, iii, 383.

Kolben (quoted), iii, 139.

Koser, Dr. Reinhold, i, xvii.

KosziuszkOj Tadeusz, i^ 304.

Kothkowski, Comte, vii, ^8 and n.

KrantZy early history of Greenland, vi,

87.
Kuhn, D., V, 384.

La Balme, Martin de (French officer),

vii, 13 and n.
La Blancherie (commissioner of the

French Academy)i ii % 197-
Laboulaye, £. R. L.., i, 30, 357 n.
La Chapelle, M. de, v, 543.
La Condamine de la Sabliere, on

mesmerism, i, 123 n., Lx, 181 n.
Lacy, G>unt, ix, 44 n.
Lafayette, George (son of the marquis),

viii, 38 n.
Lafayette, Marquis de, i, 8, 32; vii,

331, 397, 31^. 317, 319. 321, 330. 335.

3381 353; v»»» '3. 15. 16 n., 37, 35,
VOL. X — 20

51, 99. 316, 330, as6 n., a93, 331,
349, 370 n., 374, 387, 388, 404. 406,
4n n., 41a, 43a, 585; ix, 15a, 387,

389, 475. 570; X. 335. 394. 490. 493;
recommended to Washington, vii,
61, 63; his praise of America, 3^3;
beloved in America, aoi, 303; viii,
36, 389; appoints W. T. F. nis aide^
vii, 371 n.; receives sword from
Congress, 370, 371, 387; letter to
F., viii, 30 n., 547; his son George,
38 and n.; oistress of American
troops, 209; help in France, 385;
negotiations for peace, 493, 493,
495. 513, 513, S3I, 533, 534, 535,
545. 550. 579, $30, 638; ix, 139
and n., 337; Cornwallis's parole,
viii, 540; order of Cincinnati, x,

354.
Lafayette, Marquise de, i, aoa; viii, 38

n-, "9. 595'
Lafitte, B. P., viii, 31 n.

Lafr6t6, M. de, viii, 79 r.nd n. ; ix, 558.

La Jeunesse, M., vi, 444.

La Lande, Joseph- J6r6me Le Frangais
de, history of canals, ix, 498.

La Luzerne, C^s^ GuiUaume (cardi-
nal), viii, 39 n.

La Luzerne, C6sar Henri (lieutenant-
general), viii^ 39 n.

La Luzerne, Chevalier de, viii, 39 n.,
^5, 53. "7, "8, 138, 391, 431, 638;
«, 57, 350, 632 n.; x, 330 n., 390,
394; ambassador to America, vii,
395. 396, 314, 336, 337. 343, 3Sif

, 353. 353. 354, 376, 400.

La Marck, Comte de, x, ^46 n.

La Marck, Mme. de, viii, 458.

Lamb, Captain, ix, 463.

Lamb, Sir Matthew, v, x« n.

Lamb, William (second Viscount Mel-
bourne), V, 135 n.

Lamotte, Miss, ix, 3C1.

La Motte Picquet, Comte de, vii, 339;
viii, 248, 251, 355.

Landais, Capt. Peter, i, 8; vii, 377,
380, 300, 36^, 390, 403 ; viii, 79, 135,
136, 137; his insanity, X83; con-
spiracy of the Alliance^ vii, 338,
3^9; dissatisfaction with, 395; dis-
obedience of orders, ix, 134, 135;
quarrel with Paul Jones, vii, 401;
viii, 18, 19, 33, 34, 46, 47, 48, 122,
124, 125, 328, 329; IX, 76; X, 368-
371; prizes taken by, vii, 430, 431;
viii, 76; his negligence, 14. 133. '34;
ill treatment of officers, 87-91, 95.

Landor, Walter Savage, quoted, i, 197.

Landriani, Professor, ix, 61 7.

Lane, Mr., inventor 6f the electrometer,
iv, 459; V, 4w.

La NeuviUe, M. de, x, 34a.

562

INDEX OF PERSONS

Lansdowne, Lord, ix, 386; su Earl of
Shelbume.

Lansdowne, Marquis of, v, 393 n.

Lardner, L., iii, 456.

La Roche, Abbe de, i, 183, 185, 186,
aia; vii, 205 and n., ao6, 309 n.,
aia n., 435 n.; Lx, 498, 577, 690;
X, 112, 416, 426, 438; drinking song,
vii, 434-

La Rocnefoucauld, Cardinal de, enter-
tains F. on his way to America (1784),
X, 46c, 466, 467.

La Rocnefoucauld, Due de, i, 24; viii,
453; ix, 560, 561, 565 n., 574, 637;
X, 9. 315. 346, 406, 464, 490; trans-
lates the Constitution of United
States, ix, 71; his love of America,
497; F. asks his examination of his
"Autobiography," x, 69; reads paper
on life of F., 402.

La Rochefoucaulo, Duchess de, v, 395 ;
vii, 16.

La Rochefoucauld, M. de, quoted, ii,
103.

Lathrop, Rev. John, ix, 614 and n.,
649 n., 651 n.; x, 34 n.

La Tour ct Tassis, Prince de, vii, 52.

Laud, Archbishop, v, 207, a 14, 215;
vi, a95.

Lauder, William, Miltonic forgeries,
iii, 93 n.

Lauderdale, administration of, ix, 22 n.

Laurens, Henry, viii, 3, 150, 197, 258,
408, 414, 430, 461, 464, 467, 474,
477, 478, 487, 495» 539. 544. 55°. 557.
590; ix, 129, 130, 136, 147, 177. 191.
192, 226; X, 341; his drafts, vii, 121;
viii, 80, 84, 85, 93, 121, 129, 144, 167,
181, 259, 262, 300, 636; X, 380;
President of Congress, vii, 127 n.,
128 and n.; sent to Holland, viii,
61, 141, 239; anxiety concerning,
147; prisoner in Tower, 165 and
n., 166 and n., 185, 254, 320, 322,
339. 340, 352. 353. 354; X, 372,
373. 374; ioa^i iJ^ Holland, viii, 274,
27s; release of, 366, 429,434, 500;
negotiations for peace, 480, 509,
516, 631; X, 392, 395, 396; ex-
change of Cornwallis, viii, 482, 483,

530. 531. 532, 536, 537, ^^^^ 556,
571; letter to F., 503 ; his ill health,

580; ix, 8, 9, 32, 39.
Laurens, Col. Tohn, viii, 212, 213, 2x5,
216, 2x7 ana n., 218, 219, 224, 236,
240, 250, 266, 267, 27X n., 352, 360,
370 n., 477, 480; X, 379; application
to France for supplies, viii, 251, 252,
253, 256 n., 259 and n., 261, 263, 264,
272, 274, 275-279, 282, 289, 295,
326; his drafts, 347, 357, 364, 368,

378, 379. 3«7-

Laurens, Miss Martha, viii, 35a n.;
ix, 123, X70; X, 374.

Laurens, Samuel, ii, 36X.

Lauzun, Gontaut-Biron, Due de, viii,
639 and n.; ix, 38 n.

La Vau^uyon, Due de (French ambas-
sador in Holland), vii, 4x9, 420; viii,
4 n., X2 and n., 108, 338 n., 379.

La Villele, M. de, ix, 558.

Lavoisier, Antoine- Laurent, i, 34, 6a,
X2X, X99, 217; vi, 60; ix, 668 n.,
669 n. ; X, 405, 489 ; his experiments,
viii, 3x4, 453.

Lavoisier, Mme., ix, 667 n., 668 n.

Lawrence, Mr., x, 27.

Lawrence, Abbott, i, 6.

Lawrence, Colonel, i, 36a.

Lay, Benjamin, iii, 439; x, 6a.

Lea and Obrien, ix, 48a.

Le B&gue Duportail, Brigadier-General,
viii, 370 n., 389 and n.

Lecky, W. E. H., x, a68.

Le Despencer, Lord, i, X73; iv, 407 n.;
V, a66, 444; vi, 97, 98, 99. no, 146
and n., 165 n., 240; ix, xx, 3^8 and n.

Lee, Arthur, i, xv; v, 294 and n., 395,

301. 392, 501; vi, 98, 1x4. 1x7, a24,
229, a3a, 303, 34a, 379, 4a9, 436;
vii, X3 n., 14 n., 107 n., 263, 274, 340;
viii, 8, X5, 26, 575 n., 587; ix, 49, 64,
602, 69s; X, 283, 294, 365. 394; his
ability, vi, 85 and n. ; scene in the
Cockpit, 182, X83, x86, 187; X, 263,
a66; commissioner in France, vi,
471,474,475.477; vii, ao, ax, a3, 46.
140, X47, 148; X, 301. 307, l^^ n.;
sent to Spain, vii, 3X n., 3a3, 387;
X, 314; quarrel with Deane, vii, laS
n-. 335. 40X, 40a n.; x, 32X, 323;
quarrel with F., vii, 154 and n., 1^5,
X77 n., 246, 336, 344, 345 n.; viii,
51, 54, 204, a36, 306; X, 364; affair
of T. Morris's trunk, vii, 199, aoo;
draws upon F. for expenses, 2x8,
a 1 9, 385; X, 3ao, 378; his temper,
vii, aio, 240; viii, 44; objects to
J. Williams's accounts, vii, a57, 264,
a8a, a83, a84, 363; refuses to give
up public papers, a 73 n.; x, 336,
337; quarrel with d'Acosta, vii,
a 76 n., 279; promoting mutiny on
the Allianctf viii, 96 n., 97, 229;
accuses Captain Landais, 182.

Leei Gen. Cnarlcs, i, 174; v, 117 and
n.; vi, 438 n., 444 »•; x, 275.

Lee, John, vi, 187; x, 266.

Lee, Richard Henry, vi, 85 n.; vii, 9 n.;
ix, 356.

Lee, William, vi, 97 and n., 436; vii,
113, 115 n., 140, 218, 238, 239, 263,
274, 279, 322, 324. 325, 372; viii.
70, 184, 228, 402, 582, 588; X, 364;

INDEX OF PERSONS

563

Morris's trunk, vii, 147, 148, 149,

177 and n., 19^.
Leech, Thomas, lii, vi; iv, 317, 333.
Leeds, Titan, ii, 196, 197 and n., aox,

202 and n., 204, 221, 224.
Lehsveld, William van, i, 64 n.
Leibnitz, x, 358.
Leicester, Lord, z, ijrs, 274.
Leiter, Mrs. L. Z., 1, xiv; vii, 68 n.;

ix, 87 n., 154 n., ip6 n., 219 n.
Lemaire, Captain, vii, 238, 239.
Lenery, on food, ii, 301, 395.
Lenoir, Jean- Charles- Pierre (lieuten-
ant of police), vii, 12 n.; x, 303 n.
Lenox, Lord George, viii, 520.
Leonidas (pseudonym), see Sir Edward

Newenham.
Le Roy, Charles, vi, 28 n.
Le Roy, Jean-Baptiste, i, 9, i^, 17;

V, 192 n., 230; vi, 28 n.; vii, 286,

435 n.; viii, 312, 502; ix, 346, 498,
- 506, 565 n., 566 n.; x, 341, 453;

mesmerism, i, 121: value of fresh

air, 123; confutes NTollet, 420; v, 395,

405; vi, 107; elected to A. P. S.,

29 and n.
Le Roy, Julien David, i, 80 n., 81 and n.,

82; vi, 28 n.; ix, 372; x, 453-
Le Roy, Pierre, vi, 28 n.
Le Roy, Mme., ix, 502 ; x, 454, 4S6.
Leslie, Gen. Alexander, x, 342.
Lesqui, a Prtmanlri, i, 17.
Lettsom, John Coakley, i, 113, 114; v,

229, 230 n.; viii, 206 n.; ix, 15 n.,

550, 6c I n.; X, 470; presents books

to Dickinson College, 1, 2x0.
Leutmann, John George, ix, 444,

446.
Levache de Vanbum, M. Jean, ix,

153 and n.
Leveaux, M. (merchant at Calais),

vii, 233.
Levcrett, Sir John (governor of Mass.),

V, 360 n.
Lewes, Sir Watkin, vi, 97.
Lewis, Mr., vi, 115.
Lewis, Cx)l. Andrew, v, 487.
Lewis, Francis, viii, 223 n.
Lichtenstein, Princess Dowager, ix, 312.
Life, Thomas, vi, 303, 342.
Liger, M. (maker of sword presented

to Lafayette), vii, 370 n.
Lima, Viscount de Ponte de, vii, 45.
Limozin, Andr6, vii, 16, 17; ix, 367

and n., 360, 482, 663; x, 468, 469.
Lincoln, Earl of, i, ^62 n.
Lincoln, Gen. Benjamin, vii, 268; viii,

271 n., 370, 396.
Lind, Dr. Tames, v, 219 and n.
Lindsey, Tiieophilus, ix, 267 and n.
Lining, Dr. John, i, 70 n., 108, 133

and n.; iii, 135 n., 252, 381; ix, 52.

Linneus, i, 130; iv, 21; x, 481;

names the Gardenia, iii, 381 n.
Lippincott, Captain, his court-martial,

viii, 572, 586.
Liston, Mr., ii, 346 n.
Little, Dale and Cx)., viii, 81.
Livezey, Thomas, v, 104 n., 105.
Livingston, Peter V. B., vi, 427 n.
Livingston, Robert R., i, 32; viii, 396,

402, 553, 637; ix, 28 n., 20 n., 96,

124 n., 141 n.; x, 297, ^98; Secretary

for Foreign Affairs, viii, 370, 619; his

public offices, 375, 376 n.; note by,

616 n.
Livingston, William, life of, iii, 203 n.
Livy (quoted), iv, 74 n., ^^ n.
Llojrd, J. (of Maryland), vu, 1 13, 223 n.;

viii, 57 n.
Lloyd, Peter Z., viii, 623.
Lloyd, Thomas, x, 184 n.
Locke, Dr. John, i, 179, 243; ii, 387 n.;

iii, 28; X, 149, ^06 n.
Lockycr, Mr., viii, 19.
Lodge, Sir Oliver, i, xx.
Logan, James, i, 7^, 366 and n.; ii,

323» 368, 456 and n., 457; iii, 454;

translates Cicero, ii, 244 and n.,

245 n., 280 n.; stricken with palsy,

iii, 8; gives library to Philadelphia,

267.
Logan, William, x, 185.
Lor, M. de, experiments in electricity,

i,.98. 99. 420; V, 395.
L.orimer, Mr. (secretary to General

Abercromby), iii, 429, 430.
Louberbuhler, Mr., v, 308.
Loudoun, Lord, i, 160, 423, 424, 428,

429; iii, 33^f 341, 34a, 396 n., 398
and n.; iv, 254; vi, 47 n.; x, 194,
197.

Louis XIV, King of France, vi, 86, 295 ;
vii, 152; Mather's sermon, i, 198;
persecutes the Camisards, 257 n.

Louis XV, King of France, ix, 119; wit-
nesses the performance of the elec-
trical experiments at St. Germain,
i, x6, 47, 99; iii, 124; the Grand
Couvertf v, 51.

Louis XVI, King of France, vii, 198
and n., 199; viii, 16 n., 174, 349f
427. 509. 516, 541, 629; ix, 68, 289,
6^3; X, 300, 390, 39X, 393; gift to
F., i, 151; ix, 464; X, 457; his
generosity, vii, 220; viii, 649; ix,
35. 134, 32a, 517, 527, 528, 553, 554;
X, 382, 384, 385, 387. 390; liberates
Asgill, viii, 5^2 n., ^86 n.; separate
treaty with Englandf, 641, 642, 643;
medal of Congress, ix, 3$; protects
Captain Cook, 258 n.; petition on
behalf of Brown University, i, 209.

LovcII, James, vii, 65 n., 330, 400 n.;

5^

INDEX OF PERSONS

viii, ia7, 141; x, 393; defends A.

Lee, vii, 40a n. ; x, ^aj.
Lowndet, Rawlins, viii, 304 and n.
Lowth, Bishop, iii, 16 n.
Lowthrop ana Jones, iii, 143.
Lucas, Dr. Charles, v, 361 n.
Ludlam, William, v, ^86 and n., 387.
Lumisden, William, viii, 335 n.
Lupton, George (spy), i, 201 n.; vii,

Lutwidge, Captain, i« 43z ; iiit 4a8, 438.
Lynch, Thomas (of S.C.), vi, 439 n. ; ix,

696; X, aga.
Lyon (author of the " InfallibilitY of

Human Judgment")* i» ^78 And n.;

vii, 4xa.
Lyttleton, Lord, vi, 369.

M

Mably, Gabriel-Bonnot, AbM de, iz,

a8a.
Macaulay, Mrs. Catherine, iv. 370.
MacBride, David (of Dublin), experi*

ments with fixed air, x, 979, a So.
Macclesfield, Lord, ii 4ai; ii, 3a4 n.;

MacClintock, Mr., method of smelting

ore, ix, 664.
MacConaughy, Mr. (member of Pa.

Assembly), iii, 97 a,
MacCuUoch, Kenneth, i, ^3.
MacGowen, Mr. (of Edinbuigh), iv,

aio; V, 380.
Machiavein, iv, 73.
McKean, Thomas (chief justice of

Pa.), viii, 38a n.; x, 489.
MacKensie, Dr., five plagues of

Constantmople, i, 1x7.
MacKinsty, John, ix, 611.
McLaughlin, Captain, iii, ^25, 326.
McLean, Mr., tne WalpoTe Grant, v,

66, 67.
McLeod, Captain (of the artillery),

viii, 530.
McNab. James, ii, 373.
McNeill, Capt. Hector, vii, 193 and

n., 238, 365^.
McPharson, Captain, iv, 361.
Madan, Martin, ix, 391 n.
Maddison, Geoi^e, i, aia; iv, 196; x,

179; his death, ix, 265.
Madison, James, x, 490.
Maese, N., vii, 22t n.
Ma^elhaens [or Magellan]. Jean Hya-

cinthe de, v, 39^; elected to A. P. S.,

vi, 99 and n.; ix, 316.
Mahon, Lord, vi, 19 and n., ao n.,

, 35'. 363» 375-

Maillebois, Comte de, vii, a86, 388.
Maine, Mr. (of S.C.), iv, xag n.; v,
4a8.

Majault (member of comminHm on

mesmerism), i, xax.
Malesherbes, Chr^tien-Guillaume de

Lamoignon de, vii, 337; viii, 30 and

n.; ix, 566 n., 573 »•
Malo, Charles (translator of F.), i, jq.
Malthus, Thomas R., i, 135, 149, 143,

144.
Manchester, Duke of, vi, 306, 369; ix,

7a, 1x8, X30.
Mandeville, Bernard, i, 198, 378 and n.;

X, 154.
Manhaut, Capt. Stephen, vii, 388.
Manilius, Marcus, i, 198 n.
Manini, Lorenzo, i, xa; x, 361.
Manning, Mr., viii. 359; x, 37s, 373.
Manning, Cardinal, i, x8.
Manning, Sarah, i, x8.
Mansfield, Lord, x, 335, 359 n.; coun-

sel for Paris, 1, 438 ; Stamp Act, vi,

zx6; Lord Geoige Gordon riots, viii,

95, 99: criticism of F., i, X74; vi. 145.
Marat, Jean Paul, i, 68; vii, 986 d.;

X, ^69.
Marchant, Mr., travels in ScotUod,

V, 361 ; X, ao4 n.
Marggrandcr, Adam, ix, 994 and n.
Mana Theresa, Empress of Austria* i,

«v», «vii, jcvtft, 114; vii, I n.
Marie Antoinette, viii, 985 n.; ix, 33,

392; X, 457; saves AagiU's hfc,

viii, 572 n„ 386 n.
Marignac, M. de (tutor to B. F. Bachc

in Geneva), vii, 368 and n., 369 ;

Manschal, Earl, iv, 197, x^6 and a.
Marlborough, Duke of, iv, 156 a.;

ix, X09 n.
Marmontel, Jean-Francois, vii, 435 n.;

ix, 691.

Marshall, Mr. (editor of F.'s works), i,

27.
Marshall, Humphiy, i, 70, yx; viii,

X04 n.; X, 24^.
Marshall, Rev. William, vi, x5 and n.
Milrter, M., ix, ^5.
Martin, Mr. (maker of the panopticon),

V, 137.
Martin, Aim6, vii, 6x n.
Martin, Alexander (governor of S.C.),

viii, 573 n.
Martin, Captain, iii, 305, 326.
Martin, David (rector of the Academy

of Philadelphia), iii, 58; his death,

60, 6a, 90, 09.
Martin, David (painter), x, <09.
Martyn, Mr. (of Trenton), il, 977.
Martyr, Peter, ix, 167 n.
Mary, Queen (of England), i. 930.
Maseres, Francis (baron of Exchequer),

i. X38; V, 446; sinking the national

debt, IX, 586.

INDEX OF PERSONS

565

Masgrave, Phillip (proprietor of Boston

GauUe), X, 149.
Maskeljrne, Ncvil, i, *»w; v, 436;

mean density of the earth, i, 63 n.;

astronomer at Greenwich, 70, 71,

199; transit of Venus, v, 137, 226.
Mason, Bishop (bishop of Sodor and

Man), ix, ^53 n.
Mason, Wilbam, vi, 233 n.
Mason and Dixon, longitude of places,

V, 271.

Maascrano, Prince of, viii, 900, aoa,

237, 434; X, 346.
Masserano, Princeas of, viii, 239; x,

Masters, William (of Philadelphia), ii,
246 n.; iii, w, 59, 378; x, 185.

Masters, Mrs., iix, 320, 333; iv, 383.

Mather, Cotton, i, 40, 42, 231, 238; vi,
86 and n.; ix, 208 n.; x, 76, 148;
inoculation, 150; description of a
whirlwind, iii, Z17, 118.

Mather, Increase, i, 198; vi, 86; x, 150.

Mather, Samuel, vi, 86 n. ; ix, 208 n.

Mathon de la Cour, Charles-Joseph,
ix, 286 n., 363 n., 476 n.

Matv, Matthew, Librarian of British
Museum, vi, 72 and n.; Secretary to
Royal Society, ix, 73 n.

Mauduit, Israel (agent for Hutchinson
and Oliver), v, 198 and n., 309; vi,
183* x^Si 2^; the scene in the Cock-
pit, X, 263, 264, 265.

Maugridge, William, i, 300; v, 442,

458-
Maurepas, Jean Fr^^ric Phelippeaux

de, X, 326j 327, 341.
Maurice, Pnnce of Nassau, vii, 151.
Mawhood, Lieut. John, viii, 130.
Maximilian, Archduke, inoculated for

smallpox by Ingenhousz, vi, 141 n.
Maximilian (of Bavaria), ix, 52 n.
Maxwell, clerk, i, ^6.
Maxwell, John, vii, 330.
MaxwelL Robert, iii, 59.
Mayer, Col. Brantz, x, 295 n.
May hew. Rev. Dr., iv, 32 n., 99 n.
Mazdas, Abb^, i, 47, 98 n.; iii, 124.
Mazzei, Philip, vi, 455 n.
Mead, Mr. (commissioner of customs),

▼» 356.
Mead, Dr. Richard, iii, zo<.
Meade, Mr. (merchant of Philadelphia),

«, 537-
Mean, Mrs. (Paris landlady), v, 320.

Mecom, Miss Abiah, iii, 57.

Mecom, Benjamin (son of Mrs. Jane
Mecom), i, 138; iii, loi and n., 102,
103, 165, IQ5, 394, 395, 404, 423.
458; iv, 199, 202, 461; V, 184, 441;

VI, 18, 38; X, 20t; pi"*^" and
bookseller at Antigua, iii, 302, 329, |

333». 335.. 357; X. X71; leaves
Antigua, in, 337, 356; gomg to Eng-
land, 338; remittances to Strahan,
341, 367; iv, 211, 249.

Mecom, Eben (son of Mrs. Jan«
Mecom), iii, 40s.

Mecom, Edward (brother-in-law of
B. F.), u, 87 n., 180, 379. 380; iii,
5, 57, xoi n.

Mecom, Edward, Jr. (son of Mrs. Jane
Mecom \ iii, 402.

Mecom, Mrs. Jane, i, sfviii, t$t n.,
196; ii, 87 and n., 216, 379; iii, 4,
57, 101 n., 43®» 433; »Vf ao6, ao8.
209, 455 ; vii, 257 n.; ix, 649 n.;
X, 147 n., 496, 498.

Mecom, John (son of Mrs. Jane
Mecom), iii, 40^.

Mecom, Peter (son of Mrs. Jane
Mecom), iii, 393, 40a.

Mehelm, Jonathan, vi, 242 n.

Melbourne, Viscount, v, 135 n.

Melmoth, Courtney, see Samuel Jack-
son Pratt.

Melmoth, Mrs. Courtney, see Mrs.
Samuel Jackson Pratt.

Mercator, dispute with, ix, 486.

Merchant, Mr., iv, 206.

Mercier, M., vii, 257.

Mercley, Mr., vii, 43.

Meredith, Hugh, i, 289, 290, 292, 293,

294, 3oit 3oa» 304; ii, xoo n,; iv,
361; X, 155.

Merwin, Miles, x, 75.

Mesmer, investigating the theories of,
i, 113, 121, 122 and n., 2x1; ix, 271,
320; X, J62, 428.

Mesurier, M. and Mme., x, 468.

Metastasio, i, 212.

Methuen (Portugal treaty), x, 332.

Meyer, Jeremiah (painter 01 minia-
tures"), V, 315.

Meyrick, Captain, v, 391.

Michaelis, John D., x, 241.

Mickle, Samuel, i, 298.

Mico, Mr., iii. 435.

Middleton, Capt. Christopher, ii, 242,
278 and n., 335.

Middleton, Henry (president of Con-
gress), vi, 343.

Mifflin, J. Ewing, iii, 57 n., 93 n.,
260 n., 261 n., 272 n., 483 n.

Mifflin, J., iii, 304.

Mifflin, Thomas (president of Con-
gress), ix, 124 p., 221 : X, 489.

Millar, Andrew, i, 43; ii, 237 n.; v, ts.

Millar, P., iii, 396.

Miller, Alexander (peruke-maker), ii,
232.

Miller, Peter (of Philadelphia), v, 37s.

Milliet, M. (of Lisbon), ix, 663.

Miliikeai Mr.| iii» 33X.

566

INDEX OF PERSONS

Mfllj, Comte dc, x, 406.

Milton, u, 96 (quoted), 387 n.; iii,

a8, 30 n-, 93 n-, 141, 14a n. (quoted),

454 and n.; iv, 87 n.; viii, 446.
Minto, Dr., i, iz6.
Mirabeau, Comte de, is, 269 and n.,

371 and n.
Miiabeau, Marquis de, compliments

F., i, 18. 115. 135; V, 156 n.; vii, 35;

is, 269; z, 354, 361, 406, 490.
Mirepoix, Due de, ▼, 484, 486.
Mitcnel, Captain, viii, 36.
Mitchell, Dr., i, 418.
Mitchell, Mr., on the strata of the earth,

iii, 427-
Mitchell, Dr. John, ii, 393 and n., 294,

364, 367; ui, 7, 267, 280; V. 485;

vi, ico; X, 93.
Mitchell, Dr. S. Weir, i, xiii; x, 279.
Mitford, J., iii, 134 n., 141 n.
Mitis, Baron von, i, xv<V, jcviVt.
Mix, Mr. (of New Haven, Conn.), iii,

170.
Moe, Irensus (Barbadocs), iv, 466.
Moffat, Dr., ii, 301.
Moffat, T., vi, 278.
Moiande, M. de (s]3^), i, 3.
Molesworth, Lord, ii, 265 n.; x, 2x1.
Molini, M. (Paris bookseller), v, 92,

94.
Molyneux, William, v, 255-
Monckton, Gen. Robot, v, 1x7.
Monnier, M. (astronomer), v, 45.
Monplaiser, M. de, viii, <^\.
Monro, Dr. Alexander, iv, 84 and n.,

210.
Montague, Mr. (agent for V'a.), v, 519.
Montague, Mrs. Elizabeth, i, 199; v,

22 and n.; x, 275.
Montaudouin Brothers, vii, 13 n.
Montaudouin, Mme., vii, 260.
Montbarey, Prince de (minister of war),

viii, 79 and n., i\\\ x, 338, 339.
Montesquieu (quoted), ix, 205; x, 153.
Montgolfier, Joseph, first balloon ascen-
sion, i, 77, 78; ix, 81, 82, 116, 155,

156, 173; ix, 79 and n.
Montgolfier, Peter, ix, 79 n.
Montgolficr, Stephen, ix, 79 and n.
Montgomery, Mr. (of Philadelphia), v,

264.
Montgomery, Mrs. Dorcas (of Phila-
delphia), V, 264, 374, 458; viu, 373

and n.; x, 288.
Montgomery, John, i, 209.
Montgomery, Maj.-Gen. Richard, i,

xvi; his monument, vii, 162 and n.,

392; viii, 579 n.; ix, 537; his death,

vii. 331-
Montgomery, Robert (of Alicant), ix,

126, 127, 128 and n., 132; x, 353.
Montgomery, T. H., iii, 126 n.

Monthieu, John Joseph, vii, 263 n.^
264, 271, 281, 283, 391.

Montmorin, (2omte de (French ambas-
sador to Spain), viii, 294 and n.;
X, 42 n.

Montressor, Colonel, vii, 330.

Moody, Father, ii, 283.

Moor, John, iv, 281 n.

Moore, Charles (clerk of Assembly),
X, 2x8 n.

Moore, Dr. (spy), i, 3.

Moore, Mrs. (of PhOadelphia), iii, 405,

438-
Moore, S. Preston (treasurer of Pa.

Assembly), iii, 260, 323.
Moore, Wimam (president of Court of

Coixmaon Pleas, Chester Co.), iii,

443. 444 and n.
Morellet, Abb^, i, jci, 183, X85, 2x2; vii,

205 and n., 206, 435 n., 436; viii,

244, 46x; ix, 286. 408, 546, 577 n.;

X, 426, 438; effect of oil upon water,

i, 64, 65 n.; a physiocrat, 135; x.

36 x; American finance, viii, X51;

adniires F.'s doctoral chair, ix, 469

and n.; x, 462; ** Petition of the

Cats," ix, 505 n.
Monan, Benjamin (organizer of '*the

Filature"), vi, xo n.
Morgan, Evan, iii, ^04; iv, 122 n.
Morgan, General, viii, 245.
Morgan, Dr. John (of Philadelphia),

iv, X16 and n., 122 and n., X23, 371 ;

V, 183.
Mor]f^an, William, his Life of Price,

viu, 457.
Morgann, Mr., vi, 97.
Morocco, Emperor of, solicits treaty

with America, Ix, 72, 97, 126, xa8,

X32, 276; X, 1^2, 403.
Morris, Captain, 1, 42^.
Morris, Eleanor (daugnter of F.'s aunt,

Hannah Franklin Morris), v, 36.
Morris, Gouverneur, ix, 555 n., 691 ;

'f. 35-
Morns, Mrs. Hannah (aunt of B. F.),

V, 36.

Moms, James, i, 365.

Morris, Lewis R., viii, 615.

Morris, Luke, viii, 37.

Morris, Mrs. (mother of Dr. Rush), v,

34-
Morris, Morris (son of the below), viii,

397 and n.

Morris, Robert (financier), i, 9; vii,
13 n., 248, 249; viii, 60, 131, 548,
S77, 619; ix, 50, 55. 68; x, 297;
his management of finances, vui,
370, 392, 401; ix, 35, 145. yS; X,
377» 378, 3*4; drafts upon F., viii,
380, 43 ». 479-

Morris, Robert Hunter (governor of

INDEX OF PERSONS

567

Pa.), Braddock's defeat, i, 159, 163;
X, 1 8a: his commission, i, 389; quar-
rel witn the Assembly, 391, 392, 406;
iii, 276, 277, 291 ; militia act, 298; cost
of living, 442; gives F. military au-
thoritv, X, 183; is superseded, 18^
n.; chief justice of New Jersey, ii,
277.

Morris, Theophilus, vii, 330.

Morris, Thomas (son of Robert Mor-
ris [financier]), viii, 307 and n.

Morris, Thomas (brother of Robert
Morris [financier]), vi, 469 n., 472;
vii, 13 n., 113, 115, i47i 148, i49.
199.

Morrison, Mrs. Alfred, iv, 408 n.

Morton, John (signer of Declaration of
Independence), iv, 283 n., 363.

Morton, Lord, v, 60 and n., 395.

Morveau, M. de (cnemist), set Guyton
de Morveau.

Mossant, M., i, xvi; v, 348 n.

Moulder, Mr. (of Philadelphia), v, 428.

Moustiers, E16onore - Fran9ois - Elie,
Comte de, ix, 632 n.; x, 5 n.

Moylan, Captain^ x, 310.

Moylan and Co. (merchants at L' Ori-
ent), ix, 75.

MuUins, Mr., vii, 266.

Murray, James (governor of Canada),
X, 176.

Murray, Dr. J. A. H., x, 206 and n.

Murray, Wiluam (second mate), iv,
305, 306.

Muschenbroek, the Leyden jar, 1, 93;

N

Nairne, Edward, i, 70; iv, 220; v, 199;
vi, 142; be, 109 n., 242, 385, 538;
the pulse glass, i, 52; v, 140, 141;
pocket telescope, i, 72; hygrometers,
73; iii, 54 n.; viii, 168 n.

Nairne, Mrs. Edward, ix, 109.

Naples (king of), ix, 2 n.

Nassau, Prince of, vii, 187.

Navarrete, Domingo-Hernandez, v,
346 and n.

Neal, Mr., his improved globes, iii, 91.

Neatc, William, vi, 345.

Neate and Neave (shipping hrm), iii,
352; iv, 169 n.

Neates, Mr., iii, 424.

Neave, Oliver, iv, 160 n., 38c.

Nccker, Jacques, Comptroller of Fi-
nances, i, 173 n.; his daughter's
marriage (Mme. de Stael), ix, 54 n.;
finances ot France, 286.

Neigh, Dr., and Mrs., iv, iii.

Nekrep, Bishop, ix, 314, 316.

Nelson, Mr., iii, 438.

Nelson, Mrs., iii, 290.

Nelson, William, ii, 301.

Nepean, Sir Evan (under-secretary of

state), X, 470.
Nesbitt, Jonathan, vii, 378 n.
Neufville, John de, vii, 384; viii, 83,

121, 147. 167, iZ^, 337 and n., 345;

ix, 122, 123: X, 380.
Neufville, the Younger, viii, 347, 148.
Neufville and Sons, Jean de (mercnants

of Amsterdam), vii, 262 and n.;

viii, 106, 129, 239, 334, 341, 342, 343,

344, 364, 379* 387; ix, X69; X, 325,

380.
Nevil, Mr., iv, 372.
Neville, M. de., ix, 48 n.
Newbery, John, iii, 304 and n.
Newcastle, Duke 01, i, 145; iv, 82;

X, 197.
Newenham, Capt. H., i, omii.
Newenham, Sir Edward, i, jev«, xv«,

199; vii, 331 n.; viii, 206 n.; letter

to Lord Cfnarlemont, x, 487, 488.
Newenham, Lady, ix, 103.
Newland, Mr. (an officer), vi, 438.
Newton, Sir Isaac, i, 66, 104, 130, 1^3,

196, 278 and n.; iii, xo, 97, 346; iv,

88; X, «8.
Newton, Thomas, iii, 454.
Nichol, Mr. (of Philadelphia), ii, 208,

323; iii, ^97.
Nicholls, Mr., ii, 277.
Nichols, J., editor of Genlleman's Maga-
zine, X, 43 n.
Nicholson, Captain, iii, 473; x, 310,

3"-
Nicklin, Mr., ix, 529.

Niles, (Captain, vii, 175.

Nini (sculptor), ix, 28a n.

Noailles, Viscount de, viii, 370 n.,
411 n.; X, 320 n.

Noble, Samuel, z, 277 and n.

Nogaret, Felix, i, 316; viii, 214 n.;
criticises Gay, 215 n.; translation
of Turcot' s epigram, i, 47, 197.

Nogaret, Mrs. Felix, viii, 338.

Noilet, Abb^, attacks F., i, 14; iv, 139:
viii, 314; doubts the existence of
B. F., i, 16, 419 and n.; his ex-
periments, iii, 8, 105 and n., 106; v,
395; his book, iii, 164, 192, 193;
Beccaria's answer, 229, 269 n.;
effects of lightning, v, 138; opposes
lightning rods, vi, 107; his succes-
sor, vii, 30 n.

Nord, Comte du, see Paul I of Russia.

Normandy, Mr., iii, 405.

Noiris, Charles, iii, 331; iv, 151.

Norris, Deborah, v, ^8.

Norris, Isaac, apix)inted one of the
Congress of Commissioners assem-
bled at Albany, i, 156, 375, 387;

568

INDEX OF PERSONS

treaty with the Indians, iii, 164;
defending Pennsylvania, 304, 333,
341, 34a; sent to England, 368; x,
186; speaker of the Assembly, iii, 397
n.; iv, 283, 342,343* 376 n.; \x, 225
n.; X, 216; ms telescope, iii, 454 n.

Norris, John (founder of the Nor-
risian professorship at Cambridge),
ix, 257 n.

Norris, John (of Witton in Norfolk),
ix, 257 n.

Norris, Lieutenant, z, 373.

Norris, Miss, i, i^t n.

North, Joshua, iii, 454.

North, Lord, i, 3; v, X44; vi, 96, 345,
390. 392, 393, 400; vii, ^i n., 75, 76
and n., 142 n., 143, 227, 304, 308;
▼i". 359. 381 n., 396; ix, 18; x, 310:
praise of F., i, 200; x, 323; inclined
to satisfy the colonies, v, 2 52 ; vi, 348,
352, 388; favoured the repeal of the
Stamp Act, v, 259; new proposals,
vi, 313 and n.; conciliation bills,
vii, 105, 106, 107; X, 291, 331 and n.;
new taxes, viii, 421; separate treaty
with England, 427, 428; promises
office to F., X, 244; present in the
Cockpit, 266, 2 70.

Northington, Lora, v, 89; x, 244.

Norton, Sir Fletcher, vi, 359 n.

Norwich, Dean of, vi, 342.

Nourse, Mr. (bookseller), vi, 220.

Nugent, Robert, x, 232, 233.

O

O'Brien, Percy, su Earl of Thomond.

Odell, Jonathan, i, 131 n.

Oeills, Count d', ix, 277.

Ogden, Colonel, ix, 59.

Ogilvie, Charles, vii, 223 n.

O Gorman, M. . (brother-in-law of
Chevaliftre d'Eon), x, 276.

Oldham, Nathaniel, i, 285 n.

Oldhoff, Maitre Jan, viii, 262 n.

Olearius, Adam, his travels in Russia,
ii, 271 n.

Oliver, Andrew (lieutenant-governor
of Mass.), vi, 114, iQs; the Hutchin-
son Letters, 263, 276, 277, 278, 279,
280, 283 and n., 286; x, 259, 260,
264.

Oliver, Richard (M.P., London), vii,
2^5 and n.

Onion and Russel (ironmasters), i,
274 and n.

Onslow, Col. George, v, 75, 76; x,

243-
Oplinger, Nicholas, iii, 331.

Orange, Prince of, ix, 603.
Orleans, Due d', viii, 456.
Orme, Captain, i, 403.

Orvilliers, Comte d', viJ, 187 and n.
Osborn, Sir Danvers (governor of

N.Y.), iii. 341 "•
Osborne, Captain, v, 305, 339, 408,

457; vi, 318; X, 281, 287.
Osborne, Charles, i, 269, 270, 271, 272.
Osborne, Thomas (bookseller), ii, 333,

358. 363. 367; i". 455. 475 ; iv, 189.

Osgood, Judith (married John Fox-
croft), vi, 102 n.

Osnabrtick, Bishop of, v, 321.

Ossorv. Countess of, i, 176.

Oswald, James, iv, 381.

Oswald, Richard, viii, 45 5» 47 «. 473.
474,476,477.481.483; *. 396; prt-
sents letters from Lord Snelbume,
viii, 431, 461, 462, 463, 475; ^ 395;
his commission, viii, 602 n.; de-
sire for peace, 464; interview with
Vergennea, 465, 466, 467, 46*.
469; negotiations for peace, 484-
488, 492-497. 500. SO*. 503.
504. 507. 508, 5". 513-516. 521,
522, 523. 524, 52^532. 534. 536.
538, 539. 541, 543-548, 553. 560,
561, 565. 566, 571, 576. 579. 590.
594, 614, 627, 650 n.j ix, 32; propo-
sitions relative to pnvateering, 4, 40
n.; enters bailior Laurens, x, 374;
his death, ix, 330 n., 606.

Otis, Dr. F. N„ iii, \o\ n.

Oudermeulen, C. Van aer, viii, 105 n.

Ourry. Captain, v, 37, 93, 193, 264.

Overal, Mr., iv, 152.

Overpack, Geoi]|;e, iii, 305.

Owens, David, iv, 241 and n., 94s.

Oxenbridge, Mr., v, 361 n.

Oxly, John, x, 105.

Paddock, Mr. (a relation of B. F.), vi, 94.

Page, Rsdph, ii, 298.

Pa^e, Robert (husband of Jane Frank-
lin, cousin of B. F.), iii, 459.

Pa{;;in, Father, i, 211, 212; x, 426.

Pame, Thomas, writes "Common
Sense," vi, 440; ix, 562, 565, 567;
bridge building, 565 n., 574, 575;
letter to Abb6 Raynal, viii, 635 ; dc-
istical writings, ix, 520, 568; x, 85 n.

Paley, William, his "Moral Philoso-
phy," ix, 488 n.; X, 469.

Palfr^, Col. William (consul-general
to France), viii, 212, 220 and n., 223,
230, 254, ^08.

Palmer, Archdeacon, iii, 453; x, 145 n.

Palmer, Esquire, i, 229.

Palmer, Samuel (printer), employs F.,
i, 277 and n.; x, 154; F. leaves the
shop, i, 280; origin of '*the dangles,'*
i ut, 53X.

INDEX OF PERSONS

569

Palmerston, Lord, i, 6.

Pankouke (Paris bookseller), x, 376.

Panton, Mr., vi, 940.

PapiUon, Capt. Peter, x« 15 1.

Paradise, lonn, ix, 956 and n., 647.

Paradise, Mrs. John, ix^ 956 and n.

Paris, Ferdinana John, 1, 436, 437. 438.

Parke, Mr., silk culture, Vj 336, 388.

Parker, Mr. (of Amboy), vi, 441.

Parker, James (printer), i, 138; ii, 316,
366; lii, 40 n., 87 n., 128, 166, 170,
33ii 395. 396. 42a, 476; iv, 202, 203,
an, 461; ix, 468 n.; takes Mecom
as apprentice, iii, loa; his opinion
of Mecom, iv, 249; partner of B. F.,
X. 171, 201; vi, 35, 36, 37, 240; his
lamentations, i, 215; the Stamp Act,
vi, 223.

Parker, Mrs. James, iii, 102; vi, 37,
38, 240.

Parker, Lord, v, 77.

Parks, Mr. (bookseller in Virginia), ii,

355. 366.
Parma, Duke of, i, 2x2.
Parsons, J., publishes F.'s memoirs,

1793. ». 25, 26.
Parsons, Dr. James, iii, 264 and n.
Parsons, William (surveyor-general of
Pa.), iii, 304 n., 326, 330- parable
of persecution, i, 179; member of the
Junto. 299;. member of A. P. S., ii,
277; his death, iii, 4^1, 457-
Parsons, William (of Dieppe), i, 216.

Parton, James, ii^ z; x, 483.

Partridge, Captain, marries a niece of
F.. vii, 303 n., 394.

Partridge, Mrs. Elizabeth (n6e Hub-
bard— a niece of B. F.), i, 196; iii,
^29 n.; X, 408; marriage, vii, 793 n.;
death of B. Kent, ix, 683 n.; French
customs, X, 407.

Partridge, Richaxd (agent of Pa. in
London), iii, 276, 292 n., 368, 438;
iv, 189.

Partridge, Lieut.-Gov. William, iii,
292 n.

Paschal, Mrs., v, 268, 307.

Passy, Mile, ac, x, 453.

Patterson, Mr., silk culture, v, 331, 335,
388.

Patterson, John, vii, 330.

Paul the First, Emperor of Russia, viii,
314, 451 n., C02, 514.

Paulie, M. (father-in-law of Lavoisier),
(farmer-general), ix, 668 n.; x, 375.

Pawlin, Mr., iv, ^62.

Pawling, Henry, ix, 679.

Paxson, Henry, vi, 242 n.

Paxton, Charles (commissioner of cus-
toms), V, 66 n.; vi, 278; x, 259.

Payne, T. (publisher), i, 56.

Payne, Mrs., vii, 35.

Pearce, James, marries "SaDy" Frank-
lin, vi, 95.

Pearson, Captain, viii, 227.

Pearson, Isaac, i, 294; iv, 283 n.

Peck (shipbuilder), ix, 324.

Pecquet, M., ix, 99.

Peirce, Arthur W., vii, 368 n., 369 n.;
viii, 372 n.

Pellew, Henry E., ix, 466 n.

Pellion, Louis Givanetti, i, aoi, 90a.

Pellizer, Abb6 de, i, 206.

Peltier du Doyer, M. (merchant at
Nantes), vii. 264 and n., 265.

Pemberton, Mr. (clergyman), vi, 86.

Pemberton, Dr. Henry, i, 278 and n.;

X, 154.
Pemberton, Israel, iii 470 n., 4^8.
Pemberton, James, iii, 476; viii, 195;

X, 68.
Pemberton, Samuel, x, 248 n.
Pembroke, Lord, i, 433.
Pench, C. S. (editor of GautU de

Utrecht)t i^ 146.
Penet, M., vi, 474; T. Morris's papers,

vii, 147, 199; nis failure, viii, 640 ; his

trade with America, x, 294.
Penington, Edward, iv, 106 n., 466.
Penington, Isaac, iv, 106 n.
Penn, Mrs. Ann (wife of William

Penn, 3d), iv, io6 n., 466 n.
Penn, John (son of Thomas), ix, 25

and n.
Penn, John (son of William Penn), i,

'52.

Penn, Gov. John (grandson of William
Penn), iii, 443; iv, 294, 897, 334.
376; v, ii8- X, 215.

Penn, Richard (son of William Penn),
i, 152; iii, 299; iv, 5 n., 346 n.

Penn, Springett, iv, 107.

Penn, Springett, 3d, iv, 106 and n.,
466 and n.

Penn, Thomas (son of William Penn),
i. 152, 156^ 387, 435; ^f ^99*. V,
103, 226; IV, 106, 346 n., 364; ix,
25 n., 309 n., 311, 312; X, 65, 212,
373.

Penn, Mrs. Thomas, ix, 309 and n.

Penn, William, i, 152, 366, 367; ii,
245 n.; iii, 266, 370, 371, 374; iv,
106 n., 290, 340, 345 ; ix, 310, 311;
X, iS3» 234; his portrait, iv, 4, 5
and n., 6.

Penn, Mrs. William, iv, 6.

Penn, William, ^d, iv, 106 n., 466 n.

Pennypacker, rfon. Samuel W., i, xH/.

Penrose, Mr., iv, 409.

Penthievre, Louis- Jean-Marie dc Bour-
bon, Due dc, viii, 297.

Pepperell, Sir William, v, 199.

Perdval, Thomas, vi, 138 n.; ix, 236 n.;
z, 252 i cause of severe cold of 1783-

570

INDEX OF PERSONS

1784, i, 6z ; effect of oil upon water,

64; origin of ** colds/* zaa; on

meteorology, ix, 133 and n.
Percy, Lord, vi, 253.
Perkins, John, i, 59 n., 207; iii, 76

and n.
Pernan, Mme. de, x, 447.
Perno, Abb^, ix, 360, 361.
Perrier, M. (engineer^ x, 341.
Perronet, Jean-Rodolphe (designer of

bridges), ix, 565 and n., 574.
Perry, Mr. (English shipbuilder), ix,

304 and n.
Perry, William, his pronouncing dic-
tionary, i, ao6. ^
Persius, quoted, ii, 1x7, 133.
Peter the Great, iv, 309; anecdote of,

viii, 503.
Peterkin, William, ix, C09.
Peters, Rev. Richard (president of the

Academy of Philadelphia), i, 360;

iii, 16 and n., ao, az and n., 62, 9a,

Z31, 13a; X, 10, II, ^2, a7.
Peters, Richard (secretary), i, 156, ^87;

iii, 164, Z99, 330, 354; vii, 30 and n.;

X, 185.
Peters, Mrs. Richard, vii, 30.
Peters, W., iv, 107.
Petre, Lord, viii, Z05 n.
Petrie, Mr., ix, 99.
Pettigrew, Thomas Joseph, i, 79 n.
Pettit, Charles, ix, 543 n.; x, az7.
Petty, Sir William, i, 146, 147; ii, 35,

36- ix, 384.
PhiUips, W., quoted, ii, 144 n., 145 n.
Phillips, Gen. William, x, iii.
Phillips, William (of Boston), vi, z8o.^
Phips, Captain (Arctic expedition), vi,

143-
Piccini, rival of Gluck, viii, zoo.

Pickering, Colonel, ix, 544, 6zi.

Pickles, Captain, x, 372.

Picque, M., explores Kentucky, ix,
637 n.; his death, 649, 669, 6jo.

Pierres, Philippe Denis, prints Epicte-
tus, i, 215; prints Constitution of
United States, ix, 27, a8, 47 n., 48 n.

Pigot, Nathan (astronomer), i, 71.

Pike, Samuel, iii, i^i and n., aa7.

Pinckney, Charles, ix, 619.

Pio, M. {charge d affaires of court of
Naples), ix, i.

Pitkin, Timothy, viii, 649 n.

Pitt, Miss, iii, 479; iv, no, 150, 193,
Z96, 201.

Pitt, William, i, jet, xv^ 14^; v, az6;
removes Lord Ix>udoun, 1, 426; his
resignation, iv, Z30; speech on
Stamp Act, 405 andn., 407; an* 'in-
accessible," X, 281 ; letter to Walpole,
384 n.; his majority in the Com-
mons, 357.

Pitts, Mr., iii, 163; vi, 267.
Plaince, Captain ^of Cork), vii, 349.
Plaime, Penet ana Co., vii, 239 n.
Plato, (}uoted, ii, 70.
Pliny, i, 63; ii, a8.
Plutarch, 1, 63, 338, 318^ x, 148.
Pocock, Rev. Thomas, li, 63 n.
Poissonnier, Pierre, vi, 59 and n., 100.
Pole and Howell, iii, 90.
Pol^nac, Cardinal de, i, 198 n.
Politer {Du GouvememcrU des Mmurs\

ix, 336 n.
Pollock, Sir Frederick, i, 75 n.
Pollock, Oliver, vii, 405 and n.
Polybius, ii, «6, 365; x. 173.
Pomfret, Earl of, ix, ^09 and n.
Pontiac, conspiracy of, x, 314.
Pope, Alexander, quoted, i, 345, 373

and n., 346 n., 433; ii, 103. 343

and n.; v, 315; vu. 350; ix, 333

and n; anecdote, viii, 636 n.; iii.

37, 38, to n.; vi, 34; x, zo n.
Popple, Henry (map-maker), ii, 397,

355 ; iii, 91, 94.
Portio, Antonio, ii, 353 n.
Post, Frederick, v, 316.
Potter, Mr. (secretary to Lord Ch2U-

ham), vi, 330.
Potts, Mr., iv, 363 ; v, 37; vi, 38.
Potts, Mrs., iv, 360.
Potts, Henry, iv^ 100 n.
Potts, Stephen, 1, 389, 390, 300; death

of, iii, 457.
Powell (artist), i, 56.
Powell, Samuel, x, 489.
Pownall, John ^secretary), iv, too and

n.; V, 300 and n., 301, 303, 304, 444,

485; aj^ VI, 134.

Pownall, Thomas (governor), i, n.
393; iii, V, 341 n.; v, 337, 300 n.:
X, 487; ** Barrier Colonies," iii,
358 n.; iv, 98 n.; Albany treaty,
"». 365; paper currency, v, 13 n.;
friend to the colonies, Z97, 300,
30C, 363; American affairs, 354;
rignts of the Indians, 481^ Lord
North friendly to America, vi, 348.

Pratt, Samuel Jackson (["Courtney
Melmoth"), i, 308, 309: ix, 383 n.

Pratt, Mrs. Samuel Jackson, i, 309;
ix, 383.

Prescott, Mr., M.P., x, 333, 33^.

Presle, M. le B^gue de. See cdgue de
Presle, Achille-Guillaume Le.

Price, Mr., assists American army in
Canada, ix, 47.

Price, Dr. Richard, i, 34, 136; iv, 330;
V, 36 and n., 196 n.; vi. 3Z; vii, 57,
153 and n.; viii, 504; ix, 356 n.,
271. 306, 479» 520. 677; X, 50, 335,
edits "Autobiograt^y," i, 35; hook
on annuities, v, 406, 463; natiuiiol

INDEX OF PERSONS

57 1

debt, vi, 418 n.; Bunker Hill, 430;
X* 393 > ^iven freedom of city of
London, vi, 451 ; invited by Congress
to assist in America, vii, 321 n.; his
congregation, viiij^ 457 n.; x, 275;
opinion of B. r .'s ' bagatelles, ix,
xoo n.: advice to America, 242;
books for Franklin, Mass. ; 300 and
n., 303; X, 482; B. F. in 1786, 477,
478 and n.; death of B. F., 489.

Price, Mrs. Richard, v, 37, 441; ix,
99> 53^'t ber death, ^86 and n.

Pnce, Robert Friend, vi, 242 n.

Prideaux, Humphrey, quoted, x, 153
and n.

Priestley, Dr. Joseph, i, 9, 34, 62, 199;
V, 440; vii, 47 n., 153 n.; ix, 254.
'SSt 677; z, 252, 2^0; dispute with
Ingenhousz, i, 14; viii, 314; chemical
action of plants, i, 126, 127 n.; v,
436- viii, 9; receives Copley gold
meclal, v, 69 n., 70, 71 ; his ''History
of Electricity/' 94, 422; "First
Principles of Government," 229;

rtor at Leeds, 358; amused with
F.'s bagatelle, i, xii; ix, 100;
helped by Lord Shelbume, vi, 106;
viii, 12 n.; studies nature of gases,
vi, 220; marsh gas, 226 and n.;
fixed air, vii, x8 and n.; x, 280;
" Moral Algebra," viii, 10 and n. ; in
the Cockpit, x, 267, 270, 271 ; Bunker

Hill, 2^3.

.>t. J
Prince, Rev. Thomas, i, 104.

Prince

• ^3-
, Capt.

fob, vii, 201, 202.

Pringle, Sir John, i, 81 n., 1x3; v, 94,
146, 192, 231, 264, 314, 344, 347, 381,
385f 394; vi, 61, 14^, 220; IX, 261,
670: X, 275; surface tension of
fluids, i, 50, 51 n., 65 n.; geology,
55; efiFect of oil upon water, 63; vi,
154 n., 158; displeasing George HI,
i, 107; President of Royal Societjr,
114; iii, 263 and n.; v, 463; vi,
ao and n.; snuff taking, i, 116- cur-
ing fevers, 117; visits La Ckarite,
121; ix, 532, 5^3; paralysis, iii, 425
and n., physician to the queen, iv,
260, 261; visits Germany, 459;
X, 240; visits Paris, v, 47, 48, 51;
X, 242 ; rational Christianity, v, 440 ;
Bishop Shipley's Sermon, vi, 31;
death of, viii, 313, 315; ix, 11; cap-
tain Cook's voyage, 398.

Proud, Robert, iv, 5 n.

Provost, Lord, of Edinburgh, iv, i.

Pryme, M. de la, iii, 109.

Puchelberg and Co., viii, 135 and n.;

«. 75 n-, 76, 134, 135-
Puckeridge, Richard, inventor of the

musical glasses, iv, 164 and n.

PufTendorff, ii, 393.

Pulaski, Count, i, 204; vii, ^8.
Pullein, Dr. Samuel, on silk culture,

V, 33*1 33^ and n.
Pultney, William, vii, 124 n., X41;

viii, 43, 44, 45, 46; X, 330.
Putnam, Mr., of Worcester, Mass.,

vi, 428.
Piitter, Johan, B. F. in Germany, x,

241 n.

Quesnay, Francois (economist), i, X35;

V, 153. '54, 156; X, 361.
Quincy, Edmund, iv, 98 n., 99 n.
Quincy, Josiah, i, 392, 393; iv, 98 n.;

viii, 5 n.; ix, 478, 487; x, 190.
Quincy, Josiah, Jr., vi, 309, 310, 446 n.;

ix, 94 n.; X, 273.
Quincy, Josiah P., ix, 93 n.
Quinquet, invents a new lamp, ix, 183

n., 184.

R

Rabelais, quoted, iii, 35; iv, ^87.

Radclifif, Mr., colleague of Joseph
Priestley, v, 37; ix, 267.

Ralph, James, i, 269, 270, 2^1, 279,
287, 295; iii, 421, 422; IV, 195;
satirized by Pope, i, 272 n.; accom-
panies F. to England, 273, 274,
276; F. dedicates his first work to,
277; vii, 411; employed in dis-
pute between Prince Frederic and
the king, i, 423; publishes the
Proiesior, x, 197.

Randall, Paul, ix, 326 and n.

Randerath, La Baronne de, i, 208.

Randolph, Edward, v, 297 n., 360 and n.

Raper, Mr., F.R.S., vi, 324.

Rapin, Paul de, ii, 23; iv, 370.

Raudiere, M. de, i, 208.

Raven, Mr. (of S.C.), iv, 129 n.; v, 428.

Ray, Catherine, see Mrs. Catherine
Greene.

Ray, John, ij^ 95-

Raymondis, Chevalier de, vii, ^^^^ 353.

Ravnal, Abb6, viii, 18^, 635; PoUy
Baker story, i, 172; li, 463 n.; his
book about America, i, 205, 206.

Rayneval, Gerard de (Conrad Alex-
andre), vii, 64, 105 n., 106; viii, 22,

35» 39. 43. 51. 55. 57, 108 «•; x. 307.
309; plenipotentiary to America,

vii, 126, 127, 130, 133, 136; x, 272,
^30 and n.; succeeded by La
Luzerne, vii, 336, 352. 353; elerted
to A. P. S., viii, 37 and n.
Rayneval, (lerard de (Joseph -Mut-
thias), viii, loS n.. 202, 248, 279 n.,
428 n., 465, 538, 555, 558, 559, Old;
X, 341, 344, 353-

572

INDEX OF PERSONS

Ravneval, Gdrard de (Mme. Joseph-

Matthiaa), x, 341.
Read, Mr. (of Reading), ill, jao.
Read, Mr. (father-in^aw of B. F.), i,

254, 258; X, 153.
Read, Mrs. (mother of Deborah

Franklin), i, 310; ii, 377: death of.

iv, 150 and n.; advertisement of

her trade, x, 157 n.
Read, Charles, x, 223.
Read, George, i, 142 n.; iv, 361 n.,

384 n. : V, 33 n.
Read, Tames (brother of Deborah

Franklin), i, 142 n.; ii, 237, 378, 298,

a99. 301. 333, Z^^^ l^l^ 306, ^67, 376,

380; in, 51, 367; a misundeistand-

ms with F., u, 373.
Read, John (brother of Deborah Frank-
lin), iv, iqi.
Read, Dr. John K. (of Va.), vii, 248.
Read, Joseph, x, 173.
Read, Wilham Thompson, iv, 361 n.,

384 n.; V, 23 n.
Reaumur, Ren6-Antoine-Ferchault de,

M., ill, 160; ix, 538, 539.
Reboul, M. (perpetual secretary of the

Society of Economics), v, 154.
Redick, Mr., ix, 663.
Redman, Dr., v, 183.
Redman, Mrs., iv, 383 j v, 96, 183.
Reed, Mr. Eliot, i^ xv; lii, 146 n., 343 n.
Reed, Joseph, viii, 43 n., 43 n.; x, 217,

218 n.
Reed, William B., viii, 42 n., 43 n.
Reese, Daniel, x, 164.
Reid, Dr. (Chambers' Encyclopedia),

ix, 689 n.
Remington, Tohn, x, 162, 163, 164.
Renner, Professor (of Prague), improves

upon the Armonica, i. 2x3.
Renouard, Jules, publianes an edition

of the "Autobiofjraphy," i, ^o and n.
Reynolds, John, iii^ 423.
Rhoads, Samuel, ii, 277; iii, 430; iv,

202, 283 n., 333, 465; V, 183, 184,

266 n., 283; vin, 37.
Rhoads, Mrs. Samuel, iv, 388; v, 368,

307.
Rhodes, Lieutenant, viii, 18 and n.
Rich, Captain, x, 91.
Richardson, Samuel, i, 351.
Richelieu, Due de, his marriage, viii, 31.
Richman, Professor, killed with repeat-
ing the kite experiment, i, no n.;

iii, 191 and n.
Richmond, Duke of, vi, 306, 369; vii,

149, i50i 15 ^ 15a; viii, 490, 520,

521.
Riddlesden (a pettifogging attorney),

i, 375, 276.
Ridley, Matthew, vii, 3i;8and n.; viii,

397 n., 403, 584; ix, 34, xaa, laj.

Rtggc, Georee, ii, so8, 366.
Ritchie, Wimam, vii^ 11 and n.
Rittenhouse, David, i, 70; v. 386 n.; x,

489, 509; new theory of ligiit, i, 65;

ix, 327 n.; a new comet (1783), i, 71;

lightning rods, ix, 6x8.
Riviere, Jean Ernest Etlenne Montluc

de la, marries widow of W. T. F., 1, 6.
Rivington and Fletcher, iv, 349.
Roberdeau, Daniel, ix, 500 n.; carries

vote of Pennsylvania against F., vii,

345 r *j 335 "•
Robert, M., balloon ascensions, ix, 84,

116, xio, 133.
Roberts, Mr. (publisher in Paternoster

Row), i, 377.
Roberts, Mr. (of Philadelphia), iii, aSo;

^ i^. 39«-

Roberts, Charles, v, 443 n. * iz, 663 n.

Roberts, Hugh, iii, 53 and n., 59; iv,

3^; V, 33. >83» 184; viii, 37; x, ai9.
Rooerts, Mrs. Hugh, iv, 4x0.
Robertson, J., i. 106; v, 430.
Robertson, tames, ix, 4X and n.
Robertson, William, ii, 337 n.; ir, 3^0;

V, 36, 380; X, 301, 354; entertains

F., 303; confers degrees upon F.'s

nomination, 304, 305.
Robespierre, i, 9, 68, 105; x, 361.
Robinson, Mr., F.R.S., on specific

gravity, v 543.
Robinson, Captain, iii, 431, 451; iv,

288. 358. 359. 39x» 459; viii, a.
Robinson, Captain (of the Royal

Highlanders), iv, 313.
Robinson, Crabbe, x, 301 and n.
Robinson, G. C. and J. (publishers), i,

35 and n., 36; vii. 357 n.
Robinson, John, v, 66 n.
Robinson, Thomas, xea first Baron

Grantham.
Robinson, Sir Thomas (secretary of

state), X, X75.
Rochambeau, Comte de, viii, 4s n.,

136 n., 143, 145, 3>». 349. 4tS n.,

420. 4f3L «. 3?. 37, 153; X. 30^-
Rochford, Earl of, v, 434 and n.; vit,

84 n.
Rochon, Abb6, vii, 354; viii, 33 n.; ix,

666.
Rockingham, Marquis of, vi, 34 n.,

300; vii, 68, X5X, 159: viu, 484, 534.

527; ix, 587; X, »68. 374 n.. 303,

305 n.; report on lightning rods, 1,

X06; character of, 300; death of,

viii, 563; F.'s arrival in Paris, x, 304.
Rodenberg, Capt. Henry, viii, 65.
Rodney, Adm. George Brydgea, vie*

tory over De Grasse, viii, 453, 5x3,

560. 564.
Roelker, Mrs. E. J., iii, v.
Roger, M., ix, 498.

INDEX OF PERSONS

S73

Rogers, Mr., ▼, 190.

Rogers, Mr. (first nuaband of Deborah

Read), i, 983.
Rogers, Mr. (of N.Y.), receives degree

from Edinburgh, z, 905.
Rogers, John, iv, 351.
Rogers, Nathaniel, yi, 978; x, 359.
Rogers, Robert (**the Ranger"), v, an.
Ronan, Cardinal de, theft of the

diamond necklace, iz, 493 n., 496

and n-; X, 464.
Rohan, Emanuel de (grand master

of Malta), ix, ^z n., 98 and n.
Rollin, Charles, li, 387 n.; iii, 35.
Romain, Dr., balloon ascension, ix,

345 n-
Romas, M. de, v, 433 n.

Romayne, Mr. (of Hackensack, N.J.),

X, 341 •
Rome, G., vi, 378.
Romilly, Sir Samuel, i, 197; ix, 391 n.,

393 n.
Ronayne, Thomas, iv, 451 n*
Rooke, Mrs., iv, 150, 196, 317; ix, 511.
Rose, Mr. (of Va.), ii, 333.
Rose, Aquila, i, 350, 357, 307; x, 153.
Rose, George (of the Society of

Honest Whigs"). >▼. «««>••

Rosebery, Lord, x^ 346, 347 n.

Rosenberger, Dr. Ferd., quoted, i, 104 n.

Rosencrone, M. (Danish prime minis-
ter), ix, 31, 70. ..

Rosengarten, T. G., vu, 37 n.

Rosenstein, M. (secretary of Swedish
embassy in Paris), x, 354.

Ross, Mr., ix, 677.

Ross, Miss (daughter of John Ross),
her death, iv, 46 c.

Ross, Alexander (major), solicits dis-
cbarge of Cornwallis's parole, viii,
530. 531. 532, 53S. 536, 538, 539.
545. 561.

Ross, Dr. (army surgeon), ix, 171 and n.

Ross, John (lawyer), iv, 283 n., 361 n.;
riots in London, v, 134; x, 345 n.

Ross, John (U. S. commercial agent at
Nantes), yii, zi6, 146 n., 333 n., 333,
l^lf 385; viii, IS. a I, a6, 33, 40, 64, 73,

93, 113, 135, 186, 300, 388, 396, 403;

IX, 606, 631: X, 346.
R€»s, Mrs. John, iv, 363, 385.
Ross and Vaughan, ix, 493.
Rosslyn, Earl of, ix, 609 n.
Rothenbuler, Rev. Mr., iv, 347.
Roulhac, M. (of Edenton), viii, 79 n.
Rousseau, Jean Jacques, i, 43; ix,

43 n., ^34; X, 445.
Rowe, Mrs. Elizabeth, ii, 301.
Rowe, Nicholas, quoted, ii, 108, 335.
Rowley, Dr. William, ix, 589 n.
Rowls, Mr., lot on Smytham, i, 57.
Koy (?) and Freres, ix, 483.

Rozier, Abb^, i, 113; vii, 309 n., 418;

X, 34.

Rozier, Jean-Fran9ois PilAtre de, bal-
loon ascension, ix, 83; killed, 345
and n.

Ruellan, Mr., ix, 370; x, 467, 468, 469.

Ruellan, Mme., ix, 367; x, 467.

Ruggles, Mr., iii, 380.

Rumford, Count (Benjamin Thomp-
son), i, II, 68: ix, 668 and n.

Rumford and James (type-founders),
vi, 136 and n.

Rush, Dr. Benjamin, i, 113, 115, 133;
V, 34; vi, 100; X, 301, 478; his
eulogy of F., i. 48; ix, 494; his
diary, 1, 116, 117; x, 373 n.; con-
tagious colds, i, 133; yellow fever,
ii, 393 n.; last moments of F., x, 489.

Russell, Alexander, iv, 154, 155 and n.,
157; v, 190, 380; X, 304 n., 354.

Ruston, Thomas, viii, 151 n.

Rutledge, Edward, vi, 45 7» 463, 464;
X, 398.

Rybot, C, vii, 4a n.

Sabbatier, M., x, 341.

Sabin, Frank T., iv, 341 n.

Sabin, Toseph, ix, 677.

Sackville, Lord George, iu Lord George
Germain.

Sailly, M., ix, 378.

Sainneville, Captain, vii, 163.

St. Asaph, Bishop of, su Jonathan
Shipley.

St. Clair, Arthur, ix, 609 n.

St. Clair, Sir John, i, 398.

Saint Fond, M. Faujas de, ix, 84, 113.

St. Germain, Comte de, vii, 63.

St. Paul, Mme., de, ix, 1^4 and n., 195.

St. Pierre, Dutailly de, vii, 61 n.

St. Pierre, J. H. Bemardin de, vii, 60,
61 n.

Sallin, M. (member of Commission on
Mesmerism), i, 131.

Sallust, quoted, ii, 336, 350 n.; vi, 436
and n.* viii, 336.

Salm, Pnnce Emanuel de, viii, 48.

Salt, Mr. and Mrs., ix, C49.

Salter, James, i, 385 and n.

Saltero, Don, su James Salter.

Samson, Captain, vii, 374, 398.

Sanctorius, his balances, i, 133; per-
spiration, ii, 384, 395; vi, 36.

Sandin (Swedish missionary), ii, 361,
367, 368.

Sandwich, Lord (postmaster-general),
V, 89, 143, 145 ; viii, 300; X, 178, 344:
censures Chatham's plan of concilia-
tion, vi, 368, 369; X, 385.

Sandyford, Ralph, x, 63.

574

INDEX OF PERSONS

Santoux, Dr. Cof Bordeaux), i, ii8. I
Sarjjent, John, v, 314; vi, 406 n.; ix,
277; X, 281 n.; Walpolc Grant, v, "
467; presents B. F. to Lord Stan-
hope, ^-i, 321, 351.
Sargent, Mrs. John, v, 314; vi, 407; ix,

13. 14, 277-
Sarpent, John, Jr., ix, 13 n.

Sareent and Aufrere, Messrs., iv, 130.

Sarsdcld, Vicomte de, x, 406.

Sartine, A ntoine- Raymond (minister of
marine), i, 209; vii, 129, 159 n.,
1^5 n., 187 n., 225, 231, 295, 296,

313, 314, 328 n., 340, 364, 365 n.;
^-iii, 18, loi, 102; ix, 68, 174; X,
^42; dissatisfaction with Captain
Landais, vii, 395, 397; viii, 23;
exchange of prisoners, 67, 68; re-
moved from onice, 186, 205 n.

Satriano, Prince de Filangieri, ix, i n.

Saugrain, M., explorations and settle-
ment of Kentucky, ix, 636, 637 and
n., 670.

Saunders, Adm. Sir Charles, vi, 47 n.

Saunders, Dr. (rector of St. Martin's
parish), ix, 312.

Saunders, R. (pseudonym of B. P.), ii,
197, 200, 210, 218, 221, 224, 326, 240,

300. Z^-
Saurin, Mme., ix, 268.

Saussure, M. de, ascent of Mont Blanc,
i, 63 and n., 199; erecting lightning
rods, 104 and n.

Saville, Sir George, v, 205; vii, 109;
ix, 588; X, 232, 233.

Saxony, Elector of, ix, 67.

Sayre, Stephen, vi, 97; vii, 274 n.; x,

314, 323.
Schaffer, John, ix, 157.
Schlatter, Mr., iii, 424.
Schot, Captain, ix, ^15.

Schuster, Prof. Artnur, i, xx^ 66, 91
and n.

Schuyler, Col. John, iii, i, 2 n., 483.

Schuyler, Col. Peter, iii, 2 n., 31.

Schuyler, Gen. Philip John, vi, 438,
443 n-, 447 n.: x, 297 n.

Schuyler, Mrs. Philip John, vi, 447 n.

Schwcighauser, John D., vii, 13 n., 21
and n., 202, 246, 250, 256, 257, 259,
280, 326, 339, 354, 355. 364, 400;
vui, 228, 258; IX, 75, 76, 134, 135;
X, 375 and n., 417-

Scotosh (Wyondot Indian chief), ix,
523 and n., 524. %2S>

Scott, Mr. (of Philadelphia), iii, 421.

Scott, Mr. (?), viii, iii.

Scott, Mrs., ix, 511.

Scott, Robert (husband of Lydia Frank-
lin, sister of B. F.), ii, 182 n.

Scott, Mrs. Robert (Lydia Franklin),
ii, iiS2 n.; x, 92, 497.

Scott, Prof. William B., i, 86.

Scull, Nicholas, i, 299; iii, 477.

Sea, Mr., iii, 295.

Seagraves, Cap>tain, iv, 305.

Searle, James (member of Congress 1,
viii, 141, 143, 144, 147. 150, 167.
177, 1S5. »96. 201. 235; X, 345, 346;
Benedict Arnold's treachery, viii,
178 n.; Deane objects to, 393, 394.

Sears, Mr., iv, 455.

Sears and Smith, ix, 475 n.

Seccombe, Thomas, ix, 340 n.

Seeker, Thomas, Archbisnop of Canter-
bury, iii, 16 n.; ix, «7 n.

Sedgwick, **Life of William Living-
ston," iii, 202 n.

Segray, M. de, viii, 270.

Segur, Louis-Philippe, Comte de,
(son of Marquis de S6gur), viii, 411
and n., 416, 410 and n., 638.

S^jur, Marquis ae (secretary of war),
viii. 79 n., 4" ; ix, ^7, ^8 n.; x, 339.

Seidel, Rev. Nathaniel, vi, 403 and n.

Selden, John, iv, 26.

Selkirk, Lord, his plate taken by Paul
Tones, vii, 250, 253.

Selkirk, Countess of, vii, 156, 250.

Seller, John, on Navigation, i, 243.

Senarmont, Paul de, 1, 30 n., 33.

Seneca, quoted, ii, x8; discoveiy of,
viii, 98.

Senex, Mrs. John, improved globes, iii,
91.

Sentris, Mr., ix, 681.

Sequeville, M. de, x, 458.

Serjeant, Colonel, ix, 612.

Serrier, Cur6 of Damvilliers, i, 118.

Sevier, John, x, 484.

Sewall, Rev. Dr., x, 147 n.

Seward, William (Onord University,
England), x, 206.

Seymour (attornev-general), ix, 240.

Shaftesbury, Earl of, i, 244; vi, 125;
X, 148.

Shakespeare, i, 128, 272 n.; iii, ^o n.

Sharp, Granville, abolition of slavery,
i, 199; vi, o and n.; ix. 357 n.;
revision of the liturgy, ix, 359 n^

555 n-
Shaw, Peter, ii, 271 n., 279, 380 n.

Shays, Daniel, ix, 610.

Sheets, Mr. (debtor to F.), v, 443.

Sheffield, Lord, x, 355.

Shelbume, Lord, i, 18, 199; iv, 461;
V, 66, 89, 91, 93, 149, 252; vi, 305,
321; 369; vii, 145, 151; viii, 567: X,
266, 275, 281, 314, 357; efiFect of oil
upon water, i, 64; destitute of friend-
ship, 200; plan of regulating Ind-
ian affairs, iv, 467; reducing Ameri-
can expense, v, 45; paper money,
46; new governments in America.

INDEX OF PERSONS

575

502; patron of Dr. Priestley, vi,

106; vili, 13 n.; introduces Mr.

Oswald, 431; regard for F., 460;

appointed Secretary of State, 461 ;

X, 244; n^otiation for peace, viii,

463, 464. 465, 469, 473-487. 492,

493. 496, 499. 507. 509. 5io» 5".

514, 515. 524, 525-528, 534, 538.

539, 543, 545, 546, 547, 553, 566,

570 ana n., 571, 594 n.; appointed

first Lord of the Treasury, 563;

his reputation for sincerity, 616;

X, 358; his resignation, ix, 18; F.

before Pri^ Council, x, 270; his

speech of March, 1778, 331; triumph

of the Whigs, 395 ; Walpole Grant,

V, 67.

Shepherd, Captain, vi, 247.

Sherburne's "Life of Paul Jones," vii,

156 n.
Sherman, Roger, x, 297.
Shermy on Navigation, i, 343.
Shewell, Mrs., iv, ^60, 383.
Shipley, Anna Mana, ix, 24 and n.
Shipley, Caroline, i, 187.
Shipley, Catherine Louisa, i, 34, 165,
179 and n.; x, 8, 131 and n., 132 n.,
461, 469.
Shipley, Jonathan (bishop of St.
Asaph's), i, xvi, 186; v, 338, 339,
and n.; vi, 17, 30; vii, 109; viii,
no and n., 508; ix, 24 and n.,
159 n., 160 n., 491; X, 105 n., 470,
476 n.; F. begins the "Autobiog-
raphy" in the nouse of, i, 23, 226
and n.; x, 252; "Speech intended
to have been spoken," i, 164, 165;
V, 456 n.; vi, 33, 52, \\^ 233 and n.,
345, 246, 250; meets F. at South-
ampton, ix, 466, X, 461, 469;
death of, 32.
Shipley, Mrs. Jonathan, v, 339, 330,

330; viii, 455; ix, 491.
Shipley, William, x, 63, 197 and n.
Shippen, Joseph, Jr. (secretary), iv,

116, 26^, 294, 297.
Shirley, Mr. (secretary to General

Braiddock), i, 403.
Shirley, Captain, iii, 268.
Shirley, Gen. William, iii, 63 n.,
341 n., 376, 398, 431; iv, 254; X,
192, 193; thanks F. for his aid to
Braddock, i, 1^9, t6o; x, 182 n.;
grants to Braddock, i, 161; iii, 378;
orders pa3mient to F., i, 40^; iii,
289, 390; X, 181; Plan of Union,
i, 388; his character, 428; ii, 363;
succeeded by Loudoun, i, 420; iii,
Z^^y 396 n. ; taxing the colonies,
237 n.
Shoemaker, Abraham, x, 501, 510.
Shoen, Mr., iii, 337.

Short, Mr., ix, 463, 605, 636.

Short, James (optician), iii, 346 and n.;

455; V. 136, 198 and n.; x, 509.
Short, William, 1. 70, 71, 72.
Shovel, Sir Cloudeslej% i, 432.
Shuttleworth, Dr., viii, 585.
Shutz, Mr. (paper-maker), iii, 148.
Sidney, Algernon, ii, 391 ; x, 10 n.
Sieyes, AbW, x, 490.
Simmer, Mr., set S3rmmer, John.
Simpson, Mr., iii, 49, 50.
Simpson, Dr., i, 124; ix, 21 n.
Simpson^ Professor (of Glasgow), iii,

383-

Sloan, Sir Hans, i, 198, 278, 279 n.,
28? xi.\ ii, 52 n.

Small, Dr. Alexander, iii, 1 n.; iv,
16 n.; V, 337; origin of northeast
storms, i, 57, 59; ventilation,
126 and n., 127 and n.; viii, 287
and n.; parable on persecution, iv,
258; variations of the barometer,
V, ^86.

Small, Major, iv, 358, 360.

Small, William, i, 64.

Smeathman, Henry^ i, 7p; x, 351.

Smeaton, John, i, 64; vi, 157 and n.

Smedley, Captain, viii, 473, 480.

Smith, Adam, i, 136, 142, 214; ii,
144 n., 145 n.; x, 202.

Smith, Armstrong, x, 162.

Smith, C. Morton, iii, 53 n.; iv, 95 n.,

38^ n., 409 n.
nith, Ci

Smith, Captain, iii, 483.

Smith, George, ii, 367.

Smith, H. W., iii, 126 n., 131 n., 132 n.,
i8o n.

Smitn, Sidney, i, 33'j x, 201, 202 n.

Smith, Thomas (printer at Antigua),
ii, 366; iii, 51, 142, 244, 302, 333,
3;35; X, 171.

Smith, Mrs., iv, 360, 383, 450.

Smith, Rev. William, ui, i^i n., 1^2 n.;
V, 387 J writes "Brief Vicv*' of Penn-
sylvania," i, 160; iii, 2761 Provost
of Academy of Philadelphia, 126 n.,
146 n., 189 n., 267. 340, 347. 353;
X, 207; quarrel with F., iii, 347; iv,
179, 180, 184, 105, 199 and n., 343;
X, 208, 219; his petition against
Moore, iii, 443, 444 and n.; eulogy
of F., X, 490; his character, iii, 475.

Smith, William, ii, 463 n., 464 n.

Smith, William Hooker, ix, 51 q.

Smith, Wright and Grey (banxers), v,
441, 442; X, 500; lottery drawing,
V, 257; vi, 96.

Smithers (engraver), iv, 5 n.

Smollett, Tobias, i, 171; iv, 247 n.

Smyth, Albert Henry, i, 299 n.; x,
167 n.

Smyth, James Carmichael, vi, 47 n.

576

INDEX OF PERSONS

Snead, Captain, iii, 351, 438; iv, iqq.
Solander, Daniel Charles, v, 394 and n. ;

lucem seed, 433; effect of oil upon

water, vi, 165.
Somersett, James (slave), vi, 9 n.
Sonmans, Arent, iv, 37s.
Sonmans, Peter, iv, 37a.
Sonnerat, M., viii, 394.
Soulavie, AbW, i, 54; viii, 597 n.
Sowden, Benjamin, i, 146; vii, 35 n.; iz,

a8a.
Spangenbergj Bishop, i, 408 and n.;

iii, 341; VI, 404.
Sparks, Captain, iv, 459; v, 331, 457.
Sparks, Jared, i, vii, ix, x, xv, 30, 31.
Spence, Dr., interests F. in electricity,

i» 87. 374, 417-
Spencer, Mr., iv, 159.

Spofford, Mr., iv, 153.

Spotswood, Colonel (governor of Va.)»

i, 3^1; iv, 101; X, 165, 168, 170.
Spottiswoode, Andrew, viii, 336 n.
Spottiswoode, John, viii, ^36 n.
Spottiswoode, Mrs. John (n^ Strahan),

viii, 336 and n.; ix, 509.
Spottiswoode, William, viii, 336 n.
Springett, GuUelma, iv, 106 n.
Springett, Lady, iv, 106 n.
Stace, Mr., v, 350.
Stagl-Holstein, Baron de, ix, 54 n.,

69 n.
Stair, Earl of, iii, 301.
Stamitz, 'Charles, i, 313.
Stamma, Phillip, iii, 56 and n., 90.
Stanhope, Lorcl, vi, 19 and n., 331, 351,

360, 361, 36a, 363, 368; X, 381 and

n., a83.
Stanley, Mr., viii, 517, 53a.
Stanley, John, iii, 435; iv, 194 and n.,

195, 317; V. 388. 310; ix, 583

and n.
Stanley, Mrs. John, iv, 194.
Stanton, Miss, iii, 378.
Stark, Dr. William, i, 133; vi, 36 n.,

47 n.
Starkey, * ' Pyrotechny," ii, 397.
Starr, James, x, 68.
Stauffer, D. McN., iv, 130 n.
Stavers (post-rider), v, 383.
Steele, Nlr. (musician), ix, ^60.
Steele, Sir Richard, i, 137; ix, 180, 607.
Steele, Mrs., ii, 316.
Steenbergen, Hend., x, 335.
Steevens and Ludwell, iii, 34^.
Steinsky, Professor, i, 313; viii, 311.
Stennett, Samuel, ix, 300.
Stephens, Mrs., iii, 323.
Stephenson, Mr. (American), iii, 377.
Stephenson, Mr. (Englishman), iv, 358.
Stephenson, Captain, viii, 4 and n.
Steuben, Baron von, i, 303, 304; vii,

63 and n., 67.

; Stevens, B. F., i, 10.
Stevens, Cornelius, vi, 436.
Stevens, Mrs., sells secret of medicine

to Parliament, ii, 381.
Stevens, Henry, i, vii, 6, 7, 33 ; ii, 9a n.;

iii, 143 n., 454 n.; iv, v, 86 n.; v,

169 n.; vi, 318; ix, 573 n.; x,

x6o n.
Stevens, Mrs. Mary, iii, 94, 195; v,

183.
Stevens, Robert, vi, 436.
Stevenson, Mrs. Margaret, iii, 420 n.,

43 1 • 43a. 433. 435. 442. 478; iv, 34,
151, 173, 184, 389. 358, 359, 360,

383. 391. 450. 459, 465; V, 33, 38,
183, 185, 306, 364, 383, 349, 373,
375. 376, 397. 458; VI, 16. 3a, 94,
104, ^33f 234, 406; vii, aai n.; ix,
II n.; X, 300 and n., 388.

Stevenson, Messrs., iii, 379.

Stewart, Mr., v, 480.

Stewart, John, i, 118.

Stifelius, Mich., magic squares, i, 73,
74; ii, 459 and n.

Stiles, Ezra, i, 386 n.; iv, ^50; viii,
177; X, 147 n., 304 and n.; B. F.'s
religion, 85 n.; confers honours,
on B. F., 307 n.; eulogy of B. F.,
490.

Stirling, Lord, vii, 3x n.

Stirling, Lord, see William Alexander.

Stirling, Mr., iii, 91, 94.

Stockar, Mr., criticism of Abb6 Rav-
nal, i, 305.

Stockton, Mr., vi, 439.

Stormont, Lord, x, 337, 330 and n.,
373; his spies in Paris, I, 3; ¥:^
insidious subtlety, aoo; letter to
Lord Weymouth, vii, 36 n.; his
insolence, 76; viii, 383 and n.;
conversation with de Vergennea, vii,
84 n.; his parsimony, 178; separate
treaty with England, viii, 429; ix,
32; arrival of F. in France, x, 30a,
303. 304; F. received by Vergennes,

^07, 309; character of Captain
[ynson, 310 and n.; secret corre-
spondence, 313-314.

Storer, Mr., ix, 93, 94.

Storey, Enoch, vu, 330.

Stork, William, v, 346 and n.

Story, Captain, v, 95.

Story, Mrs., iv, 383.

Story, Thomas, v, 369; vi, 435; x,
394.

Stott, Captain, iv, 180 n.

Strachan, Lady, v, 347.

Strachey, Mr. (under-secretaiy), viii,
617, 631.

Strahan, Andrew, iv, 18a.

Strahan, George, iv, 182, 199, aoo
and n.

INDEX OF PEJiSONS

577

Stnhan, Wflliam, i, xo; ii, 94a n.,
356 n.. 358 n.; iu. 335, 337, 340 n.,
353, 419, 438, 440; IV, V, 9. '5'* *59.
17a. 360, 364, 383, 405 n.; V, 37,
185, 347, a62 n., 264, 283, 373, 462;
vi, 389 n.; viii, 137 n., 335 n.; ix,
171 n.; X, 17a, 209, 213, 407; affec-
tion for B. F., i, 214, 215; V, 245;
printers' customs, i, 282; Hills-
borough's hostility to F., v, 378; his
career, ii, 237: his creduhty, ix,
55 n.; James Read's debt, ii, 369,
370; Smith's calumnies, iv, 199 n.;
stamped paper, 363; x, 227;
opinion of W. F., 203; letter from
Dr. Kelly, 308; letter from W. F.,
319; death of, 461.

Strahan, Mrs. William, ii, 398, 301, 356,

367* 376, 380; "». 7, 40, 51, 95, 142,
X67, 196, 387, 341, 367; iv, 9, 172,

i73f i77» «79f 181. »9i» I99. ao4,
ao8, 213, 335, 350, 359, 360, 383; .V,

185, 364. 34^. 373 ; «. 1 73» 291 ; X, ao8-

Strahan, WiUiam, Jr., iii, 6 n., 40, 95,
143, 167; iv, 182, 225.

Strange, Robert, viii, 137 and n., 335 n.

Strange, Mn. Robert, viii, 335 and n.

Strannoia, Matteo, viii, 436 n.

Strong, Solomon, ix, 477.

Stuart, Mr. ^southern superintendent
of Indian affairs), v, 487.

Stuart, Charles, the Pretender, his ex-
treme pover^, X, 354.

Stuart, Colonel, viii, 129.

Stuart, Dr., concerning water-spouts,
iii, 108, 116, 117, 118, 1x9, X20.

Stuber, Dr., i, 35 ^ iii, 137 n., 133 n.

Stiiyvesant, Mr., iii, 91.

Suffolk, Earl of, i, 301 ; x, 307 n., 3x0.

Sullivan, General, vi, 449, 457, 463,
464, 466: X, 398.

Sumner, Charles, ix, 584 n.

Sussex, Duke of, ix, 197 n.

Swain, iii, 368.

Swedenborg, Emanuel, ix, 664.

Swift, Jonathan, i, 174, 273 n.; iii,
28, 30 n.; iv, 158 n.

Swinton, Mr., Iv, 373.

Sykes, Mr., ix, 108.

Sjones, Mr., vi, 304.

Symmer, John, electrical experiments,
iii, 81 n.| V, 395; viii, 193.

Syng, Phillip, member of the Junto,
L 80; viii, 37; anecdote of the
Quaaers, i, 368; electrical experi-
ments, ii, 306 n., 3x0 n.; alum earth,
iii, 31; death of, 457-

Tadtus, it 315; fi» aS; ▼!». 98-
TaUeyrand-Perigord, Charles Maurice

VOUX — 3P

de. Prince de B^nfvent, Bishop of
Autun, his recollection of F., i, 33;
166.

Tangye, Sir Richard, i, 43 ; viii, x 19 n.

Target, M.. x, 35.

Tarleton, Sir Banastre (general), viii,

245-

Tartre, Mme. du, i, 31 x.

Tasker, Colonel, description of a
whirlwind, i, 59, 60; iii, 373, 375.

Tavarez, Dr. Daniel Nunez de, i, 118.

Taylor (American artist), ix, 45.

Taylor, Abram, i, 362.

Taylor, Jacob, ii, 300, 334.

Taylor, Jeremy, parable of persecution,
i, 180, 181 n.

Teasdale, Mr. (tradesman), vi, 94.

Teedyuskung (chief of Delaware Ind-
ians), iii, 422, 471; X, 185.

Telemachus, iii, 28, 30 n.

Temple, Mr., his duel with Mr.
Whateley, vi, 172, x 74, 283; x, 261.

Temple, John (commissioner of cus-
toms), V, 66 n.

Temple, Lord, vi, 369.

Temple, Sir William, iii, 27.

Tern pieman. Dr. Peter (secretary of
the Society of Arts), v, 155, 330
and n.

Ten Broeck and Co., x, 325.

Tengnagel, Mr., extract of a letter from,
to Count Bentinck, vi, 161.

Tennent, Rev. Gilbert, i, 379 and n.;

iii. 13-
Tennent, Rev. William, i, 379 n.
Tennyson, quoted, i, 80.
Terence, quoted, ii, 14.
Ternay, Chevr. de, x, 366, 367.
Tetnall, Captain, viii, 2.
Thacher, John Boyd, i, xu; ii, 315 n.;

vi, 36 n.; ix, 257 n.; x, x6o n.
Thanet, Earl of, i, 179.
Thanklin, Mr., ii, 377.
Thatcher, Mr. (clergyman), v, 361 n.
Thaxter, John (private secretary to

John Aaams), viii, 147 and n.; ix,

loi, 110; X, 398.
Thaver, John, ix, 303 and n.; x, 350.
Thellusson, Sons and Co., Peter

(bankers), ix, 366 and n.
Thevenard, M. (commandant), viii, 133.
Thevenot, M., positions and motions m

swimming, i, 285.
Thibou, Dr. (of Antigua), i, xx7.
Thomas, Mr. (of Paris), x, 6.
Thomas, Archdeacon (of Llandrinio

Rectory), i, ocvi.
Thomas, General, vi, 443 n.
Thomas, Sir George (governor of Pa.),

offer of patent for Pennsylvania

fireplace, i, 13, 37a; militia law,

361 ; iii, a6i ; peace-loving Quakers,

578

INDEX OF PERSONS

i, 36/ ; controversy with the Assem-
bly, iv, 317.

Thomas, George C, ix, 146 n.

Thomas, Isaiah, i, 306; ii, 358 n.

Thomlinson, Messrs., iii, 476; iv, 86.

Thomond, Earl of, i, 287 n.

Thompson, Benjamin, see Count Rum-
ford.

Thompson, Capt. Thomas, vii, 55, 73.

Thompson, Peter (of Philadelphia), iz,
54 n.

Thompson, W., vii, 223 n.

Thompson, William (member of Pa.
Assembly^, v, 522.

Thomson, Anne (daughter of Charles),
ix, 481 n.

Thomson, Charles, iii, 127 n., 327, 470,
478; V, 183, 184; viii, 449; ix, 250,
271, 481 n.; Secretary of Congress,
iv, 389 n.; vi, 466; viii, ^75 n.. 636;
ix, 67, 179; petition to the king, vi,
315 n.; copying machine, viii, 303;
the lost million, ix, 517 n., 528; x,

f86; the Stamp Act, 223; letter to
'., 282 n., 382.
Thomson, Mrs. Charles, iv, 383, 390,

411, 463.
Thomson, General, vii, 268.
Thomson, Prof. J. J., i, xx^ p6 and n.
Thomson, James, quoted, 1, 332; ii,

242, 389.
Thomson, John, iv, 116 n.
Thomson, Major, vi, 285.
Thornton, John, viii, 448 n.
Thornton, Major, i, ^; vii, 76, 106.
Thulemeyer, Baron, ix, 463.
Thurlow, Edward, first Baron Thurlow,

V, 100.
ThursGeld, John R., ix, 194 n.
Tiberius, ii, 27.
TickcU, Mrs. (aunt of Maiy Stevenson),

iii, 479; iv, 98 n., 148 and n., 149,

150, 196, 217; V, 226, 247.
Tifnn, Captain, ii, 355.
Ti jillinus, ii, 28.
Til'ihman, Mr., v, 433.
Tillotson, John, ii, 13, 391; iii, 28; vi,

34; X, 10 n.
Tilly, Vicomte de, x, 465.
Tilly, Comtesse, x, 465.
Tilney, Lord, iv, 98.
Timmins, Sam., viii, X19 n.
Timoleon, x, 65.

Timothy, Benjamin Franklin, x, 171 n.
Timothy, Peter (printer of Charleston,

S.C.), vi, 243 n.; x, 171 and n.
Timothy, Mrs. Peter, v, 447.
Tissington, Anthony, i, 56, 57; v, 375.
Tissington, Mrs. Anthony, v, 375.
Titus, ii, 28.
Todd, Anthony, v, 233, 382; vi, 104;

X, 406; intercepted letters, i, 201;

X, 313; Secretary of the General
Post (Dffice, iv, 214 n.; v, 143;
compliments F., 144, 145; the
Ohio settlement, vi, 98: complains
of F., X, 178; letter to F.. 180.

Todd, Jonathan, scientific correspond-
ence, iii, 123, 128, 131, 171 n.

Toland, John, ix, 104 n.

Tonnerre, Marquis de, x, 453.

Tooke, Home, 1, 18.

Torris, J., viii, 82 n.

Tourette, Dr. Gilles de la, i, laz.

Tourtourat, M., i, 121 n.

Tousard, M., viii, 587.

Townshend, Charles, x, 232, 2^3, 246,
470; iron manufactures, 1, 14a;
paper money, v, 26; new board oi
customs, 82 n.

Townshend, Rt. Hon. Thomas .(sec-
retary), viii. 576, 590, 591; ix. 695.

Tracey, N., viii, 211; x, 378.

Trajan, ii, 28.

Trecothic, Mr., v, 205.

Trenck, Baron, x, 73.

Trent, Major, vi, 41a.

Tressan, C5omte de, x, 447.

Trettel, Mr. (trustee of the Academy
of Philadelphia), x, 27.

Trevor, Lord, v, 145; iv, 363.

Trexicr, Captain, iii, 326.

Tromond, Mr. (of Milan), vi, 456.

Trumble, M., iii, 147.

Trumbull, Jonathan, solicits money
for Dartmouth Collie, i, 209; ix,
15 n.; Governor of Connecticut, vi,
467, 46^; vii, 341.

Trump, Captain, iii, 306, 320, 325, 3*6.

Truxtun, Captain, brings P. home from
France, ix, 353, 360, 363, 365 and
n., 394 n.; x, 460.

Tryon, Governor, vii, 24.

Tryon, Thomas, vegetarian diet, i, 242
and n., 243, 267; x, 148.

Tucker, Mr. (of Va.), v, 428.

Tucker, Captain (of Boston), vii, 389.

Tucker, Tosiah (dean of Gloucester),
removal of British government to
America, v, 68; x, 246 n.; attack
upon F., vi, 180 and n., i8x n., 202;
X, 226 n.

Tucker, Samuel, vi, 242 n.

Tudor, William, Jr., ix, 655 n.

Tufts, Mr., iii, 280.

Turgot, Marquis de, vii, 435 n.; viii
237 n.; ix, 254; X, 43. 346, 406, 441.
a famous epigram, i, 47, 197, 198 n.;
X, 361; smoky dhimneys, i, laS,
130 and n.; "natural interest,*'
13s, 147, 148.

Turnbull, Dr. George, ii. 387 n.

Turner, Mr. (of Boston), his election
sermon, vi, 172.

INDEX OF PERSONS

579

Turner, Mr. (of Philadelphia), ii, 208.
Tuscany, Grand Duke ot, iii, 346 n.;

vi, 107.
Tyler, John, v^ 374; ix, 549 and n.
Tyler, Moses Coit, vii, 37 n.
Tytler, Alexander Frazer, iv, 3 n., 5 n.,

II n., 174 n., 373 n., 379 n., 380 n.;

V, 16 n., aa n., 194 n.

U

Ugarta y Lianes, Thomas de (captain
of a Spanish frigate), ix, 551 n.,

Unwin, Rev. William, viii, 448 n.
"Urban, Sylvanus," stt D. Henrv.
Uvet de Contour, Chevalier d' (officer
of French marine), viii, 409 n., 410 n.

Vaillant and Pochard, Messrs., vi, 43 a.

Valerius, ii, 27.

Valltravers, Rudolph, ix, 4a and n.

Valpy (printer), ii, 9a n.

Van Berckel, E. P. (grand pensionary
of Holland), vii, 140, 141 n., 189;
viii, 147, 150, 184 n.; x, 339, 37a.

Vanderhorst, Captain, v, 446.

Vanderpierre, M., viii, 514.

Van der Pol, x, 325.

Van Eltcn, Captain, iii, 326.

Van Horn, Phuip, ix, 682.

Van Lehsveld, William, i, 64 n.

Vardill, "Rev." John, x, 310.

Vattel, i, 142 n.; v, 150 n.; vi, 432;
vii, 422 n.; x, 2^4.

Vattemare, M., viii, 71 n.

Vauban, Comte de, viii, 136 and n.

Vaughan, Benjamin, i, x«, 199; ii, vi,
317 n., 322 n.; iii, vi; iv, 412; v,
169 n.; vi, 254 n., 256 n., 412; vii,
214 n.; ix, 27, 271, 304, 689 n.; x,
63, 171 n., 469, 470; loss of F.'s
private papers, i, i; ix, 253; his
devotions to F., i, 13, 18; his edition
of F.'s works, 19-22 and n., 27,
138; vi, 430 n.; ix, 105; ** Auto-
biography," i, 23, 24, 314-320; ix,
55o» 675; lead poisoning, i. 119; x,
461; defends F. from charge of

Plagiarism, i, 180, 181; criticises the
lockinghams, 200; aurora borea-
lis, vii, 209 n.; suicide of William
Henley, 222 n., 413 n.; parable
against persecution, 410 and n.;
"Liberty and Necessity," 411 n.;
Mr. Laurens in the Tower, viii, 352,
353; meteorology, ix, 237; on
pnvateering, 201 n.; report of
Lord Shelbumc s speech (March 6,
1778). 3c, 331.

Vaughan, Mrs. Benjamin, ix, 175, 529,

586.
Vaughan, Charles, vii, 153; ix, 635.
Vaughan, John, i, 4.
Vaughan, Samuel, Jr., ix,5i9, 520, 633;

X, 477.
Vaughan, William, viii, 477; ix, 689 n.;

X. 3a. 63.

Veillard, M. le, i, 186, 212; ix, 270, 271,
274t a77. 292 n., 323, 366, 370, 498,
558 n., 563, 669 n., 681 ; x, 105 n.,
416, 487, 488; F.'s autobiography,
i, 23, 24, 25, 32, 33; ix. 550; paper
money, i, 140; theft of the diamond
necklace, ix, 496 n.; farewell to F.,
X, 461, 464, 465, 470; letter to F.,
462; his death, i, 183; x, 489.

Veillard, Mme. Le, ix, 469 and n.; x,
70, 408, 461, 488.

Veinbrenner, M., ix, 43 and n., 44.

Veome, Count del, ix, 37.

Vergennes, Comte de, i, 10, 115, 216,
217; vii, 12 n., 84 n., 143 n., 225,
328 n.; viii, 54, 68, 70, 98, 108, 109,
197, 216, 232, 273, 279 n., 296, 338,
638; ix, 99, 126 n.; X, 294, 313,
320 n., 328, 338. 339, 140, 343, 344,
345> 347 i recommends Baron de
Steuben, vii, 63; Swedish memorial
concerning prize ships, 37^; Cap-
tain Conyngham*s commission, 378
n.; letter to F., viii, 117; x, 377,
4^7; interference of John Adams,
viii, 124 n., 126, 128, 147, 148 and
n.; ix, 62, 92 n.; x, 364; French

• loans, viii, 300, 374; ix, 67; x, 376,
377i 3S2J his sincerity and friendli-
ness, viii, 301, 302; complaints
against American cruisers, 388;
treaty of peace, 399, 407, 463,
465, 466, 468, 474, 475, 476, 483,
485-492, 494, 504, 5 "-51 4, 516,
517, 521, 522, 525, 538, 539, 541-
545. 547, 548, 552, 555. 558, 563
570 n., 585, 634, 643, 646; IX, 8 and
n., 39 n., 60, 98, 13, 269; X, 389,
390, 39S» 404. 406; Asgill's lite
spared, viii, 586 n.; state of Ameri-
can commerce, 60^; printing the
Constitution of the United States, ix,
48 n., 73 ; good opinion of W. T. F.,
60; American consuls, 215; death
o»i 575; E.'s arrival in France,
X, 303 and n.; first official com-
munication from F., 306, 307,
308, 309; suggests communication
with Spain, 314; confides in F.
and Dcane, 321; recommends
Du Coudray, 325; allows Beau-
marchais a free hand, 327; cabals
against, 348; the lost million,
386, 387-

580

INDEX OF PERSONS

Vernazza, Baron, i, as; iv, 163 n.
Vernon, Mr., F. borrows from, i, 262,

264, 265, 266, 267, 291, 296, 303.
Vernon, Charles, Lieutenant-Governor

of the Tower of London, viii, 166 n.,

254 n.
Vernon, W., Jr., ix, 304.
Vicq d'Azy^r, Fdlix (physician), i, 114,

124; viii, 285 n.; x, 406.
Victoire, Mme., v, 51.
Vidal de Malachel, ix, 496 n. ; x, 464.
Viemerange, M., viii, 275.
Villencuve, M. dc (commandant), x,

468.
Villequier, Due de, i, ro6.
Viner, Charles, iii, 39, 56, 89; ix, 253.
Vining, Mr. (Thomas Viny ?), viii, 456.
Vining, Mrs. (Viny?), viii, 456.
Viny, Thomas, i, xvi; vii, 301 n.; viii,

426; ix, 14^ n.
Viny, Mrs. Thomas, v, 249, 250.
Virgil, Polydore, vi, 439.
Virgil, i, 21 and n., 197, 252 and n.;

quoted, ii, 126; iii, 28, 54, 347 and

n.; iv, 87 n.
Vogler, AbW, i, 213.
Volange (French actor), viii, 31 n.
Volta, M., vii, 49 and n.
Voltaire, vii, 435 n.; x, 358; erects

lightning rod at Ferney, i, 104; his

verses, v, 219; crowns Mme.

Duboccage, vii, i^ n.; his judg-
ment of Chastellux, viii, 42 n.;

treatise on Toleration, iv, 267, 268 n. ;

X, 77; meeting with F., 359 and n.
Von Guericke, i, 89.
Voogdt and Co., Nathaniel, iii, 287, 337.
Vrilli^re, Due dc, v, 415 n.

W

Waddel, Captain, ii, 424.
Wadsworth, letter from Deane, viii, 393.
Wahlboom, Mr., his oration, ii, 367.
Waibert, M., i, 204.
Waites, Baron, i, 56.
Walker, Mr., ii, 312.
Walker, Mr. and Mrs., iii, 15.
Walker, Dr. (commissioner from Va.),

V, 487.
Walker, Hannah (cousin of B. F.), v,

36; vi, 17.
Walker, Obadiah, ii, 387 n.
Walker, Thomas, vi, 448; x, 295,

2q6 n.
Walker, Mrs. Thomas, vi, 448; x,

296 and n.
Wallace, Captain, ii, 361.
"^allace,

X, 469

Wallace, Johnson

, and

Muir, ix, 352;

Wallace, Sir William, ix. 20 n.
''aller, £dmund, quoted, ii, 176.

Wain, Nicholas, r, 313.

Walpole, Horace, 1, 176; ix, ao n.;

X, 271 n., 303, 305, 329.
Walpole, Thomas, vi, 396; x, 314;

the Walpole Grant, v, 382 n., 445,

465, 467, 4^, 491, 5"; ▼». 242;
X, 255: letter to F., vi, 398; negotia-
tions lor peace, viii, 525, 526, 534,
S39» 543. 544; letter from Pitt, i,
196; X, 285 n.; silk culture, v, 304,

Walsh, his life of F., x, 2«o.

Walsh, John, v, 436 ana n.j experi-
ments with the torpedo, vi, 59, 72,
220 and n.

Walsin^ham, ii, 28; vii, 152.

Walstemholmc, Mr., iii, 422, 423.

Walter, John, i, 215; ix, 193 n., 194 n.

WalterstorfF, M. de (minister of Foreign
Affairs at Copenhagen), ix, 29 and n.,
31, 69, 70; X, 346, 154.

Walther (librarian of the Court of Dres-
den), i, 22.

Walton, Mr. (schoolmaster in Phila-
delphia), ii, ^^7 n.

Warburton, Wiliiam, his edition of
Pope, ii, 242.

Ward, Miss Anna (daughter of Gov-
ernor Ward of R. L), iii, 246 and
n., 378; iv, 189, 206.

Ward, Edward C*The London Spy"),
ii, 242 and n.

Ward, Samuel, iii, 247, 288; iv, 189.

Ward, Samuel (governor of R.I.), iii,
246 n.; vii, 352 n.

Ward, Maj. Samuel, vii, 352 and a.

Warner, Edward, iv, 317.

Warren, Joseph, x, 248 n.

Warville, M. de, ix, 667.

Washington, George, i, 8; iv, 252 n.;
vi, 413, 429 n.; vii, 44, 104. 349;
viii, 216, 250; ix, 20 n., 37 n., 696;
X, 303, 366, 487, 488; Cornwallb's
retreat to Brunswick, vii, 31; La-
fayette introduced to, 63; British
army surrounded in New York,
188, 23J; the Conway cabal,
266 n. ; Fleury asks for extension of
furlough, viii, 16 and n.; Lafayette
names his son George, 28 and n.;
treachery of Arnold, 170 and n.;
his letter shown to Veiigenncs,
209; loans in France, 219, 240,
262; his aides, 259 n., 271 n.;
surrender of Cornwallis, 333,
349 j takes oath of office, 376 n.;
affair of Asgill, ^72 and n., 573;
order of the Cincinnati, ix, 166; x,
354; siege of Boston, ix, 209 n.;
fictions concerning, 238 n.; rec-
ommends Captain Inixton, 365
n.; his reputation in France,

ItWEX OF PERSONS

581

464; x« 493; Statue of, iz, 465 n.,
471; for President, 658; Braddock's
defeat, x, 183 n.; F. confers with
him on the military preparations
of America, 292, 393; transmits
Howe's '•Declaration" to Consress,
398; bequeathed walking-sticK by
F., 508.

Watelet, Claude-Henri, viii, 100 and n.

Waterhouse, Alfred, iv, 5 n.

Waterhouse, Benjamin, viii, 194 n.

Watmaugh, Mr., ix, ^83 and n.

Watson, John Fanning, i, 85 n.; iv,
Sn.

Watson, Joseph, i, 369, 371, 379.

Watson, Richard (bishop of Llandaff),
i, 6z.

Watson, Sir William, iii, 343; experi-
ments in electricity, i, 92, 100, 109,
430; ii, 306, 308, 337, 364, 403, 433
and n., 408; iii, 7 and n.; raises
the first lightning rod, i, 103; re-
ports on the arsenal at Purfleet,
106; y, 430; a new air pump, iii,
169,170; experiments in inoculation,
y, lox.

Watt, Captain, v, 198.

Watts (printer), employs F., i, 380
and n., 381, 384; x, 154.

Watts, Isaac, ii, 21, 33 and n.; quoted,
23. «97; viii, 606; ix, 490.

Watts and McEvers, vi, 38.

Wajrne, Gen. Anthony, i, 8; vii, 380;
viii, 139.

Wayne, Captain, Indian warfare in
Pennsylvania, iii, 306, 335, 336,
330.

Webb, General (governor of the Isle of
Wight), ii, 59 and n.

Webb, George, i, 390, 291, 300, 301,
303.

Webbe, John, i, xi, 173; x, 165, 167.

Webster, Noah, his zeal for the purity
of the lan^age, i, 39; iii, 78; re-
vised spelling, V, 174 n., 178 n.

Webster, Felatiah, ix, 543.

Wedderburn, Alexander, his abuse of
F., vi, 183, 196, 389; X, 363, 364,
365, 367, 368, 370, 371 and n.

Wedt^wood (partner of Bentley), i,
ocviii,

Wedgwood, F. H., Esq. (of Etruria), i,
xviii,

Weeden, William B., iii, v.

Weems, Mason Locke, ix, 338 n., 358
and n.; x, 3^^ n.

Weinbrenner, Mr., ix, 308.

Weiser, Conrad (an Indian interpreter),
ii, 365; iii, 395 and n., 396; x, 102,
X04.

Weissenstein, CHiarles de, vii, x66 n.;
ix, 133 a.

Weld, his history of the Rcyal Society,

V, 69 n.
Welfare, Michael, i, 368.
Wells, Richard, x, 159.
Went worth, Sir John (governor of

N.H.), vi, no and n., 1x5.
Wentworth, Paul, vi, 303, 343; secret

correspondence, x, 307 n., 3x0,

3".

Wenzel, G. T., i^ 33 and n.

Wesley, John, vii, 303 n.

West, Mr. (of Philadelphia), his house
protected from lightning, iv, 139 n.,
145; V, 438.

West, Mrs., iv, 359, 360, 383; v, 383.

West, Benjamin, i, 56; iv, 194 and n.;
V, 264, 373; viii, 137. 138 n.; ix, 45;
X, 27^.

West, Mrs. Benjamin, viii, 137; ix,
258 and n.

West, James (president of the Royal
Society), v, 393 and n.

West, Raphael Lamar, ix, 258 and n.

Westerhalt, Baron F. de, v, 340 n.

Westhuysen, M., viii, 81.

Wetherhold, Captain, iii, 326.

Wetzel, W. H., 1, 146, 149.

Weymouth, Lord, vii, 36 n.; F.'s
subtlety, i, 200; succeeds Mr. Con-
way, V, 89, 91; X, 244; arrival of
F. in France, 302, 307.

WhaJlev, Rev. t^yrt. (rector of Ecton,
Northamptonshire), x, X45 n.

Wharton, Joseph, vii, 223 n.

Wharton, Joseph, Jr., vii, 395 n.

Wharton, Samuel, iv, 361; viii, 40,
188; ix, 630; X, 314; the Wharton
grant, iv, 314, 3*2. Z^l* 467; x, 255:
partner in Bovnton, Wharton, and
Morgan of Pniladelphia, viii, 15
and n., 94 n.; miscnief-making of
A. Lee, 96 n.; Ingenhousz's com-
plaints against, 313, 314 n.; ix, 42,

Wharton, Th

omas, i, 21; iv, 286, 359,
360, 361; v, 78 n., X03, 183, 227
and n.; vi, 32 n.; x, 219, 314;
Wharton grant, v, 67; x, 226; helps
establish the Chronicle^ v, 105 n.;
silk culture, 332.

Trade," xi, 137;. treasurer of
Foundling Hospital, ix, 265 n.

Whately, Thomas, vi, 117; his duel,
172, 38^, 284, 288; X, 261, 262.

Whately, William, source of the Hutch-
inson Letters, vi, 187, 200, 201, 202,
283, 285, 289; X, 225, 259 and n.,
261.

Wheatley, H. B., x, 197.

582

INDEX OF PERSONS

Whcatlcy, Phyllis (African poetess), vi,
06 and n.

Wneelock, John, solicits funds for Dart-
mouth College, i, 309; ix, 15 and n.

Wheelwright, Mr., v, 369.

Whinney, Mr., v, 441.

Whipple, Captain, vii, 159.

Whiston, John (bookseller), iii, 61 n.

Whiston, WiUiam, "theory of the earth,"
ii 90 ; lit 305 ; iii, 10 and n.

White, Mr. (of Manchester), ix, 236.
and n. ; x, 356.

White, Mr., vui, lat.

White, Mr. (son of Taylor White) ,v, 431 .

White, Alfred T., ii, 380 n.

White, B. ^publisher), iii, 61 n.

White, Phil ip (a Tory), viii, 57a.

White, Taylor, v, 431.

Whitefield, George, i, tje, 8, 379; ii,
234; iii, 143 n.; iv. 409, v, 308; vi,
145; his preaching, i, ^54, 355. 35^,
3S7» 35*; Ws conventicle becomes
an academy, 37a* iii, a n., 3 n.;
F.'s regard for him, ii, 316; his
opinion of deists, iii, 32a; friendship
0! Countess of Hastings, viii, 104 n.,
105 and n.

Whitefield, Mrs., ii, 378; iii, 340.

Whitefoord, Caleb, iv, 183 n.; viii,

430. 547; «. 330 °i 605 "•; x» 396

and n.

Whitehead, Paul, i, 173, 174; vi, 146
and n.

WhJtchurst, John, i, 55, 56; ix, 316.

Whitemarsh, Thomas (printer), 1, 307 ;
X, 171 and n.

Whitgert (a Saxon conqueror), ii, 60.

Whittlesea, Mr., iii, 61.

Whitworth, Sir C, iii, 205 n.

Whytt, Robert, iii, 104 and n., 105.

Wickes, Captain, vi, 469, 474, 476;
yii. 34; X, 301 n., 310.

Wicsner, Dr. Julius, i, xvii^ xviii.

Wight, Thomas, ix, 549 n.; x, 202.

Wightman, Samuel (lieutenant of
marines), viii, 2.

Wilbraham, Rojjer (Paris), i, xi8.

Wilcock, Mr., vi, 7.

Wilcox, Mr. (London bookseller), i,
278.

Wilkes, Mrs., v, 247.

Wilkes, John, x, 358; success of Mid-
dlesex elections, v, 121; vi, 251;
*• North Briton" (No. 45), v, 122
and n.; riots, v, 133, 134, 150; x,
245 ; Lee a member of the set of, 321.

Wilkie (bookseller), ix, 329.

Wilkinson, Mr. (mechanician), x, 341.

Wilkinson (cousin of B. F.), iii. 454*

Wilkinson, John, iv, 283 n.

Wilkinson, Richard (Holland mer-
chant), X, 325.

Wilks, Robert (actor), i, sax, 276.

Wiilard, Samuel (president of Har-
vard), X, 146.

Willet, Captain, ix, siTj^ 514.

William III, King of England* ii, 60;
yi, 123: X, 276.

William the Conqueror, i, 285 n.

Williams, Captain, ix, 135.

Williams, Grace (niece of B. P.), vii,
21 n.; ix, 304.

Williams, John (brother of Jonathan
Williams), v, 66 and n.; ix, 634, 6^5.

Williams, Jonathan (nephew to B. F.),
iii, 39a; iv, ^ and n., 198 n.; v, 66,
a88, 348; VI, a I, 106, 403, 411; ix,

364. 510. 515; x» 33. 43; an expert
accountant, vi, a4o; Hart well and
Thayer, converts to Romanism, ix,
303 and n.
Williams, Jonathan, ]t. (grand-nepihew
of B. F.), i, xru; vi, 403; ix, 303 n.,

5»3. 539. 540. 634; X, 43. 496. 499;
V, 310, 311; vn, 15, 51, 53, 288; ix,
36, 90. 330; X, 45, 3^7. 338 340,
345. 375 II- ; motion of ships retarded
By the diurnal motion of the earth,
i, 82, 8^ n.; ii, vi; his character, v,
288; r.'s return from France, ix,
327. 352. 353. 360; X, 469, 470;
Gulf Stream, IX, 41^; instriiment for
taking down booxs, 483 n.; his
business in France, vii, 13 n., xi6,

137. 383; ▼»". ao. ai, 57 n., 58.
1x2, 114, 12?; ix, 2^5 n., 301 n.,
303 n., 320; nis marriage, \-ii, ai n.;
X, 417; chaises made by A. Lee, vii,
245, 271, 272, 273, 283, 284; Ameri-
can prisoners, 375; Ingenhousz's
property, ix, 43; F.'s ofunion of,
47; his creditors, 173, 176.

Williams, Mrs. Jonathan, Jr., viii,
458 n..; X, 465.

Williams, Josiah, v^ 288, 289, 310, 311.

Williamson, Mr., viii, 575 n.

Willinck and Co., Messrs., ix, 136, 137.

Willing, Thomas, x, 27, a 17, ax 8, 287
n., 489.

Willing and Morris, vii, 1x5, 147, 149,
109, 200.

Willis, Mr., viii, 44a.

WiUoughby, Lord, v, 77.

Wilmot, Mr., v, 433; vi, 241.

Wilson, Dr. Alexander, concerning sun
spots, i, 71; electric^ experiments,
ill, 36 n., 98. .352; iv, 133; on
lightning rods, vi, 14 and n., 28.

Wilson, Benjamin, experiments in
electricity, i, 99, 107; ii, 425; v, 338;
vii, 64, 413 n.

Wilson, James, X, 287 n.

Wilson, Prof. Patrick (of Glasgow), ix,
237 and n.

INDEX OF PERSONS

583

^ndischgratz. Baron de, iz, 3x5.

Winn, Captain, vi, 7.

Winn, J. S., vii, 314, 2x5.

Winslow, Toshua, vi, 177.

Winter, Mr., v, 308.

Winter, Hofrat, Dr., i, xoii.

Winterbottom, Mr., iv, i^;j.

Winthrop, Prof. John, lii, 435, 437;
vi, ao4, 267, 410, 446; ix, 652; X,
a6o; transit of Mcrcuiy, i, 71; v,
347» 348; his telescope, i, 72; pro-
fessor at Harvard, iv, 250 n.; vi,
273 n.; recommended for degree,
z, 204; his death, vii, 407 n.; ix, 478.

Winthrop, Mrs. John, iv, 250.

Winthrop, Thomas L., iii, 125 n.

Wirt, wSliam, vi, 82 n.

Witherspoon, J., i, 209; vii, 9 n.

Wolfe, General, i, 145, 426; z, 210.

WoUaston, William, i, 277 and n.;

Woodfdi, H. S. (printer), i, ix.

Wood, Mr., vii, 42 n.

Wood, Mr. (secretary to Lord Chatham),

vi, 320.
Wood, Mr. (cousin of B. F.), v, 311.
Woodmason, Mr. (stationer), ix, 510.
Woods, Capt. John, z, 486.
Woodward, Richard, Bishop of Cloyne,

vi, 39 n.
WooUer, Mr. (civil engineer), v, 266,

305-
Wooster, General, vi, 443 n.

Wren, Dr. Thomas, vii, 102; iz, 72

and n., 124.
Wright, Dr., i, 420; iii, 352, 353.
Wright, Governor (of Ga.), v, 147, 477,

S.I 6, 519.
Wright, James, iii, 57 n., 94 n.
Wright, John, iii, 57 n., 94 n.; ix, 689.
Wright, Joseph, z, 396 n.
Wright, Mrs. Patience, vii, 302 n.; ix,

583.
Wright, Susanna, iii, 57 n., 260 n., 434.
Wright, Thomas, viii, 448 n.
WulfFen, Baron Johan Henrich de, viii,

123 and n.

Wygate, Mr., taught to swim by F., i,

28<, 287; ii, 242, 280.
Wyld, Henry, viii, 354 and n.
Wyndham, Sir Charles, stt Earl of

Egremont.
Wyndham, Sir William, i, 287 and n.;

X, 154.
WyviU, Sir Charles, ix, 340 n.
Wyvill, Christopher, iz, 339 n., 340 n.

Xenophon, i, 244; z, 148.

Yale, Governor, z, %y

Yates, Mr., iv, 449, 464.

Yorke, Sir Joseph (English ambassa-
dor to Holland), alleged letter of
Paul Jones to, i, 175, 176; viii, 442,
447; his memorial to Holland, vii,
34. 35 n., 313, 315, 386; viii, 184,
185, 44a; z, 339.

Yorke, Thomas, iii, vi.

Youmans, E. L., i, 67.

Young, Mr. (agent of David Hartley),

viii, 563. 565. 566.
oung, Mr. (b<
oung, Mr. (se
viii, 476, 481,

503. «
Young, Mr.* (botanist), v. ^34, 433.
Young, Mr. (secretary to H. Laurens),

Young, Captain, iii, 268; iv, 252; vii,

175.
Young, Edward, i, 279 and n.; vi, 9;

z, 269.
Young, Governor, vii, 248.
Young, Thomas, i, 65.
Yranda, Marquis de, see Aranda, Conde

d*.

Zantzinger, Mr., iz, 664, 677.
Zinzendorf, Count, vii, 98 n.
Zollicoffer, General, i, 202.
Zoroaster, v, 371, 372.
Zreny, Baron, 1, 197.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

Abbeville (France), v, 49.
Aberdeen, University of, ix, 656 and n.
Aboriginal languages and customs
(American), i, 85, 199; viii, 246. 247;

«. 57'-
Academies, des Sciences, Belles Lettres

et Arts de Lyon, ix, 48 n., 362^ 477;
of Angers and Marseilles, viii, 2x4
n.; 01 Dijon, ix, 47 n.; of Inscrip-
tions and Belles Lettres (Paris), viii,
248 n.; ix, 60 n.; of St. Petersburg,
iv, 192 ; ix, 649 and n. ; of Rouen, ix,
48 n.; X, 466; of Stockholm, i,
17; at Warrington, v, 358; of Arts
and Sciences, 1, 82, 206; viii, 257;
ix, 480, 498, 652 and n.

Acadia, v, 167.

Account of an Accident While Making
an Electrical Experiment (F.), iii, 32.

Accounts, B. F/s household in Passy,
i, 8 ; X. 3 1 5-3 1 7 , 406 ; with Congress,
i. 8.

Account of Negotiations in London for
Effecting a Reconciliation Between
Great iritain and the American
Colonies, An (F.), vi, 318 and n.;
X, 281 and n.

Account of Toads Found Enclosed
in Solid Stone, An (¥.), viii, 417.

Account of the British Settlements in
America, iv, 23^ n.

Account of the New-Invented Pennsyl-
vania r ire-Places, An (F.), ii, 246;
iv, 3.

Account of the Supremest Court of
Judicature in Pennsylvania, Viz.
the Court of the Press, An (F.), x, 36.

Acrement Close, iii, 109.

Act for Granting to His Majesty the
Sum of One Hundred Thousand
Pounds, . . . i4n, iv, 323 n.

Act for the Better Ordering and Regu-
lating Such as Are Willing and
Desirous to he United for Military
Purposes Within the Province of
Pennsylvania, An (F.), i, 154; iii.

a96, 307. 354.
Active (American ship), viii, 259.

Adam, L'lale (France), ix, 121.

Addertongue, Alice (letter from), ii,
189-195.

Additional Experiments (F.), ii, 454;
iii, 106, 146.

Address of the American Philosophical
Society, to B. F. upon his return from
France, x, 473.

Address of the Provost, Vice-Provost,
and Professors of the University of
Pennsylvania, to B. F. upon his re-
turn from France, x, 474.

Address to the Public; from the Penn-
s^vania Society for Promoting the
Abolition of Slavery, and the Relief
of Free Negroes Unlawfully Held
in Bondage (F .), x, 66.

Administration of the Colonies (Pow-
nall), v, 13 n., 481.

Adventurer, The (Hawkesworth), ix,
^82 and n.; x, 279.

Advice to America (Priced ix, 242, 286.

Advice to a Young Tradesman (F.), i,

136; ii, 370-

Aeronautics, see Balloons.

A erophohia (virtues of fresh airj, ix, 435.

Africa, 1, 176;^ viii, 443; its slave
trade, iii, 68; ix, 6, 404; its colour,
i"» 72, 73; V, 478; American pris-
oners sent to, vii, 37, 312; viii, 445;
British commerce with, vii, 73;
opening of its ports, 328; conquests
in, viii, 491 ; its forests, ix, 247; trade
in rum, x, 107.

African Negro, gratitude of an, iv, 30 c.

Aftercast, Margaret (in Dogood Papers),
ii, 38.

Afterwit, Anthony, see Letter from.

Agriculture, i, 31, 53; iii, 52, 6x; iv,
21 x; V, 184, 192; X, 3; preservation
of fruit from frost, 1, 76; iv, 116;
culture of grass in meadows, i, 83,
84; plaster of Paris as a fertilizer,
85; the labour of the farmer the
standard of value, 147, 148, 149;
V, 195, 361; raising hemp, i, 15:
", 311; iv, 59-61 i V, 503-505; herd
seed, ii, 313 ; experiments upon a farm
in New Jersey, 383-386; teaching of
gardening, 305; how to make fences,
iii, 31; a second spring, 31-32; im-
provement of swamps, 53; fowl

585

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

ley, tiS; usefi
135; planting of whiak seed, ^bq;
junerkan iarm products, iv, 59:
used of Indian corn, 305, 2g6; use 01
oicn, V, 194; Bilk culture. laS; vi,
4SS. *S<>\ rhubarb and rice, v. 443;
cabbage turnips, vi, B: disease of
wbeal, 141; Malesberbes imports
trees, viii, 30 and n.; tree planting,
I. 450: aZw sit Stulimcnl on llie
Ohio River: On tHt Prkt ej Corn,
attd Ikt ManagtmeiU oj the Poor;
ObsrrvalitHu OK Mayt, or Indian
Corn.
Air, filed, Priestley's eiperimenta with,
V, J54-. vii, 18; effect of vegetation
' '■ SS'i,

g n., 31 and n,; 3S; uses in medicine
Air pump, sa Vacuum pump.

I

n,; Plan ci Union, i, 393; iii,i97-j39,
341, 94^, 36;; vi, 356, 416; Indian
raids, iu, 336; the armjr at, iv, 81.

Albumazai (an Arabian tale), x, 193,

Alert (English cutter), vii. 60 n.
Alexandria (EgyiM), iv, 60.
Alexandria (Va.),i,393i''>4HS°4> 506.
Al/rtd (VS. friRale), vii. 73 n., 313.

Algctirasj I, 356.

Algiera, iv, 49; x, 356, 403; its pir-
acy, IX. 71, 493 and n.; rumour? of
B. F.'s capture by, 49J »■"! "-. 49S;
I. 463; slavery in, 8S.

Algiers, Divan of, x. 87, 91.

AlTcanle (Spain), ix, 7., 97. "6. .3=-

Alleghany Mountmns, settlements
beyond the, iii, 358 and n., 361 ; v, 475,
4:n. 4^5, 494, S". 507. S", S'O;
Si'.inr^h boundary, viii. jSo; Brad-
iluik^ expedition, V, 483. 481; Han-
burj's petition, 490, 491; Walpole's

in, 336; her priies, tu, 388, 403,
410, 411; viii, II, 56, 67, »6, j)6,
337, 3^o. 396, 639; IX, 68; her car-

...,! -i, jg_ ,,j^ ,86_ ,5^ ,j,^

Richard, 46; I, 370; jHovisions for,

Yiii,i33,i76n.;ix.7S,76«ndn..i}«;

Laptain Barry id comnuuio, vui.

3J4, 370D., 401.
Alnaiiact Royal, ix, tjS.
Amazon River, ii, 416; iv, in; tides in

America, great fog in (17S3), i, 6t;
clear air of. 70; dry air of, Sj;
remains of the mastodon, i, 86: v, 39,
gs; use of the lightning rod, 1, 103;
physicians of, ii4| viii, 3S5; F. the
first economist of. i. 13;. 137; rale of
increase ol population of, 143; iii. 63-
66;iv. 77; English predominance in. i.
145; ii". 73. y: "v, 4. 8. fis; emi-
gration to, I, 146, 10a, lOJ, rod;
■" '■■ "" ' "'i. 3SS.

307 ; poverty of

post-offices of. iii, . , , . . .^ . ^ . .
settling proposed new colonics, iii,
363, 164; V. 468-537; growth of
English language, ii, 163; advan-
tage of possession of Canada, iv, 36,
37.40,41.44.45-50,53-*°; X.311;
trade with England, iv. 67. 68-70;
paper money, 330; v, 1-16. 18.
43.97; "'i- '4; 11,331-136: Stamp
Acl, IV, 414-448.454, 463, 461; V, 17,
19. i88j representation in Parliament,

v,74:<l

'.3' 7.

318.355;". 89. 144.345.347.458.459,
466; revenue from, v, 33). 313. 334;

195, 341: country known to the an-
cients, 86, 87; English sentiments
lonard, 93; Bishop ol St. Aup^'s
Sermon, 150; allegiance lo the ting

375, 3^7; trade after the Revo-
lulion, II, 318, 319, 473. 473, 481;
conciliatory measures, vi. 303. 305.

306-308. 309-313; viii, 45; tUr-

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

587

mish at Concord, vi, 400; Bunker
Hill, 430; X, 393; propositions
for peace, vi, 452-454; vii, 143, 144;
comparison of Great Britain and the
United States in regard to the basis
of credit, x-8; only five rounds
of powder in the army, 19;
European sympathy with, 55, ^6,
57i 5^; employment of foreign
troops, 66, 80; surrender of Bur-
goyne's army, 79; x, 328; cordiality
of France, vii, 102, 103, 220; viii, 327,
3?o» 391; Lord Chatham's speech
(Aprir 7, 1778), vii, 149-153; credit
of Congress, 216, M5-330, 379; viii,
2x2, 272, 278; taking of Savannah,
vii, 275 ; distress of the army, viii, 209 ;
treacnery of Arnold, 311, 312; sur-
render of Cornwallis, 389; pacquet
service with England, ix, 147, 148;
bald eagle the symbol of, 166,
167; constitution of United States,
616; commercial honour of, x, 105-
XI 5; iee also Prisoners, exchange
of; Treaty of alliance; Treaty of
peace I Negotiations for peace;
Loyalists, etc.

American Almanack (Leeds), ii, 202
n.; (German), 226 n.

American Citizen, The^ i, 29.

American credit, x, 115, 375, 376.

"American Letter Book, The (post-
office), i, XIII ; X, X 79.

American Medical and Philosophical
Register , ii, 276 n.

American Museum, The (Carey's), ii,
463 n.; iii, 226 n., 227 n.* ix, 661.

American Naturalisation Act, vi, 366.

American Philosophical Miscellany, ii,
292.

American Philosophical Society, i, viii,
xiii, xvii, 54, 82; v, 337; vi, 221;
viii, 348, 295, 368, 597 n., 647; w,
227 n., 3x5, 37a, 443 n., 480, 494 n.,
585, 652 n.; X, 84 n.. 486, 489, 490,
498; depository of B. F.'s papers, i, 3,
4, 8, X65, X83, 185; iii, 134, n., 175
n.; X, 409; present from Buffon, vi,
236; Herschel's gift, i, 70; ix, 584;
Priestley's gift, 528, 529; gifts from
Ingenhousz, 633; B. F. chosen pres-
ident, v, X96; JefiFerson reads a paper
before, i, 86; establishment of, 361;
ii, 228-232 and n., 276, 277 n.; iii,
9 n.; V, 226; idle members, ii, 289;
drafts of B. F.'s papers, iv, 273 n.;
X, 204, 29X, 417, 431; B. F.'s contri-
butions to, ix, 536; meets at B. F.'s
house, X, i; L« Roy elected, v, 192
n.; Dubourg elected, vi, 19 n.;
De Normandie elected, 20 n.;
Magdhaens elected, 29 n.; Car-

michael elected, ix, 223 n. ; Ingen-
housz elected, 5x9; election of French
members, viii, 37 and n.; address to
B. F. upon his return from France,

X, 473-
American Weekly Mercury, The, i,

X, 36, X70, 246 n.; ii, 100 n., X55 n.,

189 n.; X, 155, X56, x6i, x62, X64,

X65, x66, 167.
Americanus, L. (pseudonym), ii, 308 n.
VAmi des Hommes, ou traite ae la

Population (Mirabeau), v, X56 and

n.; ix, 269.
AmphUrite (ship), vii, 265; x, 325, 326,

327-
Amsterdam, vii, 34, X52; viii, X4, 129,
325. 337 and n., 505; ix, 296, 326;
X, 343; banks of, ii, 145, 146; viii,
282; inland commerce, iv, 60; B. F.'s
visit to, xio; Indien built at, vii.

157; loans in, 32^; viii, 84, 342,
343, 349; treaty of commerce with
United btates, 61 and n.; pensionary

of, 184, 185.

Amsterdam Gazette, viii, 146.

Amfl River (Oxus), iv, 60.

Analisi d'un nuovo Fenomeno del
Fulmine (Barletti), vii, 97.

Anatomy of Melancholy, The (Burton),
ix, 488.

Ancestry of B. F., i, X71, 228-232;
iii, 451-453. 459; iv, 465; V, 36,
Z3Z-33A* 349. 371; viii, 329; X,
142-146.

Ancona (Italy), x, 348.

Andes, ii, 416.

Angel Inn (in Oxford), v, 172.

Annals of Philadelphia (Watson), i,
85; IV, 5 n.

Annapolis, iv, 114, 215; ix, X76.

Annual Register, viii, 166 n.; x, 29 x n.

Annuities, Life, in Parishes, v, 406.

Answers to M. Dubourg s Queries re-
specting the Armonica (F.), v, 45 1 .

Antigua, 1, 117; "B.F.'s printing busi-
ness," ii, 366; iii, xoi, 103, 142, 166,
329. ^^:S* 337. 357; »v, 194; x, 171.

Antiquaries, ix, 353.

Antwerp, iv, 62, iio.

Apologue (F.), i, 184; viii, 627 n., 651;
X, 2.

Apology for Printers, An {¥.), ii, v, X72.

Appalachian Mountains, ii, 312; iii,
358, 361; iv, 57; V, 467; X, 4«5-

Appeal to the People (Keith), i, 260.

Appeal to the Public on the Subject of
the National Debt (Price), v, 389 n. ;
vi, 418 n.

Aquaquiscjuis, Indian name for the
ground hog, iii, 264 n.

Arabia, ix, 247, 404.

Arabic language, iv, 302.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

Bli^tHol

(alCalcuIia).»i,7i: 1.133

Btaci Pti*

ct (privalter), vii, 388, 407

409 D.:

viii, .1, .3. 65, J6, .0., 102

Bi^i' 'pt.

. ii. 6q;.

«m (pri.aleer), Tii, jSS

Blad

sSolvri

Blair DiummoncJ. irat^of Lord Euoes.

Bloli^'^i^d,' i, la-,. iS, i8j and n.;

Blood, circulalion of. ii. iSmRH. 59'"
nacbiitc toi demon-

, Due de Crillon's
n ihf. i>. .0"

France), i. 4<>7-

miit Riihard (VS. ship), rii.

HraiinK. 1

S; I. »86; dosing tl . . ^

114, "5. J38, 331. 35*. 397. *»S; I.
lo;; siodinE of dbobs to, n, wii,
30*. JSS. 361. 400. 40S, 434, 447; I.
109. JS4; lorrifriag the city. vi. 445;
Til, 1 9 ; Laf avtite anivts at, Yiii, 90 ;
alavc trade, ix, ^>7> value of pr<^
risioiH. Mi; free graniDiar schools
of. I, 147; B. F.'s career in. 150-151;
puUic Ubiaiy. iii. 470 d. ; viii, 371 a. ;
Xthenfum, lii. 3 □.; Humane Society
ol. ix. 650; Faneuil Hall. It, 108 n.;
Old South Chiucb. i, 146; Cask
Wiiliam. ii. 356 and n.; t, 369; vi.
3J0, 358. 376; Beacon HOI, lii. 465

Boiifu (American frigate), vii, 139,
160, J44, 3'3. 389.

Bfilan GaiftlU, Tht, t, 146 D.; *, 73.

B»U9n InJtpritJaU Ckrtiticlt, trt

Sapplfrntnl ta tkt.
Boston Massaoe. t, 163 0..; s, 148 and

ttr, Tkt, i, 146 and n.;

BoMon Port Act, -n, 123, 224, 241, 373,
375. 378. 38". 384; I. 109.

Bosbm Past, m, iSS n.

BOTAMV: i. 151 IT. ia6, ite; v, tii;
■ Tl, ij; ii. 59J. J03, s6i; I, 4*1.
Amencan smU. u. 314^ riiubarb
seed, T. «45. *3i. 4431 ". «: c""-
Tsnces, I. 146; new barley, 317;
Miner's cidlection ai plants, ii, 35,
36-

Botany Bay, ii, 618 n.. 630.

Boulogne, t. 49, 53; viii, 159.

Bourboo, House of. iv, 39.

raddoct's eipedition. i, 393-405, 4*9-
430; iii, ito-ati, 1J6-1TJ, tj^. aSg-
'9'. 39S. 399; '». »S3-aS4, 439; '.
481-483; X. i8i-i8».
randywine. Battle of die, viii, t6 D.,
, 'S9 n._

Jrazil. Ti,47s; 111,179; »• M7-
Brechin, iii, 133.
Brescia, in llalj. powder magaxiae at.

Brest, ii. 199; vii. i;;. 161, 185. 1S6,
189, 168, 177, »8S, 300. 339; viii. 1,
13. 41. 64. J51. 373. 377. 386. 38;.
"°. 39S. 397. 6391 «. 'S3. 573; ».

Mown (Baibadoes), iv, 466.

Siait el Iht Ptovjnit tj Penmiy/-

iu. A, Loodon. 1756, i. lAo n.

i; Brirl Virtc al Ikt Cntdud tl Penntyl'

>7. vnitia J«T Ike Vrar 17JS, A, London.

---' ■ -* -*- ■ ii.!?*, »77.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

59'

'apeUan van de Poll uUgegeven

oor Mr. W. H. De Beaufort, Utrecht,

Lennick, and Zoon, 1879, x, 325 n.

^hthelnastone, ix, 99.

3tol, experiments with water at, i, 81 ;

/. 26, 97.

stol (England), iv, 26, 70, 85, 97; v,

9. 253; v"» 269; viii, 396.

tish America, severe cold of, ii,

135 n.

tish Museum, The, B. F. letters pre-

»erved there,!, 6, 10, 11, 56; iii, 134

1.. 139 n.; iv, 242 n.; *v, 356 n.,

357 n., 393 n.; vi, 72 n.; vii, no n.;

X. 605 n.; X, 396.

itish Repository^ The^ i, 180.

omley (Kent), iv, 158; v, 48, 54, 226.

own Library, John Nicholas, viii,

573 n-

own University (Rhode Island Col-
lege), i, 209; V, 71 and n.; x, 356.
runswick (N.J.), li, 361; iv, 103, 104;
vii, ^i.

russels, iii, 353; viii, 505.
uckingham House, Society of, vii,
99 n., 302 n.
uenos Ayres, ix, 6c 5.
uffalo Creek (on the Ohio River), iii,

uilding, protecting houses from fire,
V, 266-268, ^05-307: ix, 613-614.
lunker Hill, Battle of, i, 8; vi, 409,

430;. X. 293.
\urgotnis5ts, a new word commended

to the French academy, x, 328 n.

Jurgos (Spain), vii, 35.

iurlington (N.J.), i, 294; ii, 170 and n.;
iv, 198, 461; IX, 467; X, 227; B. F.
passes through on his way to Phila-
delphia (172^). i» 83, 13^, 252, 253;
X, 141; B. F.*s farm at, li, 383; pos-
tal route, iv, 100-X05.

Bury (England), iv, 25.

Busts of Franklin, i, xvi; ix, 41: x,
3^7,481,492,493; Nini's medallion,
vii, ^47; by Caffieri, ix, 45 n., 346;
of Washington by Houdon, 464, 465
and n.

Busy-Body, The, ii, xoo and n.; x, 156.

Button-Mine, iv, 244, 260.

Button-mold Bay, iv, 244.

Cadiz, viii, 22, 49* S'. 53f 54, 55» 5^; ix,

128.
Caen, viii, 297 n.
Cairo, i, 213; iv, 60.
Caisse d'Escompte, failure of payment,

ix, III, 136; Its prosperity, 575; 369,

536.

Calais, iv, 398; v, 49, 95; vii, 162. 174,
185, 186, 188; viii, 382, 474, 476,
497. 51*. 620; ix, 123.

Cambridge, College of, see Harvard
University.

Cambridge (Mass.), v, 322, 363; vi,
212, 410; Washington's headquar-
ters at, X, 292, 293.

Cambridge University, i, 10, 69; iii,
132 n., 451; vi, i53n.; vii, 45 n.; ix,
511; Commemoration Day (1758),
iii, 438, 451; X, 143; King's College,
i, 10; vii, 45 n.; x, 311; St. Johns,
V, 386 n.

Camden Society, ii, 62 n.

Camisards, i, 257 n.

Canada: ii, 360; iii, 360, 364, 483;
iv, 203, 369, 414, 438; vi, 330, 337,
338, 367. :i^3y 416, 433, 434; vii, 54,
100, 121, 151, 236, 292, 330, 341,
367; viii, 27 n., 429, 437. 469, 510;
IX, 47, 112, 113, 231, 613; X, 27s,
291, 332; B. F. argues for the reten-
tion o^ i, 145; iv, 4, 7, 8, 32-82; vi,
321; X, 210, 211, 214; expedition
against (1746), i, 407; ii, 376, 380;
iii, 4, 5; iv, 83 n.; trade with, iii,
164 n., 206, 219; oppression in, 234;
commissioners in, vi, 448; vii, 737;
ix, 696; X, 295; proptosition to Eng-
land to surrender Canada, viii, 469-
474, 477, 478, 480, 486, 491, 527;
turkeys brought to Europe from, ix,
167; postal service, x, 176.

"Canada pamphlet," see Interest of
Great Britain Considered, . . .

Canals, i, 207; v, x 29-132.

Canceau (N.S.), v, 470.

Cancer, said to be cured by tobacco
ashes, i, 118; cured by laying on of a
shell, ii, 181; cured by poKe-weed,
iii, 86-87.

Candles, a new kind of, iii, 58, 263.

Canton, ix, 205, 206, 207.

Canton Papers (Canton), iv, 218, 370 n. ;

V, 45 n-
Cap Fran9ois, vii, 3^1.

Cape Fear River, viii, 574.

Cape Henlopen, ii, 85; x, 462, 471.

Cape Horn, iii, loi.

Cape May, ix, 243; x, 471.

Cape Ray, viii, 634.

Cape Sable, ii, 299, 311; v, 233.

Capes of Delaware, vi, 473; viii^ 3.

Capillaire, a flavoured syrup, ill, 324

and n.

Caraccas, iv, 80.

Cardinal birds, ix, 503, 504, 647.

Caribbees, iv, 80.

Carisbrooice, ii, 56, 58.

Carlisle (Pa.^, i, 375; iii, 343-

Carolina (ship), iv, 199.

59*

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

Carolinas, the, i, 30^,360; ii^ 423; iii.
ao7n., ail, 360; Hi, 5,381; iv,i6, iii,
145, 231. 333, 236, 4x6; V, 1x6, 480;
vi, 316; vii, 123, 362, 392; viii. X36,
204, 209, 293, 321, 340, 573, 632;
ix. 150. 53o» 534 n.» 623, 634; x, 6x,
110, X77, ti2, 483-485, 488.

Carpenter's Island, x, 277.

Carronades, invention ot, ix, 266 n.

Carthagena, iv, 438; viii, 280.

Case of Ireland (Molyneux), v, 255.

Cash^ar, iv, 60.

Caspian Sea, iv, 60.

Castillioneous, passage of, vi, 107.

Catalogue of the North American Ani-
mals (Forster), v, 387 n.

Catalogue of the Philadelphia Library, x,
160 n.

Catechism Relating to the English Na-
tional Debt, A (F.), vii, 86; x, 3x5.

Catheter, flexible, suggestion of a, iii,
103-104.

Cato (Addison), quoted, i, 31x1 ii, 01.

Cato Major, or Discourse of Old Age
(Cicero), ii, 244 n. ; viii. 335 n.

Causes of the American Discontents be-
fore X768 (F.), V, 42 n., 75 n., 78 and
n., X06, 182 n.; x, 243.

Cayenne, Isle of, iv, 78.

Census, how taken in China, vi, 138;
figures in Manchester, 139.

Centaur (ship), vi, 162.

Cerde des Pniladelphes, Cap Fran9aise,
Cape Haytien, ix, 526 n.

Cerf (cutter), viii, 225.

Certificate of Commission Granted to
Captain uustavus Conyngham (F.),

viii, 574.

Chaillot, viii, 160 n.

Chambers' Encvdopsdia, ix, 689.

Champlost, the Home of the Fox family,
i, 8, 88" viii, 328 n.

Charles Wentworth (a novel by Edward
Bancroft), vii, 142 n.

Charleston (S.C.), i, 209, 344, 428; iii,
213.381,382; iv, 307; V, 487; viii,
3, 80, 99, III, 293, 334, 396, 406,
412 X, 174; taking of, viii, 122,
X30; burning of, vi, 425; vii, X23; viii,
106 ; X, no.

Charlestown (Mass.), viii, 635; x, xio.

Charleville, vii, 3^3.

Charlottesville, viii, X30.

Charming Polly (English ship), vii, 421.

Chaumont, Chateau of, x, 306.

Cheat River, v, 498.

Chcem (Surrey), viii, 430; ix, 36, 89.

Chekiang (China), v, 336.

Chelmsford (Essex), i, 99.

Cherbourg, viii, 65, loi.

Cherokee River, v, 480, 482, 487, 488,

S20.

Chesapeake Bay, iii, 2x3; iv, iia, 113;

viii, 32 X.
Cheshire, iv, 8^.
Chess, vi, 66; ix, 260, 512, 659; 2,406;

B. F. learns Italian by paying, i, 347 ;
books upon, iii, 393; plays with Rec-
tor of Philadelphia Academy, 90;

with Miss Howe, vi, 324, 326, 348,
356; X, 286* with Mme. Brulon, viii,
xoo; Miss Shipley's skill in playing,

149 ; see Morals of Chess.

Chester (Pa.), iv, 286; x, 2x8.

Chevining, seat of Lord Stanhope, vi,
3JX, 363 n.; X, 281 n.

Chilbolton, by Twyford, home of Jona-
than Shipley, i, 23; ix, 277 n.; x, 252.

Chimneys: 1, X28, 129, 131; ii, 267;
iv, 122, X 24-126; V, X07-X10, 18^,
190; ix, 317; how to construct, xii,
461-470; how to contract, v, 234,
235; a kitchen oven, iv, ^91; Con-
sumption of Smoke (F.), j, 61; see
On the Causes and Cure of Smoky
Chimneys.

China: hi, 135; iv. 60, 187; ix, 247,
404; northwest passage to, ii, 278 n.;
compass known m, viii, 247; A Letter
from, ix, 200-208, 366; the great wall
iv, 41 ; silk culture, v, 229, 336; cara-
vance soup, 246; rice culture, 443;
how census is taken, vi, X38.

China vase, British Empire compared
to a, vi, 460; ix, XIO and n.

Church of England, i, 231; ii, 47; iv,
237, 325. 3.93; V, X33, 207, 309. 400.
401, 402; IX, 180, 2^0-240, to3. 607:
see Toleration in Old England and
New England, Preface to an Abridge-
ment of the Book of Common Prayer.

Church of Ireland, ix, 239.

Church of Rome, ix, x8o, 303, 607.

Cincinnati, Society of the, ix, 161-168,
270. I2f^\ X. 154 and n.

Cinmie Ports of Great Britain, iii, 235.

Cisalpine Republic, founding of, i, X2;
x,36r.

City watch (Philadelphia), reformed by
B. F., i, ^52-353.

Civita Veccnia, x, 345.

Claim of the Colonies to an Exemftion
from Internal Taxes imposes by
Authority of Parliament, examined in
a Letter from a Gentleman in London
to a friend in America, The, x, 234.

Clapham^ vi, x^5.

Clocks, Franklin's or Ferguson's, i, <a,
53; clock with three wheels, ix, 316.

Clubs: the Junto, i, 89, 128, 298, 306,
3.", 321, 338, 343, 349, 350, 353. 371 ;
n.88n.; m, 304 n.. 431.456, 45®; iv.
96, J 86, 410; X, x6o; at the London
Cofiee-house, ix, 255; Merchaats*

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

593

ivery Night, i, 30 x: Hell-fire, ii, 49
I.; X, X50; Witty Club (Gloucester),

. 390-

al: ii, 371-372; iii, 361-364, ^88,

^66; vi, aaa; ix, 434; On the Na-
ur e of Sea Coolly, 55a; descent into
% mine at White haven, 409, 55a; idle
mine at Xx>uisburgh, iv, 344.
>ck.-now-wa»-roonan Mountains, v,
482.

>ld, produced by evaporation^ i, 69-
70; iii, 384. 446-450, 464; IV, 132,
192; congelation of quicksilver, iv, loi.
◦ LDs: iv, 289; viii, 546; causes ofj i,
122-124; ii, a5x-253, 265, 268, 270,
271; iv, no; v, 219; vi, 26, 61, 91,
92, loi; ix, 436, 437; catarrhs, i,
119; ii, 265 and n.; moist seasons
the healthiest, vi, 139, 140; conta-
gious colds, i, 34, 1x9, 123; vi, xoo;
power of infection, viii, 287 and n.;
what is called catching cold, see
Preparatory Notes and Hinis . . .
Concerning.
Zollection of Fads interspersed with
Observations on the Nature, Causes
and Cure of the Yellow Fever, A
(Ruston), viii, 151 n.
Collection of State Papers (Hutchin-
son's), v, 297 n., 360 and n.
Colleges: Bowdoin, ix, 478 n.; Carlisle,
\ni\ College of France, vi, 59 n.;
Haverford, v, 443 n.; ix, 663 n. ;
Dartmouth, i, 209; ix, X5 n. ; Dick-
inson, i, 209, 2x0; of New Jersey, see
Princeton University; King's (now
Columbia), iii, x6 n. ; of Physician^,
Philadelphia, x, 489; of Physicians
(Edinburgh), iii, 104 n.; iv, i n.;
of Rhode Island, see Brown Univer-
sity; William and Mary, ix, 357 n.;
X, 207 n.
Coin (Lancashire), iii, X20.
Colonics, American, i, 15: movement
for independence, 2x; literature in
the, 42; IV, 84, 154; currency of the,
i* i39i 140, 142; growth of manufac-
tures, X43; iv, 83, 244; V, xox, 327;
F. proposes a Plan of Union, i, 157,
387-389. 393; early printers, 250;
Whitefield s preaching, 355; the post-
ofBce in the, 386; iv, 2, 101-105,
315; X, 174; Braddock's opinion
of militia, i, 400, 401, 403; Lou-
doun's embargo, 428; authority of
the Assemblies, 435; iii, 370-377;
iv, 236, 238, 3^6, 357; V, 358, 359;
VI, 82; cost of the, IV, 8, 401; m,
280; vi, 413; condition of the poor,
V, 123, 362; X, 252; new settlements,
iii, 358-^66; V, 67, 68, 469, 476; vi,
33; rights and liberties of, X96,
VOL. X — 2 Q

2^8, 280 ; disputes with Great Britain,
i". 377; V, 21, 33, 25, 26, 29, 41, 75.
78-89, 90, 97. 99, xos, ixo, XXI, XX4,
127, X28, X60-X64, 205, 206-2x8,
222, 238-2441 252* 28a, 285, 286, 290,
292; VI, x-3, 77, 78, X48, X5X, 206-218,
229, 345, 441. 442; ix, 296; X, 246.

Colours, produced b3r vibrations in
ether, iii, 85; experiments with, iv,
IX4-XX6, 380.

Columbia (Pa.), iv, 57 n.

Columbian Magazine, i, 25 ; ix, 533 n.,

534.

Commenlaire sur le livre des Delits et
des Peines (Voltaire), iv, 268 n.

"C^ommission Book, The" (post-office),
i, xiii; x, 176.

Committee of (x>rrespondence in Massa-
chusetts, vi, 196, 263, 264, 26c, 26^.

Committee of Foreign Affairs, The, vii,
154 n., 219 n., p24 n.

Committee of Safety, vi, 409; ix, 696.

Committee of Secret Correspondence,
vii, 3x n., 32 n.; x, 203.

Common Council of Philadelphia,
B. F. chosen to, i, 374.

Commons, House of, i, 19, 127, 142,
435; iii, 2x0, 372; iv, 273, 332, 357,
410, 4x2, 420; V, x6, 80, 88, X3S, 252;
vi, 192, 224, 225, 302, 304, 305, 311,
315. 316, 371; viii, 166, 320j 335 n.,
397-398, 460, 46X, 464; IX. X46;
see also Examination of Doctor Franks
lin in the House of Commons. ^

Common Sense (Paine), vi, 440; ix, 562,

565, 567-
Comparison of Great Britain and the

United States in Regard to the Basis

of Credit in the two Countries (F.), i,

xviii, 146; vii, x and n.

Comparison of the Conduct of the
Ancient Jews and of the Ant i- Feder-
alists in the United States of America
(F.), ix, 698.

Compass, known to the ancients, viii,
247; ix, 399; variation of, 557; see
also Quenes and Conjectures Relating
to Magnetism. . . .

Concord (U.S. ship), vii, 201 n.

Concord, Battle of, vi, 400 and n.; x,
286.

Conegocheeg (Pa.}, iii, 260.

Conestoga (Pa.), 11, 3x1; iv, 290, 292,

293. 295-
Confederacy (shipV viii, 3 and n., 17, ;j4.

Confederacy of Neutral Powers, viii,

77, 82, 94, xox.

Confessions (Rousseau), i, 43; x, 445.

Congregation de Propaganda Fidei, x,

349-
Congress, U.S., i, 146, X82, 201, 204;

vi, 240, 243, 245, 247, 250. 252, 254,

594

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

3". 315. li^y 352, 408, 420 n., 426 n.,
431-433. 436, 437. 43S, 442, 443.
446, 448 n., 451, 456; viii, 92. 117,
118, lai, 124, 141, 148, aio, 375, 569,
609, 637 n.; ix, 38, 288, 336, 337,
499; X, 6, 490, 492 and n.; petition
to the king, i, 7; vi, 302, 305, 315,
343. 344. 349. 354; depreciation oi
currency, i, 141; president of
(Griffin), viii, 39 n. ; drafts upon B. F.,
viii, 139, 140, 274; secretary of, iv,
389 n.; presents sword to Lafayette,
vii, 370, 371; issues- paper money,
viii, 151; scheme for coining, ix,
588; Chatham's opinion of, vi, 350;
X, 283; B. F. elected to, vi, 400, 403;
vii, 49; X, 286, 287, 290, 291; pro-
pose a treaty with France (1776). vi,
477; motion to recall B. F., viii, 204;
sUliance with France, 208; B. F.
lends to, ix, 635; case of Captain
Asgill, viii, 572. 573; vagrancy of,
ix, 260; establishes consulates, 389;
wisdom of, 535; acting under Con-
stitution, X, 52, 60, 66; treating with
Lord Howe, 298; sends B. F. to
France, 301; see also Vindication
andmOffer from Congress to Parlia-
ment, Articles of Confederation and
Perpetual Union, Correspondence and
Interview with Lord Howe.

Conjecture as to the Cause of the Heat
of the Blood, A (F.), ii, 468.

Conjectures Concerning the Formation
of the Earth (F.), viii, 597.

Connaught, iv, 72.

Connecticut, ii, 311, 323; iii, 195, 206,
207 n., 211, 225, 235, 246, 303,
362; iv, 41, 468; vi, 58; viii, 596
IX, 2CI, 329, 478, 544; B. F. con-
templates removing to, i, 162; iii,
278; B. F. opens a printing-house,
165; iv, 249; religion in, 185;
manufactures, v, 116; burning of
towns, vii, 382.

Connecticut River, vi, 80.

Connection (Prideaux), x, 153 n.

Connoisseur, The, iii, 434.

Conoy-uck-suck-roona Mountains, v,
482.

Considerations upon the Order of the
Cincinnati (Burke), x, 354 and n.

Constitution of the United States, ix,
618, 637; X, 86, 477 and n.; diffi-
culty of the task, ix, 612, 619;
adoption of, 638, 657, 658; x, 7,
52, 60, 66, 6q, 70; two chambers
not necessary, ix, 645; term of
Presidential office, 666. 674; disputes
concerning the, 665, 676; conserva-
tism of, X, 60.

Constitutional Convention, ix, 586, 604,

612, 637; X, 298, 449, 477. and »•.
478, 479, 487; opinions conceniing
its defects, ix, 564, 570, 574; see also
Speech in the Convention; On the
Subject of Salaries^ Proposal for Con-
sideration in the Convention . . ,,
Speech in a Committee of the Con-
vention; On the Proportion of Rep-
resentation and Votes, Motion for
Prayers in the Convention^ Speech
in the Convention at the Conclusion of
its Deliberation.
Constitutions, Book of, viii, 534;
printed by Picrres in France, ix, 27,
28; translated by La Rochefoucauld,

^71-

Consta'htinople, 1, 117; iv, 63; viii

490; X, 403.
Constellation (U.S. frigate), ix, 365 n.
Consuls, vii, 326, 341. 355; vtii, 138,

212, 308, 331, 367 and n., 588, 592;

ix, 33; 2J^. 289.
Conte (P.), 1, 185; X, 123.
Convicts, exportation to the colonies,

iii, 45-48; v, 86-87, 214, 215-216.
"Conway cabal," vii, 266 n.
Cook's Voyages, vii, 242 n.; ix, aoo,

241, 258, 509-510; X, 44, 350 and n.
Cool Thoughts on the Present SittuUiom

of our Public Affairs (F.), i, 154;

iv, 226-241, 377 n.; X, 216.
Copenhagen, vii, 274; viii, 388; ix, 64.
Copley medad, iii, 73 n.; v. 69-71.
Copper, mines of, lii, 1,2; roofing with,

v, 250, 251, 266, 306; currency, vii,

381, 382; viii, 646.
Copper-plate engravings for earthen-
ware, vi, 14^-150.
Copying machine, viii, 303 ; x, 480.
Cork, i, 204; viii, 187.
Cornelia (Capt. Smith), iii, 483.
Corn Spirits, iv, 271; v, 555.
Cornwall, i, 76; vi, 218.
Corogne, viii, 14.
Correlation and Conservation of Force

(Youmans), quoted, i, 67.
Correspondence and Interview with

Lord Howe, vi, 45^7; x, 29S-299.
Correspondence, Secrete et inMiie^ vii,

27 n.
Correspondence of William Cowper

(Wnght), viii, 448 n.
Corsica, i, 207; vii, 83.
Corsicans, x, 65.
Corunna, viii, 13.
Cotswold wool, ii, 60.
Cotton, culture of, v, 503.
Countess of Scarborough (English man-
of-war), iv, 180 n.; vii, 390, $qq;

viii, 6, 87, 91, 226; ix, 174.
Courrier de bas Rhin, i, 146; viii, 8j n.,

94 n.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

595

urrier de F Europe, i, 76; viii, 287,
i9o; w, 320; X, 321.
irt Expose de ce qui est passe entre
2 Cour Britannique et les Colonies , Lr,

i. 432.

/entry, iii, 453.

vcs, n, 56, 57, 60, 61, 64; iii, 423;

«, 352. 360, 365. 368, 369; X, 460,

68, 469, 470.

ven Street Gazette (F.), v, 272-280.

%'en Street Letter Book, i, 6, 7.

iition (Blackmore), ii, 95.

mona, Italy, i, 12; vii, 91, 92; viii,

og n.

ninal law, ix, 1-2; see also On the

riminal Laws and the Practice oj

rivaleering.

teal Review^ iv, 247 n.

wn Point, i, 392; iv, 44, 45.

wn soap, iii, 402-403 ; ix, 480, 498,

>7. 508, 522, 540; X, 143.

a, V, 46; X, 255.

oden, ii, 298 n.; viii, 335 n.

iberland (England), i, 63.

iberiand County (Pa.), i, 396.

iva River, iii, 364.

D

?estan, iv, 302.

y Advertiser (London), v, 90 n.

y Universal Register^ The (Lon-

n), ix, 193 n.

villiers, cur6 of, i, 118.

jhin, birth of, viii, 321, 577, 586.

s (ship), iii, 195.

(England), ii, 54.

(ship), vii, 330.
K-rate in Manchester and Morton
139.

, National, of the United States, ix,
;, IQ2, 213, 288, 496, 559, 578, 586,
\ ; see also Of the Paper Money of
United States.

iration of Independence, i, 38, 166;
450, 455 n., 456, 464; viii, 322 n.,

n. ; ix, 152 n., 523, 548, 578; x, 297.

ration of Rights, iv, 441, 445.

ratory Act, vi, 312.

te arm Fall of the Roman Empire

bbon), ii, 237 n.

bribus btliosis putridis (Ruston),

151 n.
re of the American Constitution
ams), ix, 585.
r. Afaril. Angl., ii, 290.
FeliciU Publique (Chastellux),

416 n.

laine. Repository, x, 230.
are (state), i, 258; ix, 406, 598;
70.

Delaware River, i, 265; iii, 172, 173,
376; iv, 28, 102, 103, 112, 241; viii,
11; ix, 491; X, 479-

Dell' hleUricismo Artificiale e Naturale^
Libri Due, di Giovambaltista Bee-
caria, iii, 22^, 260 and n.

Delph-ware Tiles (Dutch), vi, 150.

DeU Uplita, dei Condultori electrici
(Landriani), ix, 617.

Demerara, viii, 146 n.

Demonstration of the Being of a God
(Archbishop of Cambray), ii, 96.

Denmark, ii, 265 n.; vii, 422; viii, 80,
400, 481; ix, 133, 239, 337, 362; X,
347* 353 > reclaiming prizes seized by
Court of, viii, 19, 22, 41, 75. 76, 87,
90, 126, 150, 384; ix, 65, 135; com-
plaints from, viii, 552; American
treaty with, ix, 49, 64, 67-70, 97,
III, 132, 192, 211, 225, 288, 464; x,

357.

Density of the Earth, i, 63, 199: see also
Conjectures concerning the Formation
of the Earth, Queries and Conjectures
Relating to Magnetism and the Theory
of the Earth.

Derbent, iv, 302.

Derby (England), i, 31, 54, 56; vi,
215; vui, 597: IX, 532.

"Derby dilly,^' 1, 56.

Derwent water (England), i, 63.

Description of an Instrument for taking
down Books from high shelves, ix, 483.

Description of A New Stave for Burning
of Pitcoai, and consuming all its
smoke (F.), ix, 443. 5°^ 535. 536.

Description of East Florida, with a
Journal kept by John Bartram, A
(Stork), V, 246 n.

Deserts, coldness of nights in, viii, 242.

Detroit (Mich.), v, 502. 512, 515, 516.

Dialogue Between Britain, France,
Spain, Holland, Saxony, and America,
A, vii, 82 n.; x, 315.

Dialogue between Franklin and the Gout
(F.), i. 185, 186; viii, 154, 162 n.;
X, 414-

Dialogue Between Philocles and Ho^
ratio. Meeting accidentally in the
Fields, Concerning Virtue and Pleas-
ure, i, 343; ii, V, 157-170.

Dialogues on Education, Hutcheson's,
ii, 387 n.; David Fordyce's, iii, 133.

Dialogue of X.Y.Z. (F.), i, 154, 163, 407,
414; iii, 307-320.

Diaries, M. Cutler's, x, 478; Jeffries's, i,
xviii; Ezra Stiles's, i,^86 n.; Fanny
Burney's, ix, 256 n.; Crabbe Robin-
son's, X, 20^ and n.

Dickinson (ship), vii, 22.

Dictionnaire ^Agriculture (I'Abbe Ro-
zier), X, 34.

596

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

Dictionaries, Ainsworth's, ii, 398, 366;
Chambers's, 155, 375; Coles's, 301;
Dyche's, 30 x; Garaener's, iii, 396;
Johnson's, 263, 279; Abb6 de Pelli-
zer's, i, ao6; Perry's Pronouncing,
ao6.

Dictionary of National Biography, vii,
256 n.^ ix, S4C n.

Dieppe, 1, 316.

Dignity of Man, The; A Discourse
addressed to the Congregation in
Franklin upon Occasion of their
receiving from Dr. Franklin the
Mark of hts Respect in a rich Dona^
tion of Books, appropriated to the
Use of a Parish Library (Emmons),
ix, 30X n.; X, 482.

Dijon, iii, 270; ix. r57, 573.

Directions For Discovering Whether The
Power That Gives The Shock In
Touching The Torpedo Or The
Gymnotus Of Surinam is Electrical
Or Not (F.). V. 5^9.

Directions For The Drawing Out The
Tone From The Glasses of The
Armonica, Some, vii, 438.

Discours en vers, addresse aux . . .
Soldatesdes . . . Armees Americaines
(Chastellux), ix, 567 n.

Discourses on Natural Religion and
Social Virtues (Foster), iii, 90.

Discourses on Personal Religion (Sten-
net), ix, 300.

Disease of Wheat (Fontana), vi, X41.

Disquisitions on Medicines which dis-
solve the Stone, in which Dr. Chit-
tick* s Secret is considered and dis-
covered (Blackrie), ix, 339 and n.

Disquisitiones politicae (^uirius), vii,
169 n.

Dissertation on the Laws of Lycurgus
(Mathon de la Cour), ix, 362.

Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity,
Pleasure and Pain, A, i, 377, 396;
ii, vi; vii, 411 and n.; x, X54.

Dissertations on the English Language
(Webster),i,39;v,i74n.,i78n.;x,75.

Dissertation sur la Nyctalopie, ix, 666.

Dnieper River, iv, 60.

Dogood Papers, \, x, 166, 167, 246,

347; ", v», 1-49-
Dominiaue, viii, 634.
Donegal! (Pa.)> massacre at, iv, 310;

X, 315.
Don Pedro (ship), ii, 361.
Don Quixote, viii, 336.
Don River, iv, 60.
Douglas, Scottish Tragedy (Home), iv,

3 and n.
Douglas's Summaries, iii, 343, 364.
Dover (England), ii, 54; v, 48, 49*.

viii, 630; ix, 133, 336, 370, 371, 333.

Downs, ii, 54; ix, 369, 370; x, 470.

Drafts, the game of, ii, 57.

Drake (English ship), vii, 155, 318;

viii, 334.
Dresden, destruction of, vi, 419.
Dropsy, remedy for the, i, 118, 119.
Drowned flies, resuscitation of, i, 134;

vi, 4a. 43-

Dry belly ache, see Lead poisoning.

Dublin, iv, 466; v, 379; viii, 65, 103,
307; ix, 360.

Dublin Journal, x, 80.

Duchesse de Grammont (ship), vii« 184.

Du Gouvernement des Moeurs (PoUier),
ix, t36.

Duhalde, on silk culture, v, ^36.

Duke of Leinster (ship), vui, 186; x,
346.

Dumfries, iv, 85.

Duna River, iv, 60.

Dunciad (Pope), i, 273, 433; ii, 342 n.

Dungannon, ix, 103.

Dunkers, i, 368, 369.

Dunkirk, vii, 303, 388, 389; viii, 70 n.

^75. 103. 38a. SS2, 57^, 634; X, 395.

Dutch, the, iv, 298; viu, 303, 248, 342,
S^S. 646; ix, 170, 396; X, 317; ces-
sion of New Netherlands, iv, 40;
an election in Pennsylvania, x, 341;
exchange of prisoners in Holland,
viii, 327; American loans in Holland,
i, 146; viii, 386, 388, «83. 583, 639;
X. 377. 378. 397; "Palatine boors,"
iii, 73; renewal of English treaty, viii,
434; Dutch wit, iii, 98; war with
England, x, 341.

Dutcn East India Company, viii, 514.

Dwina River, iv, 59.

Eagle (ship^, viii, 636.
Earl of Halifax (packet), z, 176.
Earl of Leicester (packet), x, 176.
E^arthquakes, causes of, u, 655; B. F.'s

essay on, i, 54; ii, v; at Lisbon, i,

104.
East India, i, 75; iii, 69; iv, 106; v,

3x0; vi, 74; viii, 491, 5x2; ix, 17,

674; X.3S7-
East India Company, iv. 391^; v^ 167, 381 ;

vi, 161, 356; X, 376; smkinfi; of the
stock of, V, 456, 457, 459; VI, 2, 13,
19, 33, 397, 4x3; bill for demolishing
power 01, IX, 146; act authorizing the
exportation of tea duty free, vi, 134,
iSx, 153, X77, 374; F. suggests com-
pensation to, X79; purchase of
prisoners, vii, 73.
Easton (Pa.), Indian warfare, iii, 326,
34x> 343f 345i 456; x,x85.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

597

sy HOI (Birmingham), home of John
Saskerville, vi, 126.
THomicai Project, An, ix, 183.
:oaomics (Johnson), iii, 6a.
momisteSf vii, 4 x 3, and see also Physio-
rats.
:on (Northamptonshire), i, aaS, aag;

ii, 45a; X, 144. X4S. 146.

dystone lighthouse, vi, 157 n.

enton, viii, 79 n., k$2.

i£/ by the King of Prussia, An (F.),

ix, 172, 173; vi, ix8-xa4, las n.,
45, 146, 152.
ct of Nantes, iv, 63.
nburgh, i, 71; iv, 123, i«a, 382;
, 401 ; X, 254; Lord Kames^s house,

128; V, 107; its citizens argumenta-
ve, i, 240; its In&rmary, iv, 2;
niversity honours, x, 276; schoob of
tedicine, iv, xi6, laa, 372; v, 387;
eedom of the city conferred on F.,
, 201, 203.

nburgh. University of, v, 17 and n.,
}6 n.; X, aox, ao3, ao4 ana n.
nburgh Courant, vi, 292, 293.
nburgh Medical Essays (X743), iii,
)4 n.

tburgh Philosophical and Literary
ssays^ iv, 132 n.

cation of a Young Gentleman, Trea*
;e on the (Walker), ii, 387 n.
Ksrd ^British war vessel), viii, 370 n.
Haroour (N.J.), iii, 396.
pt, iv, 60, 193 J IX, 699, 70a; X, 116.
pi (Norden), iii, 483.
live Franchises Enjoyed By The
nail Boroughs in England, On The,
.), ix, 340 and n.
rical Experiments on Amber {¥.),

x6a.
rical Progress since 1743 (Prof,
jorge F. Barker), i, 88 n.
ricity, see On The Shoch By The
fctric Bottle, and the Density of

2SS.

ricity, i, 53; ui. 52, 60, 98, 352-
4; V, 94, X65, 542; experiments
ih Leyden jar, i, 34, 4x7-421; ii,
3-332, 454-456; V, 186; the elcc-
phore, vii, 50; viii, «2j F. com-
mented by Louis XV, 1, 47; iii,
%, 125; identity of lightning and,
;o; experiments, 87-1x3; iii, 247-
J; iv, I3i-i49,.2i8. 219; ix, 45,
first interest in, i. 374; recog-
ion by Harvard and Yale, i, 386 n. ;
use of points in discharging, ii, ^02-
> ; recognition of the Royal Society,
; ; phenomena of thunder gusts, 394-
; properties of electrical matter,
;-454; iii, 34-39, 82-85; cause and
ret of lightning, 7-9, 73"76f ^69-

a7a; accident while making experi-
ment, 3a-34; use of sulphur globe,
78-81; experiment with kite, i, 100,
loi, IXC n.; iii, 99, xoo; controversy
with Nollet, i, 14, x6, 4x0, 420; ih,
xo^, X06, 192, 193, aao; direction of
ligntning, X47, 148; lightning rods,
i48-x6a, 441; V. 5S-6o, 138, X39;
speed of electric spark, iiii 17X-X75;
electrical state of the. clouds, 194;
apparatus, 436, 437; v, 394-396;
vx, 142; vii, ^o, 51; experiments with
the tourmalme, iii, 479-48a; shock
given by the torpedo, v, C39, 540; vi,
220; experiment on amber, iv, 162-
164; theory of magnetism, 250,
251; electricity of fogs, 45X-454;
Beccaria's theories, 457-459; ren-
dering meat tender, vi, 44-47; ex-
Ssriments on glass, 52-54; Aurora
orealis, 221; Volta's experi-
ments, vii, 49, 50; the electrometer,
aaa n.; iv, 134; animals killed by
lightning, ix, 108, X09; treatment ol
paralysis and epilepsy, 308, 309;
Experiments ana Observations on
Electricity, i, 15-X7; electrical treat-
ment for parafysis, iii, 425-427: ix,
308, 309, 656; X, 85; su also Pow-
der Magannes; Experiments, Ob-
servations, and Facts Tending to the
Support of the Utility of Long
Pointed Rods, . . . ; Attempt to ex-
plain the effect of Lightning on the
Vane of the steeple of a cnurch in
Cremona; Queries on electricity
from Dr. Ingenhoust; with answers
oy Dr. Franklin.
Electrical Experiments, March 14,

X755 (^•)» "*♦ **7- , _,

Electrtcity and Matter (J. J. Thomson),
i, ^6 n.

Elegiac poetry, ii, 21-25.
Elements of Criticism (Lord

Karnes), iv.

^ n., 120, X75, 377.
EliMobeth (English merchantman), iv,

304.
Elizabethtown (N.J.), iv, 103, 104, 105,

202; vii, 314 n.
FJoge of Franklin (Condorcet), iii, 45;

X, 492.
Eloge de M. FHopital (Condorcet), vii,

68.
Eloquence of the Pulpit (James Fordyce),

iii, 133-
Enabling Act, viii, 526, 538, 54a, 554,

556. 579-
Encyclopedia (French), ix, 573.

Encyclopedia or Dictionary of Arts and
Sciences (French), ix, 664.

Endeavour (British ship, voyage to South
Pole), v, 394 n.; is, 207.

598

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

English language, purity of, i, 39-43.
Engraving, new art of, vi, 140-151.
Ephemera^ An Emblem of Uuman Life

^F.), i, 184; vii, 306 and n., 309 n.;

viii, 99 n., 100; X, 408.
Ephemerides de Citoyen, v, 340 n., 405,

409, 534.

Epigrams, i, xo8, xaa, 130, 131; Bal-
zac's, 44; Turgot's, 47, 197-198;
viii, 313, 214; X, 361; Condamine's,
ix, 181 n., 183.

Epilogue to the Satires (Pope), i, 346.

Epistle of Brutus, discovery of, viii,
98.

Epitaphs, see Dogood Papers; on Miss
Gcorgiana Shipley's squirrdL, v, 439;

vi, 16, 17.

Equinoctial-France, iv, 78.
Erasmuses Colloquies^ ix, 306.
Erika, or Purists, x, 87, 88, 91.
Escurial Library, viii, 98.
Esopus (N.Y.), viii, 625; x, 110.
r Esprit de Lois^ viii, 43 n.
Essai sur les Jardins (Watelet), viii, 100.
Essay on Field Husbandry in New Eng-

land^ An (Elliot), i, 83; ii, 383 and n.
Essay on Inoculation for the Small Pox

(Ruston), viii, 151 n.
Essay on Milton's Use and Imitation of

the Moderns in his Paradise Lost, An

(Lauder), iii, 93.
Essay on Perfumes (F.), i, w, v««,

369 n.; ix, 100 n.
Essay on Population (Malthus), i, 14^.
Essa^ on Population of England (Price),

viii, 153 n.
Essay on Projects (Defoe), i, 36, 338;

X, 148.
Essay on Public Men, ii, v.
Essay on Self-Denial, ii, v.
Essay on Taxes and Contributions (Sir

William Petty), i, 146.
Essay on True Happiness, ii, v.
Essay on the Cold produced by Evapo-

rating Fluids (Cullen), iv, i^a n.
Essay on The Drunkards Dictionary,

ii, V.
Essay on the first Principles of Gov-
ernment (Priestley), v, 239.
Essay on the Method of Study (Johnson),

iii, 62.
Essay on the most effectual means of

Preserving the Health of Seamen in

the Royal Navy, An (Lind), v, 219 n.
Essay on the Natural History of Guiana

(PMward Bancroft), vii, 142 n.
Essay on the Usefulness of Mathematics,

ii, V.
Essay on The Waste of Life, ii, v.
Essays, of Arthur Scnuster, i, xx; of

U. Thomson, xx; Sir Oliver
je, XX ; of William Garnett,

xx; of Benjamin Rush on Climates,

117.
Essays and Observations, Physical and

Literary, iv, 127 n.
Essays on Electricity (Ellicot), ii, 438 n.
Essays on Government (Geoi^ Webbe),

i, xi, 171; ii, V.
Essays on the Old Benchers of the Inner

Temple (Lamb), v, 406 n.
Essay upon the Causes of the different

Colours of People in different Climates,

ii, 293 n.
Essays, Watts', ii, 397.
Etampes, i, 6.
Ethics, Elementa (Johnson), iii, 37.

Ethnology, i, 53» 85, 199.

Etudes de la Nature (St. Pierre), vii, 61 n.

Euxine Sea, v, 34.

Evaporation of rivers, iv, xxx-xi6.

Every Night Club, i, 301.

Examination of Dr. Benjamin Franklin
In The British House Of Commons.
Relative To The Repeal Of The
American Stamp Act In 1760, The,
iv, 4x3-448; V, x6, 42, 231 and n.;
X, 229-23^.

Exercise, F. s opinion of, v, 41 x, 4x3;
see also Swimming ; Preparatory
Notes and History . . . Concerning

* What is Called Catching Cold, Art of
Procuring Pleasant Dreams.

Experiences sur les Vegetaux (Ingen-
housz), vi, X4x; viii, 33 n., 3XX n.

Experiment towards discovering more
of t)u Qualities of the Electric Fluid,
An (F.), iii, 38.

Experiments and Observations on Elec-
tricity, i, 15 and n.

Experiments and Observations on Ani-
mal Heat, and the Inflammation oj
Combustible Bodies (Crawford), vii,
4x3 and n.

Experiments in Inoculation (Watson),

V, lOI.

Experiments, Observations, and Facts,
Tending To Support The Opinion Of
The Utility Of Lon^, PoinUd Rods,
For Securing Buildings From Dam-
age By Strokes of Lightning (F.), v,
430.

Experiments on Air (Priestley), i, 62,
X37 n.; V, yx n.; vi, 226.

Exforting of Felons to the Colonies (F.),
"i, 45-

Fable of the Bees, The (MandevUle). i.

278 n.
Fable of the Snake, x, 57.
Fables (Croxall), ii, 301; iii, 33.
Facsimiles (Stevens's), i, sox n.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

599

' Penitent (Rowe), ii, 23$.

• Play (American brigantine), viii,

3. «05-

field, burning of, vii, 400 n., 401 ;

i, 625; X, no.

y (English sloop), x, 37a.

?/ Egypt, The, Oratono of (Hawkes-

rth), iv, 194 n.

of Niagara, iii, ^63 ; iv, 369.

outh (England), B. F. nearly

?cked off, I, 76, 433, 433; packet

vice to America, ix, 394. 395;

75; iii, 419; «. 148, 336; x, 197.

>uth (New England), viii, 635;

10.

iar Letters and Miscellaneous

>ers of Benjamin Franklin, etc.

irks), ii, 87 n.

y Instructifr (Defoe), i, 351.

y of WiUiam Penn, The (Jen-

), iv, 106 n.

>ay), Nogaret's criticism of, viii,

:^ General (collectors of revenue),
'7» 518, 538, «3.
's Letters (Dickinson), v, 78 n.,
md n., 193, 331 and n.; x, 343.
' (privateer), viii, 13.
Gazette^ x, 54 n., 87.
Fables t ii, 301.
t (ship|, viii, 75.
: B. F. cures Earl of Buchan,
and n.; cause of, ii, 353, 365;
^ 293. 379; and ague. iii. 19;
^ to John Adams, viii, 317; hot
:old fits, ii, 468-470; B. F.
{ from intermittent fever, i, 63;
?-42o; vi, 338; putrid fevers,
3n in Russia, x, 351 ; prison dis-
r, vi, 40; fresh-air treatment,
lalignant and infectious, viii,

6a.

erique (man of war), viii, xo6,

" (silk society in Philadelphia),
.; X. 277.

of France (Neckar), ix, 386.
Lion of, iii, 86; B. F.'s disser-
v\,T,^\\ iv, 159-181; natureof,
390; iv. 143, 144; vii, 386 n.;
Cullen's theory of, iv, 116,
estruction by, ix, 613; fire
ies. i, 353. 354; protecting
rrom, 353, 354; ii, 305-308;
f^>«. 305-307; viii, 346, 347;

theory of, i, 68; conduction

iii, 187, 188; see also Protec-

Touvns from Fire^ Loose

s on a {Universal Fluid, Ac-

thr New-InverUed Pennsyl-
\re-Places,

Fire-places, iii, 461-470; iv, 133-136;
V, 109-110; ix, 43, 440-463; see also
Account of the Nrw-Invenied Pennsyl-
vania Ftre-Places^ Description of a
New Stove for Burning of Pit Coal.

Fisheries: i, 148; v, 87, 333, 46(^-471,
474, 503./ vi, 308, 309, 316; vii, 335,
336; viii, 138; ix, 61; guaranteeing
the, viii, 615, 6^3, 634, 648; x, 394;
censure of B. F. concerning the, ix,
91, 93 n., 95.

Flamstead House, Maskelyne's resi-
dence, V, 336.

Flanders, iv, 62, no, 133, 185, 188; v,
63; ix, 70,697.

Flax, 1, 15; u, 310; IV, 434; V, 503;
viii, 610.

Flora (ship), viii, 65, loi, 103, 106.

Florence, iv, 63; vii, 317, 318.

Florence flask, experiment of the, iv,

^33* 136.

Florida, i, 57; iii, 173; v, 113, 116,
339 n., 470* 491. 49a, 504. 508; 509,
513, 514, 523 n.i. vi, 355, 425. 453;
vii, 100, 151; viii, 491, 634; X, 177,
391, 333; B. F. advises against emi-
gration to, V, 151 ; motives for settle-
ment of, 470; Spanish success at
Pensacola, viii, 303, 309; cession
to England, x, 176.

Fluids, surface tension of, i, 50-53,
63-65; iv, 177-179; vi, 153-165.

Fluxions, ii, 341 n., 289, 393, 323, 334 n.

Flying Horse (shipj, x, 151.

Fontainebleau, the Court at, ix, 1 1 1, 1^3.

Fonthill collection, iv, 408 n. ; viii,
596 n.

Foods, Lenery on, ii, 301, ^95.

Ford Collection (N.Y.), viii, 367 n.

Forton Prison, near Portsmouth, where
American prisoners were detained,
vii, 161; ix, 72.

Forts: Allen, iii. 377; x, 184; Beaude-
jour, V, 210; Constitution, vii, 33;
Cumberland, v, 506; Detroit, iv, 313,
314, 440; V, 68; DuQuesne, i, 158,
400, 401, 405, 416; iv, 44, 4S;.v, 9a,
3x6, 317; X, 184; Frontenac, i, 400;
v, 310; George, i, 437, 428; Inde-

Emdence, vii, 32; Island, viii, 60 n.;
ee, vii, 32; Louis, viii, 370; Niag-
ara, v, 113; Oswego, 113; Pitt (Du-
qucsnc), 113, 497. 499; «. 648;
Stanwix, v, 480, 486, 487, 488, 489,
521, 522; Washington, vii, 33;
William Henry, v, 311.

Fox's Martyrs, friends of C. J. Fox who
had lost their places, x, 357.

France: i, i, 5, 7, 9, 12, 32, 40, 112,
114, 146, 1^6, 197, 200, 202, 361,
386, 393; in, 70, 334, 31Q, 359, 483;
IV, 39, 40, 46, 47. 50. 57. 61, 63, 65,

6oo

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

7a» 73. 79. 89. 97, i97. ax3. m^ a67.
374, 40a, 413, 440; V, 66, 115, laa,
X37» 164, aoi, aia, 2^-j, 331, 338,
«S4. 331; ▼>{ 33. "9. 416. 440, 454,
474, 475 ; vii, XQ, ao, 3a, 33, 41, 44,
57, 7a. 73, 74. 8a-86. 109, laa, 133,
' 150. IS*, »5a. ^58, »95. »96, 216, aa4,
a35. »36. a4i. a74, 280, a86, aQa, 306,
309, 311, 333, 334. 329, 3^5. 366. 370,
38a, 390, 399, 403; viii, 3, 14, 24,
%S, a6, 66, 67. 70, 77, 8x. 91, X03, xo6,
ia7, ia8, 13a, 17a, 173, 175, i8a, 186,
187, ao8, aio, aia, ai9, aas, aa6, aa7,
aa8, 339, a6o, a64, 379, a8o, a8i, a90,
323. 3*4, 33a. 359. 360, 361, 364, 367.
368, 381, 38a, 463, 470. 477, 48X,
487, 489, 490, 491. 498, 506. 570.
574, 575. 578; «, 6. 87. 34, 35, 51, 61,
76, 9a, 95, laa, X36, 166, 167, 19a,
a34, 350, a69, a8o. 396, 337, 338, 357,
368, 396, 413, 433, 433. 460, 463, 48a,
486. SOI, 507, 509, 534. 535, 535. 537.
554. 556. 575. 593. 604, 613, 616, 6ai,
634, 631, 634, 636, 639 n., 644, 648,
650, 664, 665, 666, 67a, 686, 687,
690, 693, 696, 697; X, 43. 48, 77, 79,
89, 338, 373, 394, 395, 310, 311, 313,
330, 331, 333, 333, 338, 339, 333, 333,

335. 347. 348, 349. 350. 353. 359. 3<^3,
367, 368, 374, 403, 406, 440, 4<3, 459,

464, 491, 493, 494, 498, ^00; balloon
aacensions, 1, 78, 79; ix, 479, 480,
57a; Americanistes in, i, 85; dec-
trical experiments, xoo, 11 1; ii,
411; the provinces alarmed oy the
lightning rod, i, 105; snufiF taking
unfashionable, 116; spectacles an
assistance to the language of, 135;
ix, 338; the physiocrats of, i, 135;
▼, i5V> ^™^ peculiar beggars, i, 308;
colonies of, iii, 334. 335; travelling in
postchaise, v, 48; smuggling silk
from, 63; use of tin water spouts,
351; silk culture, 33a; viii, 6x1;
voyage to the North Pole, v, 393;
trade with the Indians, 48a, 484,
485; B. F.'s arrival in, vi, 470; x,
30X ; B. F.'s first official communica-
tion to the government of, vi, 477;
X, 306; cordial treatment of Ameri-
cans, vii, loa; America driven into
the arms of, 103; treaty of alli-
ance with America, no, la^, 139,
X43, 144, aa6, 337, 435; viii, XX9;
treaty of amity and commerce, vii,
141: inviolate friendship for Switzer-
land, 167; English prisoners in,
180, X89, 193, 333, 387, 309, 396;
viii, 7; the farmers general of, vii,
358, 360; first clay medallions made
in, 347; French ministers in
Amenca, viii, 39 n.; liberal hospi-

tality, 40; loan office bills pay-
able in, 56; freedom of neutral
ships, 76, 80; establishment of
American consulates in, 1^9, aoS,
593; ix, 33; loans to Amenca, viii,
3i8, 357, 549, 630; ix, 17; X, 37^,
376; unfamiliarity of the people with
scripture phrases', viii, 357; strong
desire of young noblemen to fight
for America, 391 ; negotiations lor
treaty of peace, 399, 405, 416, 4a i,
433, 4a4, 437, 428, 439, 464, 466,
468, 475, 497, 5x0. 5x1, sia, 5x6. 518,
533; bankers for the nation, 431;
commerce between America and, ix.
19, ao; justice and fidelity of the na-
tion, 64; family compact between
England, America, and, 107;
packet ships from, X48; Mesraer's
wonderful success, 330; con-
sumption of wood for fuel, 434;
the Assembly of Notables, 504;
beginnings of the Revolution in, viii,
in.; ix, 369 n., 691; x, 50, 60, ja,
361, 36a, 449, 488, 489; B. F.'s
property in, 46; Baron Trenck's
career in, 73; the droit d'aubaine.
8a; first oner to America of aid
from, 300; opinions in England
concerning B. F.'s mission to, 303,
304, 305; Beaumeu-chais conducts
business of America in, 325, 326 n.;
withdraws a pension from "the
Pretender," 354; tea awkwardly
made and little known, 467; su-
gar islands owned and defended by,
vii. 335; X, 83, 348, 367.

Frankltn in France (Hale), vii, 57 n.

Franklin (Mass.), B. F. presents a li-
brary to, i, aio; ix, 300 and n., 303;
X, 483.

Franklin, state of (now Tenn.)» x,
48^, 484, 485. 486.

Franklin House, home of the Frank-
lins at Ecton, iii, 4^3.

"Franklinists," disciples or lovers <if
B. F., V, 93 n., 94 n.

Franklin* s Services In the General As-
sembly, X, 187-196.

Franklin* s Observations On and An-
swers to the RefHfrt of the Commis--
sioners for Trades and PlantaHons
on the Settlement on the Ohio Ritpcr,

„v, 479-

Fraser's Magaxtne, ix, 35^ n.

Frederictown (Md.), Braddock's march

from, i, 159, 393, 394, 396.
Free trade, 1, 149-150; vi, 4a6 and n.;

ix, 175, 385, a86; ports for American,

34-
Freemasonry, ii, 315-316; x. 161-165;
Lodge of the Nine Sisters, 12,558 and a.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

6oi

Mnason Sermon (Smithy Hi, 346.
nch: B. F.'s knowleoge oC it 183*
6-217, 347-348; V, 194, a54; viii,
3. ll^\ w. 77-78; X, 405, 409,
8-430; B. F.'s writings in, i, X85-
6, 182-195; iz, 541; translations
B. F.'s writings into, i, 16, 17-

rtional Electricity" (Snow Harris),

J8n.

\dly Address, A, vi, 34a.

dly Association for Keraining and

'.serving Peace with ike Inaians,

470 n.

n, home of Cardinal de La Rochc>

rauld, X, 465.

a (English ship), vii, 418 n.

y car and harness, a gift to F.,

//.

ia, The, viii, 634.

icr's Dictionary (Millar), iii, 396.

, Knights of the, ix, 165.

de Utrecht (C. S. Pench, editor),
6.

v (Echard), ii, 297.
'r Francois de Letde, i, 45, 146;
5 n., 8a n.; viii, 3 n., 142, 245
1.
of Madfidy viii, 205, 237.

de M^decinCf iv, 149.

(iates (ship), vii, 330.

Journal of France, ix, 182 n.
Magazine and Historical Chrot^-
r All the British Plantations in
ica, X, 166.

Mifflin (U.S. privateer), vii,

Wall (packet), x, 176.
vii, 94; viii, 257; B. F. Bache
:ed at, 456; ix, 89; x, 363.
tvery lady of, is not Queen of
a, V, 286, 354.
and Corsicans, v, 245.
ff'5 Magazine t i, 10 1, 407 n.,
ii, 52 n. ; iii, 58 n., 98 n., 99
> n., 133 n., 134 n., 263, 296
!. 307. 3Z^\ iv, 3 and n., 158
122 n., 146; vi, 118 n., 127
j; ix, 20 n., 72 n.; x, 43

iraly Historical^ Political, Phi-
al, attd Mechanical Essays,
), iii, 9 n.

r> de la Nature (Soulavie),
' n.

». 53-57; ». 3"; iii, 427;

V, 55a-$53; *«<* also Con^

Ooncerntng the Density of

'th; see Queries and Cof^

jectures Relating to Magnetism and
the Theory of the Earth,

Georgia, ii, 228; iv, x6, 4x6; v, xx6,
239 n., 470, 476, 521 n.; viii, 122,

' 632; ix, 566; Whiteneld's preachins
in, i, 355, 356; viii, 104, 105; Plan of
Union, iii, 207 n.* little better than
a parliamentary job, v, 90; refuses to
quarter soldiers, 29; F. appointed
agent for, 146, X47; vi, y. ix, 474,
695; X, 177, 24X and n.; silk culture,
V, 97 x; military history, vii, 268,
a7S. 3»4. 335; viii, 204, 293; war
with Creek Indians, ix, 625; F.'s
pnnting-house in, x, x7x ; F. granted
3000 acres of land in, 497; Assem-
bly of, V, ^30 and n., 390; vi, 401.

Georgian Planet, i, 70; see also As-
tronomy ^Uranus).

Georgics (Virgil), i, X97.

Germany, i, XX3, 114; ii, 4"; iii, 2.87 ;
iv, 39» 469, 464; vi. 237; vii, x8o,
*40, 263, 324; viii, 3x5; ix, 69, 337,
664; X, X2X, 334; Germans in Amer-
ica, iii, 140; pulse glass brought from,
i, 52; v, x^^, X40; experiments with
electricity, ni, 8, 425; F.'s knowledge
of German, 98; manufactures of,
*v, 57, 58: Seven Years' War, 99;
German soldiers in America, vi, 447 ;
viii, 348, 403 ; America's trade witn,
312; emigrants from, 608; ix, 34;
use of stoves, 434; story of Baron
Trenck, x, 73.

Gerrhians, sepmchres of Scythian kings,

V, 34, 35-
Gertruydenburgh, negotiations of, iv,

39-
GeschichU der Physik, Die (Dr. Ferd.

Rosenberger), i, 104 n.
Ghent, Silas Deane retires to, viii, 393,

404.
Gibraltar, viii, 389. 394, 5x0, 614; secret

agreement of France and Spain, x.

GuBlas, i, 38; iv, 959.

Ginseng, Chinese, ii, 989.

Glasgow, i, 71; iv, 56, 88; x, 954; its

university, i, 82 n.
Glasgow, University of, i, 2x0; ii, 387;

V, 37-
Globes, Neal's, iii, 91 ; Senex's, 9X.

Gloire (ship), viii, 4x1 n., 4x9 n.

Gloucester Point (N.J.), x, 47X.

Gnadenhdtten (Pa.), Indian warfare, i,

407-409, 4"; ii», 30.Si 323; X. 184.
Goddard's Pennsyhtania Chronicle, i,

«; iv, 393 n-. 395 "-. 397 «•» 398 n.;
v, X n., X4 n., 78 n., 105 n., xo6 n.,
ixo n., 160 n., x69 n., 166 n.
Golden Fish, an electrical experiment,

iii 451-

6o2

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

Golden Verses (Pjrthagoras), i, 329.

ofbaIl(
ix, 81.

Goaesse (France), descent

oon at,

Goodwin Sands, iii, 940.

Goree, viii, 634.

Gosport (England), ii, 55.

Gotna, i, 26.

Gottenburg offered as a free port
for France, x, 347. ^48. 35^. 354-

Gout, F. suffers from, 1, 24; v, 96, 184,
265, 396; vi, 449, 450; vii, 238, 246,
260, 278, 317; viii, 167, 195, 200,
220, 250, 595 ; ix, 39, 126, 152, 170,
180. 332, 333; X, 406; a remedy
rather than a disease, iv, 384; vii,
346; viii, 177; ix, 90, 91, 99, 549;
F.'s treatment of, viii, 120, 121;
Chatham's sufiFering from, v, 24;
gouty shoes, viii, 188; an eczema dis-
appears with a fit of the, ix, 670;
Rowley's book upon, 589 and n.;
see also Dialogue between Dr. F. and
the Gout.

Governors for America, king's in-
structions to, i, 434. 435; ▼. 35?» 359;
character of the, 83, 84; English
wish that they should be independent
of the people for their support, 286,
287, 296, 325, 326; see also Pro-
prietary Government of Pennsylvania.

Grammatical Institute of the English
Language, ix, 518 and n.

Grand Pensionary, see E. P. Van
Berckel.

Grandville (privateer), viii, 225.

Grants and Concessions, ana Original
Constitutions of New Jersey (Brad-
ford), iv, 234 n., 235 n.

Grants to America, from France, vii,
32 >i Z^Zy 377. 378; viii, 15, 20, 26,
119, 142, 180, 213, 215, 216, 217-220,
236, 251-253, 261, 262, 271, 272,
276, 277, 289, 299, z<^^-Z^Z^ 326, 327,
357. 374, 385, 391. 396, 398. 549. 576,
577, 581-584, 6;jo n.; ix, 136; x, 294,
309; from Holland, viii, 274, 282,
284, 295, 296, 325, 365, 368, 431, 479;
from Spain, vii, 383, 392; viii, 52, 57,
143, 144, 240, 264, 266, 559; X, 314.
326 and n.; to separate provinces,
vii, 425; vexation of, viii, 72; drafts
from Congress, 259, 26s, 403.

Grants to the crown, for the defence of
the colonies, iii, 232; for En};land's
wars,v, 167; vi, 417, 418; duringthe
French and Indian wars, iv, 401-
403, 417; Maryland's contribution,
iv, 427; voted by the Assemblies, iv,
429, 430, 436, 437, 441, 442, 443. 444;
V, 261; vi, 376; see also On the Rise
and Progress 0} the Differences bet'U'ern
Great Britain and Her Colonies ^

Causes of the American Discontents

before 1768.
Gravesend, i, 145. 288; ii. 53; iv, 28,

29; vi, 295; ix, 369, 370; X, 15s, 470.
Gravitation, 1, 63; ix, 317.
Great Kenhawa River, v, 480, 486, 487.

488, 520.
Great Licking Place, remains c^ masto-
dons founaat, v, 92.
Greece, iv, 74.
Greenland, at one time populous, vi,

87; early voyages to, viii, 348;

swift boats of Greenlanders, ix, 386.
Greenwood's Grammar, i, 343; x, 149.
Grenada, v, 4^2; viii, 491, 634.
Groningen, vii, 151.
Grotto del Cane (near Naples), i, ia6.
Ground hog, iii, 264.
Guadaloupe, vii, 330; viii, 114, 305,

6^4^ comparative value to England

of Canada and, iv, 32, 36, 53, 66, 78,

79, 80, 81.
Guam, iii, 131.
Guarda-Costas, v, 460.
Guardian, The, iii, 28; x, 508.
Guelderland, acknowledges America's

independence, viii, 478.
Guernsey, Isle of, vi, 261; x, 237, 341.
Guichets, ix, 647, 690.
Guinea, iii, 70, 120; iv, 305; v, 431;

vi, 414; vii, 38.
Guitar, F.'s knowledge of the, i, a 10.
Gulf of Florida, i, 81; v, 232; ix, 3^6.
Gulf of Mexico, i, 57, 81; ii, 312; iii,

173; iv, 18, 304; V, 46; X, 255.
Gulf of St. Lawrence, vi, 397.
Gulf stream, i, 8, 80, 8x; v, 232, 233;

vi, 400; ix, 149, 395. 39^, 397. 39«.

405, 412.

H

Hague, The, i, 10; vi, 434; viii, 67, 227,
'33f 300. 328, 462, 495, 505; ix. Ill,
130. 463; X, 294, 314. 342, 381.

Haldimand, MSS., vii, 1x0 n.

Halifax, i, 11, 427, 428; iv, 56; vii,
235. 236, 320; viii. 586.

Halle, University of, iii, 7 n.

Halstead Place, home of the Sargents,
ix, 13 and n.; x, 281 n.

Hamburg, i, 103; ii, 145; ix, 97, i2q,
133, 135 n.; X, X07; St. Jacob's
Church, i, 103.

Handsome and Deformed Leg, The (P.).

i, 184, 187; viii, x62 and n.>-i64.
Hanover, iv, 7; v, 167, 280; vi, a6i;

viii, 293, 335 n.; x, 215, 237.
Hanover tsche Magatine, x, 241.
Harlem, viii, 81, 477, 482.
Harmony (packet), ix, 513.
Harp, B. F.'s knowledge of the» i, a 10.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

603

; iv, 184; Scotch tunes originally
1 posed for, 381.
oi (pac(juet), X, 176.
rd University, ix, 584 n.; tele-
•c presented to, i, 72 ; satire upon,
ii, 14; plan for improving the
iry, i, aro; iii, 285; confers de-
s upon fi. F., i, 386 and n. ; x,
n.; upon Granville Sharp, ix,
ti.; gifts to, iii, 125, 437; v, 199
n.; vi, 204 and n., 432; pro-
rship of natural philosophy, iv,
1.; vi, 273 n.; injured by fire,
^i; commencement, vi, 106;
clcnt Willard, x, 146.

I. viii, 575.

Hospital (Portsmouth^ vi, 162.

(\orkshire), a whirlwind ob-
i, iii, 109, 116, 119.
, ii, 361; iv, 304; capture of,
%l ; X, 240.

vi, 477; vii, 370; X, 326, 327;
sails from (1785), ix, 324, 325.
15'. 352, 353. 360, 363, 365,
^7. 368, 369, 370, 371, 466, 468,
X, 458, 460, 466, 467; leaves
;e at, ix, 482, 492; Houdon
cm, 46^ ; packets sailing from,
•rize ships, x, 323.
seat of Lord Chatham), vi,
;^ l^ly 365, 367; vii, 149; X,
^ 285 n.
Fire.

p Agriculture.

\ (Pa.), home of the Wrights,
nd n., 94.

X, 122; an unfashionable
ii, 348; strangles the second

vii>, ZZZ^ 389. 41 1-
r estates, ix, 357; nobility,
■ires, 154.

Science (Garnett), i, 96.
stscript (Mason), vi, 233 and

!, 176-177; vi, 448, 451; vii,
7 ; viii, 348 and n., 403, 561 ;
see also Sale of the Hessians.
?h (seat of Lord Hills-
t, V, 364.

'.Consideration Respecting the
School in Philadelphia (F.),

he Members of Coftvention,

"^hose That Would Be Rich

I I.

iv, 80; viii, 63 s.
r KlectriciU (firisson), vii,

^etix Indes (Abb<^ Raynal), i.

premiers temps du Monde,

d^accord avec la physique et Vhistoire

de Moise (Berthier), v, 93 n.
Historic Side-lights (Arnold), x, 206 n.
Historical Collections (Burton), i, 238;

x, 148.
Historical Manuscripts Commission,

i, 12.
Historical Register, iv, 233 n.
Historical Review of the Constitution

and Government of Pennsylvania^

from its Origin^ i, xii; iii, 445; iv,

82 n.; X, 200.
History of All the Navigable Canals in

the World (La Landc), ix, 498.
History of Denmark (De Cbampigny),

vii, 181 n.
History of Electricity (Priestley), v, 94,

422 n.
History of England (De Cbampigny),

vii, 181 n.
History of Music (Hawkins), i, 346 n.
History of Pennsylvania (Gordon), iii,

344 n.

History of the Five Indian Nations
(Colden), ii, 240 n., 279 n., 323, 333,
363, 365; iii, 164; V, 480.

History of the Helvetic Republic (Hare-
Naylor), ix, 159 n.

History of Massachusetts, v, 453.

History of the Popes (Bower), iii, 95
and n., 142, 165, 170.

History of the Royal Society (Weld), v,
69 n.

History of the Trouble in the Nether-
lands (Grotius), vii, 423 n.

History of the United States (Pitkin),
viii, 649 n.

History of the University of Pennsyl-
vania, A (Montgomerj'), i", 126 n.

History of Yellow Froer (Lining), iii,
352 n.

Hochockin, iii, 364.

Holinshed^s Chronicle, ix, 358.

Holland: i, 10, 113, 114, 17S. 345.*
iv, 63, 73, 90, 304; V, 162; vii, 32,
72, 82, 86, 139, 152, 158, 17s. 180,
192, 227, 313, 321, 323, 384, 385.
401, 403; viii, 2, 6, 7, 8, 9, 14, 47, 48,
49, 61, 62, 67, 76, 93, loi, 123, 128,
129, 141, 153, 18.V, 185, 201, 202, 212,
228, 234, 235, 253, 301, 324, 339. 341.
342, 344, 371. 375. 407, 421, 424. 432,
465, 475. 476, 488, 492, 500. 514, 522,
523. 532, 534, 535. 543. 548, 550. 554,
557, 570. 575. 602, 627, 634; IX, 9, 15,
49, 51, 129, 134, 136, 147, 177, 249,
276, 282, 324, 337, 697; X, 107, 300,
320, 322, 334, 339. 346, 347, 372, 380.
391. 393', Fordycc shipwrecked on
coast of, iii, 133; B. F.*s visit to, iv,
108, no, 123, 188; understands the
value of casn, v, 9; woollen manu-

;i I.

tm

fadurc. 50: coal oported to, its;
the trcckichurt, iiq; tfavelUng in,
iM>; Oude &I*nnea Huyzen, 406;
Princ« of Anipach hooted in, rii,
S7; B. F.'i tqraid for.
lempt lo obuia a Ir--
3»». i'3- 384, jSs; Till, 04. '".
■40, a74, 276. '77. >9S. »9*. 3S7- 3**.
399. 43'. «3S. 479. 5<". S". 577.
5S». 6.8, 64s: ». t4s; «..3'.i.. j-S.
381,383; Engli^ inicnsi diminisrics,

rii, 34»; ."ii. »S. S^i 77. 54;

343.; '

frecni

for neutral shijo,
To>; Enjilish prisoQpra in, iri, v>7;
ii, 174, iQoi Eoglish declare wu
upon, riii, [ftg, ig6, aoa; ix, 1^6; i,
341, 34^; ^Ir. Adams replir^ Mr.
Laurens, viii, 130; Mr. Laurens's
tranuction, 361-164; Congreis bills
upon, 971, 36S: cRormoui pun^ases
in, iS*. 383. »89. 490. im. 300, 33J.
364, 3S0. 4031 the country a grtai
tkefi, iga; treaty with, 411, 51S. JI9;
U, >9; dissatinaction with Ru9»a,
viii, 51^, ;4o-, war with Austria, ix.

K4; distiicted condition of (1787},
3, 604. 614.
Hol»ton'« River, v, 4B7, 488.
Hottentots, iii. 139; vi, 64: ii, 53 1.
Hounslow Healh, ri, fl»: i. au.
Hauileo (ship), ii. 107.

U7.
Hudson Ba; Co., ii, 178 n.; v, 491.
Hudson River, v, 466. .

Human Vtid^siaiUini (Locke), i, 143.

Humour, American, i, 166, 174-

Hungory, ii, toi; manufactures of, it.,
T-

Hunlingdonshire, iii, 451.

HrrcHWsoM LrrrBKS, the, i, a, 7; vi,
107 n,; sensation in Maasachufctts
upon reading, j8, jg; how obtained,
81, 117, igj, igfl, 163; their publ it a-
tion forbidden, ga, 109; address for
removal of the writera, 114. »7»~a79;
the Tern pie- Wheatley duel, 173, 174,
183; B. F. avows oblainine them.
173; indignation against B, F., 304:
history of, i, asS-j6j, toy. itf aiso
Privy Council, EearinR before the, in
the Cockpit. Tract Felalht la Ihc
ABair of Hnlthinian', Luim.

Hydrography, i, 53,

K' drostatlc balance. 111, ^4, 187.
. drostatics, i. 50-51.
HyRromcters, i, 73-73; iii, «; viii,

if'S-177 .ind n., 174: ii. log,
Hygroscope, ih, ijj.

I mr*i avagtku*^

Iceland, Bank's voyage u, '
cryslab of, viii, 3»; driftl

li^ tj^ihe CeUxge q) Uin

Idati Harmony «/ Ifcr ScaUitk

(Dumas), ..,__.

Ideal el Btaulyanit VirliielBi
ii. 387 B.

Illinoii. German settlement li
a "remote eounlij," v
iah conquest of, viii, 1
loyalists in. 634; Ini-.__
i*. >o3, 113: a watrm cd
tioQBl advantage. 461; V,

lUiniMS River, v, 473, 4S6. ;<

ImMriamt 0/ Caming and
lie Fritndtkip 0} lie Indl
Brillih Inlettil, Cvtaiiertt

Imprmitmrnt 0/ Dr. Frankl
trifol Kilt <De Chaulnes). 1

iHdipendeia ChronitU and
Adverliirr, vil, 106 n.

Independents, settlers of NcN

Index te Ike A merioM Daaim
Archivej a} E»rept. i, to.

India, V, 39a, 456; vi ij, 3
541: «, JSS; northwm
II. 378 n,; conquest by
109, 110; bank of, *, I.,
commerce with, viii. 151;

ndiana, named by intden.

an», ii, S3S. 379;
, »3i. »77. 3*3. 4

117; Iff alia uuavali*na'
■ Indian Cent.

'3S.J79;,

., . :%

310, 140; Csghuiwagu,
36a; CatawlM*. iv, 307; <
V, 480, 483. 48*. 487. 4M,
530; Chippewu. iv, 104^
gas, aS<); Creeks, h, '
wares, iii. 343. 34S. 3S'

i'lVw^'il. li

mOEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

605

iroiu of Sandusky, iv, 256; lUi-
is, 46a; V, 481; Iroquois, i, 401;
(85; Moravian, viii, 561, 563, 580;
315; Miamis, or Twigtwees, iii,
'.364; iv,3o8; V, 481 ; Mohawks,

307; viii, 347; Mohickans, v,
; Munsies, 523; Ohios, iii,
, 164; iv, 355; Ottawas, 204;
ikeshaw, 307, 308; Sach-
[ugbronan, v, 48a ; Seneca, i, x 74 ;

437; Six Nations, i, 156, 387;

41; iii, 34a, 351.. 36a; iv, 289,
307; vi, 424; viii, 94 n.; Shaw-
e, iv, 255, 256, 285: V, 480, 481,
487,489; ix, 571; Susquehanah,
do; Tuskaroras, v, 482; Vir-
, viii, 246, 247; difference of
lage among the tribes, 346;
mmissioner for affairs of, x, 291 ;
ictary contribution to expenses
, 320; ravages committed by,
r 174. 17s. 427; i", 392, 293; iv,
vii, 48, 69; spelling book, viii,
47, 304; vocabulary of Shawa-
nd Delaware, ix, ^71 ; names of
rdinal numbers, ui, 264; trade

40. 43. 190. 191; iv, 439;
71; wars with the, i, 232, 407-
'» 340-342, 360; iii, 279, 321,
14, 355 ; iv, ao4, ao8, 252, 413,
, 114, 119, 267, axo, 211; ix,
36; X, 184, 185; treaty at
-. ». 375. 376; treaty at Easton,
342, 343; treaty at Newtown,

their laea of education, iii,
); conference with the Six

at Albany, i, 156, 387, 388;
upon BraddocK, 400-402 ;
e of, iv, 333, 333, 341 and n.,
9-314, 375» 376, 463; viii,
, 580; z, 314-316; boundary
mte, v, 118; treaty at Niag-

355; treaty at Sandusky,
liance with, vi, 433, 434;
[ndian chief to Washington,
36; character of, x, 97-104;

purchase, iii, 456; Tecd-
} claims, 471, 473; see
arks on the Plan for Regu-
r Indian Affairs, SeUlemetU
>hio River, Remarks Con-
r Savages of North America.
•), vii, 157 and n.; viii, 36;^.
)'. 396; V. 117, 16a; viii,

ix, 34, ag6.
63; vii, 332; viii, 632 n.;

7/ Uufnan Judgement, The
378 and n.; vii, 412; x,

riead bodies, viii, 385-287 ;

Influence of Physical Causes on the
Moral Faculty (Rush), i, 48; iz, 494
and n.

Information To Those Who Would Re-
move To America (F.), viii, 603; ix,
33^ n., 341.

Iniskillingers, ii, 35a.

Inks, i, 314, 215.

Inoculation, vi, 330; of the imperial
family of Austria, i, 114; effectual
use in Philadelphia, ii, x8o| iii, 18,
19, 30; vii, 368; statistics m Phila-
delphia, iii, 95, 96; repetition of, v,
364; in Austria, vii, 53; Cotton
Mather in favour of, z, X50.

Inquiry into the Nature of the Human
Soul, wherein its Immortality is
evinced (Baxter), ii, 317 n.

Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of
the Disputes between British Colonies
in America and their Mother Coun^
try (London, 1 769), x, 338.

Inquiry into the Original State and
Formation of the Earth, X778 (White-
hurst), i, ^6.

Inquisition, iii, 86; seizure of an Ameri-
can by officers of, ix, 375; its power
in Spain and Rome, x, 34^.

Insur rente (French frigate), iz, 365 n.

Intended Speech for the Opening of the
First Session of the Present Parlia-
ment, The (F.), vi, 399.

Interest of Great Britain Considered,
with Regard to Her Cotonies . . . ,
The, i, xii, 19, 41. 138, MS*. "». 63 n.;
iv, 13 and n., 33-83, 83 n^ z, six.

Internal State of America, The (F.), i,
146; X. 116.'

Introduction to Logography, ix, 199.

Introduction to the Art of Thinking
(Karnes), iv, 3 n., 130.

Ireland, ii, 332; iii, 428; iv, 164, 399,
426; V, 123, 156, 238; vi, xa3, 36x,
334, 436; vii, 153, 388, 3p8; viii, 35,
103, 225, 356, 403, 441; «. 130. 296,
^49, 6x6; z, 399; evangelists from,
i» 345. 354; post-office of, 386; x,
X78; absentee landlords, iv, 64;
university of, 66; ezports from, 67;
B. F.'s visit to, 8^; v, 363, 370.
375. 38a, 41a; viii, 339; z. 352,
354; importation of flax seed,
iv, 434 J Parliament of, 44 x; v, 80,
359; VI. X16, 309; z, 353; electrical
experiments in, iv, 451; union of,
456; V, 17; vi, 425; z, 391,
393; limitations of, v, 31; treasurer
of, X48; sympathizes with America,

ao5. ^53. 361; X, 274; poverty of the
tenants, v, 363, 368* vi, 398; viii,
608; intended invasion of, vii, 330;
church of, viii, 399; iz, 339; Ameri-

6o6

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

can prisoners m, viii, 409, 41^, 434,
467. 545 ; enaigration from, ix. 34,
364; trade with, 103; manufactures
of, 304, 305; packet service, 384;
Stamp Act, 627.

Iron : wholesome and friendly, ii, 269,
370; Russian, iv, 60, 61; found
everywhere in America, v, 86; blow-
ing of furnaces, ix, 664, 665 ; ore of,
iii, 381; v, 503, 504; tiles for roofing
houses, ix, 377; origin of, 653.

Islamism, x, 89; see also Mohamme-
danism.

Isle of Man, religion of, ix, 356.

Isle of Wight, ii, 54, 56; ix, 352, 353;
X, 461, 469.

Israelites, i, 197; ix, 703; x, 314.

Istmael, Muley, viii, 433, 441.

Italy, i, 177; iii, 8, 73, 133, 229; iv, 57,
417; vni, 31^.463; IX, 42, 69; X, 89,
^52, 407; electrical experiments in,
lii, 425; iron furnaces, ix, 664; loss
of liberty, iv, 62; silk culture, v, 228,
^71. 305t 336; culture of ravizzoni,
VI, 4s6; hospitality, viii, 40; Italian
translations of F.'s works, i, 22 ; prov-
erbs regarding the English, ii, 337;
F.'s knowledge of Italian, i, 217, 347,
348; iv, 459.

Jacobites, viii, 335 n.; ix, 350; defeat

at CuUoden, 11, 298.
Jamaica: iii, 253; iv, 78, 80, 304; v,

441; vii, 73. n-; viii, 296, 639.
James River, iv, 114; v, 482.
Jansenists, i, 107; vii, 65.
J cannot (French drama), viii, 31 and n.
Jefferson Papers^ viii, 586 n,, 589 n.,

614 n., 621 n.; ix, 527 n., 553 n.,

573 n.
Jenesea River, iv, 7^.
Jersey, Island of, vi, 361; vii, 339; x,

237. 341, 342. 344-
Jerusalem, ii, 350 n.; vii, 43 n.; viii,

2,i^^ 34^; ix, 460.
Jesuits, ill, 45; iv, 37 n., 89; ix, 167.
Jews, iv, 298; vii, 428, 429; viii, 333,

345-
Jillkecker (near Portsmouth), vi, 162.

Job, Part of the First Chapter Modern^

ized, vii, 4^3.
Jonkvrowe Maria Magdalena (ship),

viii, 262 and n.

Journal (F.), v, 298, 300; x, 464-471.
ournal, Oswald's, i, 7.
Journal de Paris, Le, vii, 357 n.; ix,

183, 307 n.
Journal de Physique, Le, i, 112; vii,
209 n., 418.
-'uil des Scavans, i, 64; iii, 243 n.

Journal of a Voyage from London to
Philadelphia (F.). i, 288 and n.; ii,

53-
Journal of the Negotiation for Peace

with Great Britain, viii, 459-560, 630;

ix, 67 ; X, 396.

Journal Politique de Bruxelles^ viii, 71 n.

Journalism, B. F.'s experience in, i, 36,
167-171.

Journals of Congress, vii, 400, ix, x8 n.,
463 n.

Judges: their appointment by the
Penns}^lvania proprietaries, iii. 374,
375; iv. 349; appointment by the
governors, 338; v, 84; appointment
Of the crown during good behaviour,
VI, 377; without pay by the king, 38a.

Jugement dans Vaffaire du Canady, iv,
369.

Juniata (Pa.), iii, 483.

Jura Mountains, lateral attraction of, i,

63.
Justice of the Peace, B. F. appointed.

». 374. 375-

Kamschatka, iv, 60; viii, 486.
Kendal (England), iv, 56.
Kentucky, i, 86; v, 481 ; ix, 648.
Kentucky River, v, 486.
Killingworth (Conn.), i, 118; ii, 310 n.
Kingston (Jamaica), B. F.'s printing-
house, X, 171.
Kingston-on-Thames, iv, 114.
Kittanning, an Indian town, y, 311.
Kdnigsberg, vi, 130; x, 143.

Labrador, vi, 397; vii, 385.

Ladrones (pirates^, ix, 301.

Lady's Library, iii, 435.

Lakes: Cham plain, x, 479; Erie, iii,
359. 360, 363, 364; iv, 355, 2J57; ▼,
502; George, iii. 347; Huron,
360; V, 503; Ladoga, iv, 60; Onta-
rio, iii, 61 n., 365; Superior, v, 137.

Lamps for streets, utility of, i, 381 ; at
Vauxhall, 383; see Quinmiet.

Lamps, surface tension of fluids, i, 50,
52; iv, 177, 178; Quinquet and
Lange, ix, 183 n., 184 n.

Lancaster (England), iv, 56; vii, 369.

Lancaster (Pa.), F. printing-house at,
X, 1 7 1 ; r . advertises for wagons for
Braddock, i, 158, 394, 395, 396;
enlistment of farmers, 404; mas-
sacres in county of, iv, 393, 393, 394,
396; X, 314; petition from, !▼, 338;
glass manufacture, v, xi6; treaty
with Indians, ii, 379.

Languedoc, viii, 16 n.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

607

utioc (French man-of-war), vii,

\ n.; viii, laon.

iowne Collection, i, 7; v, 303 n.

laries, how they cut tourmalines,

480.

ata River, ii, 416.

translafion into, i, 33; F.'s
wledgc of, 217, 347, 348; ne-
t of, 430; Nogarct's translation
furgot's epigram, viii, 314, 315;
Observations Relative to the In-
ons of the Original Founders of
i cademy in Philadelphia,
Hill River (Va.). v, 488.
} Nations (Vattel), i, 143 n.; vi,

i, 269, 270.

oisoning, i, 34; v, loi; ix, 530,
X, 461; cause of , i, X19-131.
Apron^ They see Clubs (Junto).

n (Pa.), X, 215-
,64; IV, 56, 57; V, ^21.
1 Islands, iii, 10^; iv, 78.
^cf^rees of Marriage Stated and
iered, in a series «/ Letters to a
I (Alleyne), x, 378.
on Orientate, La (Anquctil-
ron), i, 306.
, 2og; vii, 401.
^er, iv, 73.

*w a Gentleman abroad to his
in England, A, ix, 393 n,
om Alice Addertongue, i, 36;

195- ,

'w Anthony Afterwit, i, 36; ii,

).

m Celia Single, i, 36; ii, 186.

» China, A (F^, ix, 200-308.

t€ A cadenty of Brussels, i, xii;

and n.; ix, 100 n.

he Rev. Mr. Douglas occa-

y his Vindication of Milton

), n\, 93 n.

'o Great Men (Pitt and New-

- 145; Jv, 3^.

nrerning The Gratitude of

iv, 400-404.
rcerning the Stamp Act, iv,

an A merican Farmer (Crftve-
205; viii, 397 n.; ix, 31
\Q and n.
irque, vii, 139, 355, 385, 403;

Kleciricity to Benjamin
'NoUet), Iii, 10^ n.
rif^ to a Transit of Mercury
t n, ivhich is to happen May
i, laa n.

ir/ey (F.), i, i54. 388; i",

V, 466 n.

nsieur .Benjamin Franklin

a Moasieur David Le Roy, Membre de
Plusieurs Acadimies, etc., ix, 37a n.

LeUres surVelectricite, Paris MDCCLIJI
(M. Abbe Nollet), i, 41Q and n.

Levee, The (P.), i. 184; vii, 430.

Lexington (U.S. man-of-war), vii, 60 n.;
viii, 370 n., 552.

Levdcn, 1, 64, ijo\ x, 378.

Libelling, B. F.'s views upon, i, 144;
viii, 647, 648; seeOn the Abuse of the
Press.

Liberty of Prophesying (Taylor), i, 180.

Libraries: of Congress, i, xvii, 6, 7,
136 n., 171, 183; ii, 53 n., 340 n.,
317 n.; iii, 175 n.; iv, v; vi, 315 rr.;
X, 160 n., 186, 384, 337, 417, 464, 470.
471 ; of Cornell University, v, 178 n.;
of Harvard College, iv, 351; of New
York Historical Society, 389 n.;
of Royal Society, 318; v, 60 n.;
of Library Company of Philadelphia,
i, 34, 87, 310, 313, 321-333; ii. 127,
367, 379, 380 n., 296, 364, 376, 436;
iii, 48, 90, 93, 94, 363, 367, 379, 353.
366, 405, 438; iv. 182; V, 186, 313;
X, 9, 158, 160, 372 n., 276, 498, 499;
of Yale College, ii, 310 n., 383 n.;
of Royal Philosophical Society, Edin-
burgh, iv, 127 n., 1^5 n.; of State
Department (Washmgton), i, 61 ;
Lenox, iii, 128 n.; iv, v; x, 143 n.,
of University of Pennsylvania, i, viii,
xiii, 8, 88, 89, 310, 373; iii, 16 n.,
136 n.; viii, 136 n., 435 n.; ix, 85 n.,
118 n.; X, 300 n., 474; of Trenton,
iii, 83 ; see also American Philosophi-
cal Society.

Lie^e, ix, 325.

Life and Correspondence of George Read
(W. T. Read), iv, 361 n., 384 n.; v,
23 n.

Life and Correspondence of Samuel
Johnson, D.D. (Beardsley), iii, 13,
61 n., 91 n.

Life and Correspondence of the Rev.
William Smith, D.D., The (H. W.
Smith), iii, 136 n., i8q n.

Life and Times of Franklin (Parton), ii,
3.

Life and Writings of Benjamin Frank-
lin, The (W. T. Franklin), i, 5.

Lije of Cook (Dr. Kippis), x, 43.

Life of Dr. Samuel Johnson (Boswcll),
vi, 146 n.; ix, 5^0 n.

Life of Franklin (Walsh), x, 330.

Life of Gouverneur Morris (Sparks), ix,

555 n-
Life of James Otis (Tudor), ix, 655 n.

Life of John Jay (Jay), viii, 433 n.,

434 n.; ix, 91 n.
Life of John Paul Jones (Sherburne)

vii, 156.

6o8

mUEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

LH% •/ Ustpk Rud, The (Reed), viit,

43 n.
Life of LeUtom (Pcttigrew), i, 79 n. ; ix,

651 n.
Life of Milton (Toland), ix, 104 n.
Ltje of Patrick Hewy (Wirt), vi. 8a n.
Life of Richard Price (Morgan), viii,

457-
Life of Washington (Sparks), ix, 465 n.

Ltfeof William Livingston (Sedgwick),

lii, 30« n.
Light, theories of, i, 69; undulatory

tneoty of, 65-67; iii, 84-86; ix, 199;

Newtonian theory of. iii, 97; see

' Loose Thoughts on a Universal Fluid.

Lighthouse Tragedy, The (F.)» i, 26,

Lighthouses, i, 4^t.

Lightning and hghtning-rods, see Elec-
tricity.

Lima (Peru), earthquake at, ix, 655.

Lincolnshire, iv, i ; x, aoa.

Lisbon, earthquake at, i, 104; eustoms
of fishermen, vi, 155; American pris-
oners at, vii, 374 ; seizure of Amencan
ships, viii, 425.

Lisle (ship), ii, 397.

List of Books written 6y, or relating to
Benjamin Franklin (r ord*), i, 346 n.

List of Benjamin Franklin Papers
(Fitzpatrick), v, 169 n.; vii, 47 n.

Literary Diary of Exra Stiles, The, i,
386 n.

Literary History of the American Revo-
lution (Tyler), vii, 37 n.

Literary Magatine, The, v, 90 n.

Literary style, B. F.'s, i, x, 341-243; x,
142.

Lithuania, i, 12.

Liturgy of the Church of England, ix,
358, 359 and n., 555 and n., 615.

Liverpool, i, ai; iv, 56, 70, 88, a49;
V, aa6; vii. 269, 398; viii, 356.

Livonians, ii, 271 n.

Lizard, the, ii, 66.

Loan office, i, 392; x, 34a.

Loans, vii, 33, a 16, 217, 262, 263, 292;
viii, 619; French, i, 182; vii, 241,
332, 333. 366; viii, 139, 140, 200,
ao8. 267, 276, 277, 289, 290, 293, 480,

481, 548, 549. 576, S77» 583. 637-641,
644; ix, xo, 17, 35, 57, 61, 67, 68, 111,
1X2, 139; Holland, vii, 232, 321, 324,
384. 385; viii, 84, 122, 147, 235, 339,
264, 274. 275, 284, 2Q5, 296, 300, 325,

343-345. 365. 3*6, 388, 43 X. 479. 508,
582, 64s; ix, 145; X, 325; Spanish,
vii, 323; viii, 399; made by separate
states, vii, 327. 363; viii, 73, 178 n.;
see Of the Paper Afoney of ike United
Slates; Comparison of Great Britain
and the United States. \

Logic (Watts), ii, 297.

Lc^rone, ix, 275.

Logstown (Ohio), iii, 363.

London: 1, 3, 7. ii, 16, 25. a6, 27. aq,

31, 34, 71, 100, 103. 114.. 1x7, X20,

124, 134, 145, 147, 184, 205, ao8. 212,
a 1 5, 339, 330, 267, 279, 280, 284. 286,
287, 289. 291, 293. 307, 3x1, 358. 370,
381, 431, 437. 433; ". 35. 36. 58. 145.
308. 333, 357, 435; i». 47, 352, a68,
303. 381, 382; iv, 65, 70, 72, 73, 85.
89, ixo, 172, x8o, 190, 2x8, 236, 245.
247, 358, 371, 379, 288, 304. 305,
360. 364. 377. 38a, 398; V. IX, 36,
S3* 54. 95, iio, 197, 332. 267, 291, 312,
504, 507; vi, 59, 65, 66, 97, 250, 395.
451. 457, 461; VII, 84, 145, 152, 180.
315. 398; viu, 25, 31, 36, X73. 280,
286, 296. 321, 339, 354, 373. 396, 427.
450, 461, 473, 477, 478. 485, 49a. 4Q3,
496, 504, 508, 509, 5", 5 « a. 513, 517.
523, 534, 538. 543. 573. 609, 617, 631,
632. 633; X, 106, 176, 196, XQ7. 254,
355, 458; intercepted letters in post-
oMce. i, 2»x; x. 313; B. F.*s firs*
arrival in, i, 275. 276; he procures
employment, 277; illuminated for
Wilkes, V, 121; presents freedom of
city to Dr. Price, vi, 451; "No Po-
pery" riots, viii, 95, 90, X06; cause
of moisture in the city air, 171;
Peter the Great in, ^03; vicar-
apostolic of, ix, 125; Bamiolomew
Close, i, 277; X, 154; Batson's
Cofifee-house, haunt of Henr^ Pem-
berton, i, 278; Blackfriars, swimming
exploit at, 285, 287; x, 154; Chel-
sea, i, 285. 287 j X, 154; Craven
Street, i, 383; ii, 322 n.; x. 276,
284; Craven Street House, v, 275,
277; Dog Tavern on Garlick Hill, x,
275; Duke Street, B. F. lodgings in,
i, 283; Durham Yard, v, 5a; Fleet
Street, i, 385; Foundling Hospital,
iii, 478; V, 431; ix, 265 n.; x, 276;
General Dispensary, i, 114; ix, x6 n.;
general post-office, x, 175; Georijc
and Vulture, 406; Gravel Pit field,
275; Greenwich Observatory, i, 71;
Green Park, 64; vi, x6x; Guild-
hall, iv, 370 n.; vii, 356 n.; Hackney,
iv, 43; X, 375; Hat and Feather
(Snow Hill), iv, 159; the Horns (ale-
house), i, 378; X, 154; Hungerford
Market, ii, 333 n.^ Hyde Park, vi,
140; Islington, viii, i n.; Kensing-
ton, V, 374; Kensington Square, viii,
430.450; KewPalace. i, 107; Kini^'s
Arms, V, 145; Lincoln's Inn, vi, 187;
Lincoln's Inn Fields, x, X99; Lin-
coln's Inn Hall, vi, 91 ; Little Britain,
B. F. lodged at, i, 376, 277, 383 ; Lon-

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

609

Zoflfee House, vi, 430 n.; viii,
154 and n., 453» 458; x, 275;
Icsex, success of Wilkes in, v,
22\ vi, a 1^0, 351; New England
t House, ui, 8a ; Newgate Prison
Bailey), v, 100, 214; vi, 186;

n.; IX, 394, 319; X, I OS, 266;
:ed during "No Popery'^ riots,
5; anecdote of, ix, 297; New

CoflFee-House, 269; rennsyl-

Coffee-Houac. ii, 367; lii,
viii, 151 n.; ix, 352, 353:
t's house in the park, vi, 107;
int Library, iii, 479 n.; Royal
nge, i, 103; St. Bride's Church,
; n. ; St. George's Church (Han-
iquare), x, 312 n.; St. George's
tal, iii, 264; St. James's Church
ninster), vi, loa n.; St. James's
iii, 47; viii, 441; St. James's
i, 6;x, 212 n. ;St. Paul's Church,
; n.; St. Paul's Coffee-House,
; St. Paul's Head Tavern,
St. Thomas's Hospital, viii. 104
liters Hall, v, 291; Snow Hill,
n.; Soho Square, ix, 85 n.;
vark, iv, 2x8; vi, 250, 251;
lelds, V, 457; vi, 10, 13; Spital
f, i, 99; Spring Garden, 435;

Strand, i, 385; the Temple,
'ilbury Fort, ii, 53; Tower Hill,
• ; Tower of London, iv, 44;
04. 530. 537; X, 372, 373;
ian Churcn in Essex Street,
r and n.; Vauxhall, i, ^82;
inster, vi, 250, 251, 253; West-
r Abbey, vii, 302 n.; West-
- Hall, i, 355; Whitehall, iv,

"hronicle, i, ir, «, 45t »74; iii.
iv, 225,363,4x1,463; v,6on,,
n., 78 n., 90 and n., 106, 146,

2, S34; vi, 146; X, 212 n.

^aily Advertiser^ i, x.

'vening Post, vii, 107 n.; viii,

azttle, vii, 188; viii, 512.
Magazine, iii, 231 n.^
lonthly Review, iii, xxi, 132
164.

acket, i, x; v, 399 n.
ublic Advertiser, The, i, 144,
. 3')yy V, 166; vi, 145. aoS.

\, 2Q1, 413; X, 228, 261, 262.

rview, see Argus.

py. The (Ward), ii, 24a n.

rry, siege of, ii, 352.

nd, i, 250; iv, X02; vi, 452,

id Sound, iii, 2x3.

lass for the Times, A (Folger),

id n.

V{1L. X — 2R

Loose Thoughts on a Universal Fluid
(F.), ix, 227-210J 479.

Lords, House of, 1, 196; iii, 210; iv,
373. 357. 421; V, 73, X97; vi, 19a,
224, 302, 360-361, 362, 368-37X; ix,
146; X. 283-285.

Lord's Prayer, The, B. F.'s version of, i,
182; vii, 427^

Lorraine, iv, 39.

Lot on Smitham, duty of, i, 56, 57.

Lottery, v, 257, 444; vi, 95; in benefit
of Association for Defence of Phila-
delphia, i, 362, 365, 366, 368; ii,
355. 359-360; iii^ 267, 123, 379-380;
United States, viii, 178 n.; French
loan proposed by way of, ix, 35, ixi.

Louisburg, i, 427; siege of, ii, 283 n.;
iii, 273; V, 4, 6, 210, 212, 214; vi,
154, 416; powder wanted, i, 367;
an idle coal mine at, iv, 244.

Louisiana, junction of Canada and, i,
145; iii, 219, 360; viii, 491; x, 214.

Loyalists, viii, 526, 527, 572 n., 621, 625-
627, 631, 632, 634; IX, 60, 61, 175,
313. 348-350, 556, 615, 616; X, 65,
114, 394 ; see A pologue.

Lutherans, ix, 239.

Luxury, i, 144. 150-151; vii, 3491 39^.
408; ix, 242-248.

Luzerne County, viii, 29 n.; ix, 611.

Luzerne (man-of-war), viii, x8 n., 33.

Lynn (England), vii, 270.

Lynn (Mass.), manufacture of shoes,

X, 243-
Lyons, viii, 558, 560.

Lyric Poems (Watts), ii, 997.

M

Macao, ix, 200, 207.

Macbeth, x, 304.

Macedon, iv, 74.

Madeira, x, 462; voyage from, i, 50;
iv, 177; grapes of, 180, 374.

Madeira wme, i, 363, 422; iv, 271;
ix, 263.

Madrid, viii, 22, 49 and «., 51, 54, 55,
57, TOO, 144, 200, 203, 239, 300, 362,
495. 501, 544; ix, «■»), 127, 135, 346;
X, 312, 314, 322; Carmichael's re-
ception at, viii, 52; the printing art,
33^* 369; Jay's residence, 433"; his
return, 550; release of Hartwell, ix,

303-
Magical circles, i, 374; ii, 460, 461, 464;

iv, 370; V. 142.
Magical squares, 1, 73, 74, 374; 11, 45^-

460; iv, 371; V, 142, 464; X,

466.
Magna Charta, iv, 232, 445; vi, 87.
Magnetic Atlas (Churchman), ix, 557 n.

6io

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

Magnetism, u, 43a-433*. »». 73. 74;
iv, 250, 251: vi, 23-26, 222; set also
Compass, Queries and Conjectures
Relating to Magnetism. . . .

Magnetism, animal, ix, 182.

Magnalia (Cotton Mather), i, 42, 231.

Manon, Port, reduction of, viii, 394.

Maine, v, 470, 471.

Maine Historicsu Society, ix, 303 n.

Maize, see Indian corn, and also Ob-
servations on Ma^^ or Indian Com.

Malta, island of, viii, 285.

Manchester, i, 21, 61, 62, 64; iv, 56,
57; V, 167, 321, 457; vi, 13, 138 and
n., 139.

Manners (Paul Whitehead), i, 173; vi,
146 and n.

Mantes, x, 465.

Manuel d'Epirtete en Grec, i, 215.

Manuel Typographique (Fournier), i,
215; viii, 62 n.

Manufactures, i, 142, 143. '49; ",313;
iv, 243-245, 368, 369. 395; V. loi.
X02, 116, 117, 203, 204, 251-254, 315-
317, 327; VI, 131, 139; IX, 304, 305;
X, 277; see also Paper money, Letters
to Shirley^ Observations Concerning
the Increase of Mankind ...» In-
terest of Great Britain Considered
. . . , Examination 0} Dr. Franklin
in the British House of Commons,
Causes of the American Discontents
before 1768, Positions to be Examined,
Concerning National Wealth, Settle-
ment on the Ohio River, Account of
Negotiations in London, Information
To Those Who Would Remove to
America.

Manuscript and Correspondence of
James, First Earl of Cnarlemont, x,
488 n.

Maps, Mitchell's, x, p^ ; Evans's, iii, 9 n. ;
VI, 17; Popple's, lii, 91, 94-

Marcus Hook, iii, 58; ix, 551 n.

Maritime Observations (F.), i, 82, 83;
ix, 149 n., ^72, 536; X, 453. 462.

Marley-la-Ville, i, 98, 420.

Marquis de la Fayette (ship), vii, 330,
335; viii, 216, 236, 254, 259, 270,
296, 301, 303, 327, 332, 395, 400, 402,
403. 639; X, 337, 338, 343.

Marriage of Figaro (Beaumarchais),
viii, 31 n.; ix, 305.

Mars (shipj, viii, 187, 271; x, 338.

Mars Rebellion, iv, 156 n.

Marsh-gas, i, 62; vi, 226-228.

Martha (English letter-of-marque ship),

vii, 139-
Martinique, iv, 79, 80; v, 218; vii, 198,

379; viii, 55, 75; ix, 249, 328; x, 379.

Mar>'land, iii, 165, 206, 207 n., 211, 303;

iv,' 393. 409. 426, 427, 468; V, 48^1 ,

4R3. 497. 503. 504, 5U. S18; vii,
276, 279, 42c; vui, 57 n., 238, 293.
564, 567; tobacco trade, v, 6; post-
ofiice, iii, 343 ; iv, 2 1 4 ; finances of, v,
12; manufactures, 116; repealing
the restraining act, 188; Catholics
of, 215; restraints on trade, vi. 316;
description of a whirlwind, i, 59, 60,
iii, 273-275; defence of, 360, 376;
Braddock in, i, 158, 394, 403; iron
works, 274; the proprietary, 436;
iv, 227, 236, 237; treaty with the In-
dians, ii, 279; Somerset County, iii,
279, 280; money in England, viii,
58; college of, 604; Mme. Beniowsky
m. ix, 502; paper money, 564, 568;
printing, x, 170.
Massachusetts: i, 206; iv, 41, 468;
v, 402, 449, 471, 483, 529; vi, 80, 1x1,
381; viii, 122, 182 n., 187, 249, 596;
«. 564. 568, 573, 627, 69s; issue of
paper money, i, 139; iv, 427; v, 5;
the Polly Baker story, i, 172; li,
463 n.; trade with the Indians, iii,
190; Plan of Union, 207 n., 911;
governor of, 341 n.; loss of charter,
IV, 236; resolutions of the Assem-
bly, 446; manufactures of, v, 1x6;
scientific spirit of, 137; alterations
of the constitution, vi, 225, 338; re-
fuse payment for tea, 241, 137,
378, 382, 384; the Hutchinson Let-
ters, 183-186, 190, 192. 196. 2^2,

264, 26c, 279, 281, 284 n.; rebellion
declared in, to8, 318, 321, 330;
restoration of Castle William,
376; repeal of the acts against,
391, 394, 398; settled without cost
to the state, 414; religious tests,
viii, 153; B. F.'s gift to a town in,
Lx, 300; prohibits the use of leaden
still-heads in distilleries, 531 ; new
constitution of, viii. 256 n.; proceed-
ings against New England Courant,
i, 248, 249; ii, 49; 3C, 150, 151; B.
F. agent for, v, 300-304, 350, 351,
446; vi, 6, 287, 288; X, 177, 249.
256, 260, 263, 268, 283; B. F.'s gifts
to, 502, 505, 506; Assembly of,
i. 303; V, 23, 353, 355, 357, 363, 39a,
449. 462 ; VI, 22, 10. 32. 49, 50, 51, 8a,
89, 207, 211 and n., 212, 233, 250,

265, 267, 276.
Massacre (Boston), v, 263 n.
Mastodon, tusks found near Ohio River,

i, 85, 199; iv, 182: v,^9. 40, 9a, 93;

vi, 222; named by Cuvier, i, 86;

antiquity of, vii, 22 x. 22a.
Mathematics, i, 53, 233. 24^; see also

Magical circles, Magical squares,

and Fluxions.
Matilda (ship), lx, X52 n.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

6ii

faximz for the Conduct of Life (Lord

Karnes), iv, la.

feadow ijrass, see Agriculture.
leans of disposing the Enemy to Peace,

i, 17a; iv, 89-95; X, an n.
[easlcs, ii, 379; vi, 410.
lecca, X, 353.
eclianique de Feu^ La (Gauger), ii,

24Q, 254-

edals, commemorating Saratoga and
Vorktown, viii, 389 and n., 578; iz,
24, 25. 28, 33, 34, 44, 71, 7a, 96,
98, 656; Hollis's collection of, ix, 105.
edicine, i, xvii, 53, 11^-137; cold
and hot fits of fever, u, 468, 470;
iction of the heart, a84-a88;
lilatation of the ventricles of the
leart, 291, 20a: cure of the Yaws,
(93; cure of lever and ague, iii,

9. 331. 419-421, 424; Phytolacca,
. cure for cancer, 87; inoculation
3r small-pox, 05, 96; how to make
flexible catneter, 103-105; ap-
lication of electricity in paralysis,
25-427; physiology of perspiration,
\ 109, no; cause of tne ciry belly
:he, V, 101; ix. 530-533; tonic
ethod of treating small-pox, v, 152,
;3; sea diseases, 219; schools of,
^5; the uses of exercise, 411,
2 ; swimming beneficial in cases of
arrhcea, ^44; cause of colds, vi,
•, 60; moist seasons the healthi^t,
9-140; suppression of urine, viii,
5 and n., 194 and n.; gout drawn
t b^ transpiration, 121; obstruc-
ns in the reins, laa; blistering for
ers, ix, 21 and n.; aerophobia, or
good effects of fresh air, 435- 437 ;
ise of Nyctalopic, 666; gouty ec-
na, 670, 671; treatment of putrid
ers with fixed air, x, 279, 280;
ion of distilled milk on emaciated
lies, 351: see also Preparatory
trs and Hints Concerning What ts
led Catching Cold.
ia del Campo, iv, 63.
at ion an a Quart Mug, A, ii, v,
and n.

J t ions of an Autograph Collector
inc), iii, 20 n.

erranean Sea, iv, 60; vi, 155;
312; ix. 133; X, 403.
h (British transport), viii, 4 n.
irs, of Cam pan, x, 493; of J.
Jock, i, 78 n.; of Fleury, viii, 31
of Morellet, ix, 577 n.; of Roche-
ault, ii, 103; of James Hutton,
)8; of Richard Cumberland, viii,
1. ; of Sir James Melvil (quoted),
14 ; of Marquis of Rockingham,
n., 305 n.; of Thomas Hollis,

iv, (>9 n.; ix, 103 and n.; of William
Whiston. iii, 10 and n.; of Sir John
Dalrymple, i, 82 and n. ; of the Socie-
dad Econdmica, viii, 337, 29c and n.;
of Great Britain and frelanafrom the
Dissolution of the last Parliament of
Charles II until the Sea Battle of La
Hague (Dalrymple), 98 n.; pour
Servir a histoire de la Respiration
des Poissons (Broussonnet), 593 n.;
relating to the lard Torrington, ii,
6a n.; sur F Inoculation de m Petite
Verole (Condamine), ix, x8i n.; of
the Life and Writings of Benjamin
Franklin (W. T. Franklin), i, vi, ao-
33; of the Life and Writings of the
Honourable Henry Home of Kames
(Tytlcr), iv, 3 n., 11 n., 174 n., 373 n.;
V, 16 n., 22 n., T94 n.; of the Literary
and Philosophical Society of Manches-
ter, V, 540 n.; ix, 215 n.; sur la vie
et les Ouvrages de J. Ja. Bernardin de
St. Pierre ^Martin), vii, 61 n.; Me-
moirs of tne American Academy of
Arts and Sciences, ix, 479 and n.

Memorable Things of Socrates (Xeno-
phon), i, 244; X, 148.

Memorial to the States (Yorke), vii, ^5 n.

Memorie istoriche intorno gli studt del
Padre Giambatista Beccaria, iv, 163 n.,
457 n.; vi, iia n., 330 n.; vii, 417
n.; viii, aii n.

Mennonites, iii, 314.

Mercure de France, Le, i, iia j vii, ao9 n.

Mercury (ship), iii, 451; vii, 378, 379.
398; X, 373.

Merrimack River, vi, 80.

Merry Song about Murder, A, viii, 31.

Mesmerism, commission to investigate,
i, 76, 113, 115, lai; ix, a68 and n.,
371-373, 280, 669 n., 670 n.; x, 362;
F.'s sentiment concerning cures by,
ix, 182, 183; credulity of the world,
320, 321.

Meteorology, i, 53, 207; iii, 77j 133;
origin of northeast storms, 1, 53;
57-59; "t 3"; iv, 16-18, water-
spouts and whirlwinds, i, 49, 59, 60,
207; iii, Z07-121, 184, 185, x88, 328,
363, 369, 373-275 ; cause of severe cold
of 1783, i, 61; ix, 242; phenomena
of thunder gusts, ii, 411-423; pre-
cipitation of moisture, iii, 130; v,
540-543; various conjectures, Iii,
175-188; low barometer, v, 183;
variations of barometer, 386; use
of thermometer in navigation, ix, 397 ;
see also Aurora Borealis, Meteoro-
logical Observations, and Meteorotog-
ical Imaginations and Conjectures,

Meteorological Observations, iii, 186;
iv, 454.

6l2

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

Meteorological Imaginations and Con'
jectures (F.), ix, 215 and n.

Meulan (France), z, 465.

Mexico, V, 46; viii, 486; z, 35^; forti-
fication of, iv, 369; fields of maize,
V. R55; smelting silver ore, ix, 664.

Miadlebourg, viii, 61.

Middleton's Rejoinder (Capt. Middle-
ton), ii, 378 n.

Midian, merchants of, vi, 956.

Milan, iii, 346 and n. ; iv, 63.

Militia Act (F.), i, IS4; i", 30S. S®?.
354-356; see also Dialogue between
X, K, and Z; Act for the Better
Ordering and Regulating.

MUitis Sanitate tuendA, De (Portio), ii,

3^3.

Mill Prison (Plymouth), cruel treatment
of American prisoners, vii, 1^6, 419 n.

Milton vindicated from the Charge of
Plagiarism (Douglas), iii, 93 n.

Mindanao, vi, 68.

Mine J The (dramatic poem, Sargent),
ix, 13 n.

Minisink, the (Pa.), i, 408; iii, 336.

Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court
of France, appointment of F. bv Con-
gress, vii, 938, 350, 360, 378, 31*7, 335,
345 n.; viii, 930, 331, 939, 353, 358,
960, 361, 394, 29s. 302. 303. 315. 454;

ix, 67, 134, 141, 143, 179, 180, 3X3,

913, 314, 225. 3oa» 318, 33X, 333, 335,
343. 463; ix, 686-688, 691-694, 696,

697; X, 335» 336, 457. 493. 500-
Minorca, iii, 347; x, 3.

Miquelon, viii, 490, 634.

Miracles of the New Testament, ix, 968.

Miscellanies (Barrington), ix, 973 and n.

Mississippi Bubble, v, 10.

Mississippi River, iii, 173, 360, 364; iv,
4, 48, 55. 73. "I. ao8; v, 46. 466,
473, 480, 481, 483. 485, 486; vii, 40;
X, 310, 955, 333, ^48, 349; proposal
to sell to Spain, viii, 144, 303, 580.

Modest Enquiry Into The Nature And
Necessity Of A Paper Currency, A,
i, 139, 146, 306; ii, 133-155; ^> «6o.

Mohammedanism, i, 355; iv, 309.

Mole, the (France), ix, 311.

Molinists, i, 107; vii, 65.

Moll Flanders (Defoe), 1, 351.

Monde primitif (Court de Gobelin), vii,
43 n-. 436 n.; viii, 346 n.

Monongahela River, iii, 397 n., 364;
v, 482, 500.

Monsieur (privateer), viii, 395.

Mont Blanc, i, 63, 199.

Monthly Magazine, x, 367.

Monthly Review^ iv, 947 n.

Montpelier, v, 509.

Montreal, iv, 414; ix, X19; x, 395, 396

Montserrat Island, iii, X03 ; viii, 634.

Moors, iii, 71 ; iv, 398, 303, 304. 3»o-

Moral and Literary Dissertations (Per-
cival), ix, 336 and n.

Morals of Cliess (F.), i, X84; vii, 357
and n.

Moral Philosophy (Paley), ix, 488 and n.

Moral Virtue Delineated, vi, 1 50.

Moravia, i, 103.

Moravian Archives at Bethlehem, vi,
403 n.

Moravians: their life at Bethlehem, i,
407, 408, 419-414; iii, 30$; their
ideas of war, vi, 404; missionaries,
ix, 337; X, 915; their politics. ai7.

Morlaix, viii, x, 9, 7, 67, 68, 77, 297, »63.

Morocco, ix, 493; x, 359, 469; treaty
with America, ix, 196, 301, 463, 493;
X, 403.

Mortmain (Campomanes), ix, aa$ n.

Morton (England), vi, 139.

Moscow, ii, 971 n.; ix, 6.

Motion of Fluids, The (Clare), ii, 9$a.

Motion for Prayers in the Convention,
June 98, 1787, ix, 600-601 and n.

Motion, Jan. 90, X775, for removing
troops from Boston (Lord Chat-
ham's), vi, 369.

Moudon (in the canton of Berne), i, 905.

Mount Hecla, i, 61.

Mount Holly (N.J.), ii, 170.

Mount Vernon, ix, 465 n.

Mount Schehallion, i, 63 n.

Mount's Bay, vii, 998.

Mungo (a squirrel), v, 438, 439; vi, 16.

Music, iii, 349, 435; >v, X94, 9x7; x,
406, 438, 453; F.'s knowledge of, i,
910-914; the armonica, iv, 164-160,
X82, 360, 454, 455 ; the harp, 184;
the recitative, 1^5; American, 9x0;
ix, 690; technical skill, iv, 377-
381; faults of modem, v, 590-534;

Praise of, viii, 93-94; GIuck and
iccini dispute, too; sacred music,
X, 73, 74; see also Armonica.
Myrtle wax soap, iii, 963; ix, 50a.
Myrtylla (ship), iii, 195.

N

Nantes: vii, 13, X15, 188, 909, 938, 977,
390; viii, 74, 93, XX 4. X96, X89, ao4,
386, 580; ix, 49; X. 3»3. 338» 375;
B. F.^s arrival at, vi, 4^0, 471, 479;
^. 301. 3^*2, 303; fashionable head-
dress, vu, x6.

Nantucket, i, 939 n.; iii, 109; v, 939,
233; «. 395. 405, 406; X, 33, X46.

Naples, trade with America, ix, 3.

Narrative of the Late Massacre in Lan-
caster County, A (F.), i, 154; iv, 989-
3M, 375. 377n-; x, 3i5n.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

613

rot 0) Two Airial Voyages, A

•ics), ix, 479 n.

[Russia), V, 505.

d Assembly of France, proceed-

)n the death of B. F., x, 490, 493.

li Intelligencer, The, of Washiog-

f History of Aleppo (Russell), iv,

' History of Birds (Bu£fon), vi,

' History of Medecine Among
Indians of North America
t), vi, 235.
Interest on Capital (Turgot),

ion, i, sz, 80-83, 431-43* ;
V, 2^2-233; vi, 113; see also
ime Observations.
on Acts. V, 99; vi, 207, 313,
J29. 331-333. 377. 413. 418;
. 144; IX. 33-
1 (Pa.), iii. 325-
(Isle of Wight), U, 65.
.TioNS FOR Peace: vii, 153;

J9. 24 1, 335 n-. 394, 405, 406,
k), 561, 571, 594, 616, 618, 62a,
28, 630, 637; correspondence
David Hartley, vii, 142-146,
9, 234, 305-3"; viii, 4. 5. 6,
8-361, 381-383, 413-416, 427-
63~565, 596-597; no treaty
e without France, vii, 196, 197;
isks for authorization to treat
uce, 329; uncertain of Eng-
ncerity, 335, 367; media-
Russia and Holland, 403,
iii, 320, 232 and n., 353; Pul-

submits proposition, 43-
irtley's incessant endeavours,
2; guaranteeing the fisheries,

instructions relative to
;oi, 633; correspondence
ownall, 330-331; England's
for a treaty separate
'ranee, 367, 399, 424, 435t
)bstinacy of George 111,
pediment, 390; sense of
1 against the continuance of
r, 396, 403, 403; debate
Commons, 397; five com-
ers named, 408, 423;
of ministry in England,
, 432: disposition to give up
and Nova Scotia, 430;
osed dependent state ol
, 565; acknowledging inde-
e. 567. ^70 and n., 500, 501;
appointed commissioner,
76; other commissioners,

; articles proposed and read
;ning the preliminary articles,

<^3>~^35; ix* 3; approaching the
separate treaty, viii, 642, 643, 644,
646, 648; English overtures, x, 330-
3.35 ; '^^ f^so Journal of the Negotia-
tion for Peace with Great Britain,

Negroes of Africa, iii, 135, 449; iv, ^,
398, 310; duty on, .413; sentiment
growing against slavery, v^3a ; men-
tal (quality, vi, 333; Dr. Bray's
associates, iv, 33.

Netherlands, iv, 39, 72.

Netherlands, New, see New York.

Neue Freie Presse (Vienna), i, 103 n.

Neva River, iv, 60.

Nevis Island, iii, 103; viii, 634.

New and Accurate Account of Carolina,
iv, 333 n.

New Atlas of the Mundane System
(Dunn), vi, 30 n.

New Bath Guide, or Memoirs of the
B-r-d Family, in a Series of Poetical
Epistles (Anstey), ix, 547 and n.

Newbern, viii, 106.

Newbury (New England), iii, 244, 270;
vii, 330.

Newcastle (Del.), i, 358, 373, 274; ii,
86; iii, 3qi, ^31; iv, 286; x, 471.

Newcastle (England), vii, 270.

New England Courant, i, x, 36, x66, 167,
246 and n., 248; ii, vi, x, 2, 5, 8, 9,
14, 18, 21, 35, 39, 33, 38, 40, 43, 46,
49 and n.; x, 145), 150, 151, 153 and n.

New England Primer, iv, 351.

New Experiments and Observations,
«7S4 (F.), X, aoi n.

Newfoundland: i, 57; iv, 16, 4x6;
viii, 586; X, 333; the gulf stream, i,
81; ix, 397, 405. 406; V, 233;
fisheries of, u, 131 ; vi, 397; viii, 634:
early Phoenician voyages, 248; postal
service, iv, 414; forts on, vii, 236.

New Foundling Hospital for Wit
(quoted), iv, 184 n.

New Hampshire, iii, 207 n., 2x1, 213,
231 ; iv, 336, 468; V, 38, X16; vi, 58,80.

New Haven, ii, 313; iii, 165, x66, 303;
iv, 349; X, 171.

New Haven Colony Historical Soaety,
iv, 185 n.

Newington (En|a;land), v, 440; x, 275.

New Jersey: iii, 206, 207 n., 21 x, 376;
iv, 204, 222, 246, 255, 468; V, 98, 311,
X16, 152, 314, 315. 3*2, 503. 518;
vi, 316; viu, 437, 604; ix, 598, 69J;
X, 177, 197; experiments with marsh-
gas, i, 62; vi, 336, 337; B. F.'s farm
near Burlington, i, 83 ; printing paper
money, 393, 294; v, 3, 5; x, 170;
post- routes, iv, 10 1, X05; form of
government, 231, 333, 234; emigra-
tion to the south, vi, 31 ; William F.
governor of, vii, 51; x, 2x2, 469;

6i4

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

interest upon money, ix, 3x1; W. T.

F.'s estate in, 571, 645; House of

Representatives of, x, 24 1 ; Cooper's

Creek, i, 253.
New London, viii, 99, 625; x, ixo.
New Orleans, v, 68, 473; vii, 379; ix,

680.
Newport (Isle of Wight), ii, 56, 57, 58,

60.
Newport (R.I.). >. 262, 263, 348; iii,

247; iv, 186; vi, 158; viii, 179; X,

Newspapers,, eighteenth century, i, jr,
246 and n., 301-303.

Newtown (Lancaster (^., Pa.), treaty
with the Indians, ii, 279 and n.

Newtown (Md.), iii, 280.

New York, i, 138, 249, 250, 262, 264,
321, 387. 389. 39a. 404, 408, 423, 425,
427, 430; ". Jil^y 343. 360; iii, 132,
164, 166, 207, 208, 21 X, 213, 276,
303, 428; iv, x6, 40, 45, I XI, 199, 255,
307* 313. 397. 422. 423, 468; V, 66,
92, 98, 152, 188, 193, 232, 233, 483,
504; vi, 306, 316, 317, 340, 428, 470;
vii, 32, 71. 73. 235, 237; viii, 122, 179,
249. 254. 398, 437, 585. 636; ix, 56,
loi, XXI, 325, 406, 466, 468, 47X, 481,
524, 525. S37> 687; X, 179, 197, 366,
^67, 488, 490; issue of paper money,
», 139; V, 3, 5, 10; X, 112; how F.
borrowed cannon from, i, 362; en-
tertainment to Lord Loudoun, 429;
currency of, iii, 54 ; sel&sh views with
regard to Indian trade, 206; troops
in winter on frontier of, 292;
growing immensely rich, 336; loss
of Oswego, 354; post routes, iv, 100-
105, 215; X, 174; three hundred
silk throwsters engaged for, iv, 369;
exports from, 434; Assembly refuses
to raise money to pay for quar-
tering troops, V, 18, 19, 23, 29, 4x,
82, 8^; quartering of troops, 1x3;
manufactures of, 116; in disgrace
with the friends of liberty, 271;
op{x)sition to the importation of tea,
VI, 124, 177, 274; the only colony
foundetl at England's cost, 4x4;
British troops driven back to, vii, 51 ;
l)esit'>»ed there by Washington and
Gales, x88, 367; viii, 20Q, 264,
40O, 412; French prisoners in, vii,
31a; coUetje of, viii, 604; packet ser-
vice t\ith France, ix, 30, 148. 370, 394,
Ooo; X. 175, 17O, 180; evacuation of,
ix, S8; X, 401; Moravian mission-
aries carrv earth to Greenland to
fiiake cabhaijc gardens, ix, 337; at-
fcm -^ new state, 4 78

6' trade for eisjht

ting-house in.

152; F.'s printing business, 171 ;

val of Lord Howe's fleet, 298; F.'s

arrival from France, 462, 469.
New York Colonial DocumerUs (O'CdU

laghan), iii, v.
New York GatetU, iii, 87 n.; x, 331.
New York Weekly Post Boy, iii, 87 n.
New Zealand, v, 340.
Niagara, i, 160, 400, 401; iii, 268, 364;

iv, 45, 255, 440.
Nice, viii, 460.
Night (Ralph), i, 272 n.
Nismes (France), viii, 246 n.
Noble Game of Chess, The (Stamina),

iii, 56 and n.
Noetica (Johnson), iii, 28, 30 n.
Noirmoutier, L'Isle, viii, 40.
None but Christ, iii, 459-
Non-importation Combinations, iv, 396,

429; V, 74 n., 76,87,88, X49. «5o. »93»

197, 199, 203, 204, 220, 221, 222, 240,

242, 244, 252-254, 27X, 281, 288, 315.
316, 454; vi, 3, 21 X, 225, 239, 240,

243, 249, 305. 308, 31.0, 316, 320;
vin, 178 n.; x. 223, 229, 243. a73.
274.

Norfolk (England), iv, 25.
Norfolk (Va.), viii, 625; x, iio.
Normandy, viii. 308, 609 ; ix, 8, 9.
Northampton (England), i, 229; v, 504.
Northampton County (Pa.), iv, 241,

311; X, 183.
North Briton^ v, 122 n.
North Cape, iv, 60, 6x.
Northeast storms, see Meteorology,

and Weather.
North River (N.Y.). vi, 450, 468.
North Sea, vii, 193; viii, 279 n., 312.
Northumberland (England), iii, 4^1.
Northwest passage, ii, 278 and n. ; iii,

12^; V, 393 ; see also Arctic voyages.
North wich, salt mines at, iv, 15.
Norwalk (Conn.), x, no.
Norway, surrender of prize ships to

England, vii, 403; viii, xg, 22, 41, 90,

227; attitude of Sweden toward,

X, 347; burning of English vessels

on coast of, vui, 384; Phcenician

voyages, vi, 86; viii, 248.
Norwich (England), manufactures of,

iv, 51.57. 396; v, 167.
Notre Dame d*Autruil, see Mme.

Helv6tius.
Notre Dame (Paris), illumination of,

V, 53; a mysterious appointment,

vii, 170.
Nouvea u Systeme TypogP-apk ique(}tlme.

de St. Paul), ix, 194 and n.
Nouvelle Biographie C/n/raU, i, 24.
NouvelU Comrtologie (Moreliet), ix,

647, 600.
SouvelUs de Divers KndroUs, x, 31 j.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

6is

le histoire tPAngleUrre (De
npigny), vii, i8i n.
5C0TIA: i, 57; ii, 228; iii, 207
6; iv, 397, 416, 438, 468; V, 20,
1., 513. SM; vi, 397; vii, 100,
viii, 430. 469, 477. 478. 49'. 614;
33^t 493; Phoenician voyages,
48; lime quarries, v, 307; settle-

of, 469, 470. 47 1 » 508; vi,
parliamentaiy grant to, v,

.; friendly to America, vii, 235;

of union with the colonies, z,

m quorumdam in re dectrica ex-
entorum sfecimen^ quod regiae
nensi socteUUi miUebal (Bee-
. iv, 457 n.

Is, a work on architecture, ix,
id n.

O

ions Concerning The Increase

nkind. Peopling of Countries, i,

43; iii, 63 and n., 97, 106, 131,

*7; »v, 3, 32; ix, 263.

ions on a Treatise by Dr.

t, Entitled Thoughts on Execu-

istice, ix, 291.

ions On And Answers To The

On The Settlement on the
iiver, v, 479; vi, 98.
'ons on Civtl Liberty and the

of the War with America
I, vi, 452 and n.
ons on Cold (Prof. P. Wilson),

ons on Liberal Education, in
Branches (Turnbuli), ii, 387 n.
ons On Mayz, or Indian Corn,

ons on the Caladaron on Mo-
te, i, 207.

ons on the Importance of the
an Revolution (Price), ix,

7ns on the Inhabitants, Cli-
^oil. Rivers, Productions, Ani-
tnd other matters worthy of
. . ., (Bartram), iii, 61.
7ns on the Late and Present
t of the French (Clarke), iii,
87; iv. 37 n., 43 n.
ins politique sur la Necessity
tablissement d*une seconde
e Commerce Maritime dans
'ierran^e, i, 207.
}ns relative to the Intentions of
ginal Founders of the Acad-
Philadelphia (F.), ii, 386 n.;

>ns sur la Saign^e du Pied,

ei sur la Purgation, au commencement
de la Petite Virole, et Raisom de
doubte centre P Inoculation (F.). iii, 96.

Oby River, iv, 73.

Odyssey (Homer), iv, 299.

Of Lightning, and the Method (now used
in America) of securing Buildings and
Persons from its Mischievous Effects
(F.), V, 55.

Of the Paper Money of the United
States, i, 140; ix, 231 and n.

Ohio, X, 483^ products of, ix, 680;
French emigration to, i, 115; its
natural advantages, iii, 365; hunt-
ing lands, V, 481 ; boundary with the
Six Nations, 515.

Ohio River, iii, 173, 175, 474; iv, 72,
204, 307, 439i 440; V, 410; viii, 633;
remains of mastodons, i, 85, 86; v,
40, 92; vi, 222J Braddock's expe-
dition, i, 1^9; iii, 277; new colonies
west of the, 206, 219, 339, 358-
366; V, 68, 314, 44?, 467-527; X.
2^5; Bouquets march, iv, 285; ori-
gin of West Virginia, viii, 04 n.; dis-
puted rights to waste lands on the,
491; F.'s tract on the, ix, 504;
Saugrain's expedition, 637, 648.

Oil, i, 50-52, 63-65; iv, 177; linseed,

I, 53; 11, 310.
Old Man's Wish,

The, ix, 332.

Oliver Letters, vi, 195, 263, 276-278;

see also Hutchinson Letters.
On A Proposed Act of Parliament for

preventing Emigration, i, 144; vi,

291 and n.
On Fire, iv, 159.
On Immigration, ix, 149.
Onondaga (great council of the Ind-
ians), iii, 139; vi, 424; X, 102.
On Sending Felons to America, ix, 628.
On Smuggling (F.), v, 60 and n., 78

n., 146.
On Some Remarkable Passages in the

Writings of Benjamin Franklin, i, 91 n.
On the Abuse of the Press (F.), ix, 639.
On the Causes and Cure of Smoky

Chimneys {¥.), i, 131; ix, 413, 536;

X, 462.
On The Criminal Laws And The Prac-
tice Of Privateering (F.), ix, 291 and n.
On The Labouring Poor (F.), v, 122,

146.
On the Nature of Sea Coal, v, 552.
On The Price of Corn, And The Man-

agement Of The Poor, i, 137; v, 534.
On The Shock By The Electric Bottle,

And The Density of Glass (F.), ix, 52

and n.
On The Slave Trade (Dr. Stuber), x, 86.
On The Theory of the Earth (F.), \, 54.
On Thermometers (F.), ix, 538.

6i6

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

On the Virtue of Lime Water in the
Cure of Stone (Whytt), iii, 104 n.

Opera at Paris, z, 408.

O^nions and Conjedures concerning
the Properties and hjjeds of the dec-
trical Matter (F.), i, xoa and n.; ii,

427; "i. 37-
Opium, F. has reoouise to, z, 35, 49,

50, 91. 487.

Optical instrumenti, iii, 434; ▼, 335»
348, ^49; see also Bifocal glasses.

Optics, IV, 379, 380.

Oration (ILive), to prove that the earth
is hell, V, 201 n.

Order of St. John of Jerusalem, iz, 38,
71 n., 98.

L'Orient, vii, 34. 54. 73 and n., 187,
x88, ao2, 287; viii, 2, la, 14, ao, 23,
5». 54. 64, 85, 86, 88, 90, 97 and n.,
«34. 137. 1*6, 189, 226, 228, 229, 248,
270, 297, 299. 308, 331, 371. 378, 386;
ix, 18, 55, 68, 75, loi, 134, 324, 542;

X. 179. 3»7. 342, 348. 37O'
De r Ori^ine ei des productions de Pim-

primer te primitive en taiUe de hois

(Foamier), viii, 62 n., 63.
Orleans (France), i, 9; viii, 321, 4^6 n.
Ormathwaite (home of Dr. Brownngg),

vi, 157-
Oronoko River, ii, 416; iv, iii.
Orphan House, i, 356, 358.
Ostend, viii, 330, 340, 362, 363, 388,

462, 465, 486, 518, 568, 569; ix, 672.
Ostia, iii, iif.
Oswego (N.Y.), i, 159; iii, 164 n., 336,

347. 354, 365, 3^; »v» 45; V. a"; X.

185.
Oswego River, v, a 10.
Ouvrage sur Us Principes ei le Bien des

Republiques en general (Dupont De

Nemours), ix, 659.
Oxford (England), i, 291; iv, 173; v,

99; v>, 7^; vii, 68 n.
Oxford University, iii, 132 n.; x, 204-

206 and n.; Merlon College, vii,

68 n.; Queen's College, vi, 99; St.

John's College, x, 208.
Oxus River, iv, 60.

Pacific Ocean, ix, 383.

Padua, i, 9.

Paleontology, i, 53, 85-86, 199; v, 39-
40, 92-93.

Pallas (friiiate), vii, 420; viii, 22^.

Pamela (Richardson), i, 251; iii, 422.

Paper money, i, 139-142, 146, 293, 204,

306, 307; ii, 132-155; iii, 272, 293,

-»os; IV, 329. 330,331 andn., 420,428;

-1, 25-28, 43.44, 46, 47. 85, 86,

91, 97, 98, xao, 188, 189; vi, no. 175,
194, 19s. 307. 334; vii, 236, a75. 292,
*9.3» ^94. 3^1. 335. 341. 356, .^66;
vui, 74, 117, "8, 140, X5X, 15a,
201 ; ix, 93-95, 1x2. 56X. 564, 568.
587. 635, 638; X, III, XI 2, 170, 242,
291 ; see also Of the Paper Money of
the United States, Modest Enquire
Into the Nature and Necessity of.
Remarks and Facts Concerning A merp-
can Paper Money.

Parable against Persecution, The (P.),
i, 172, 179; iv, 85 n., 258 n.; vi, 254
and n.; vii, 410 n.; x, 53 n., 87.

Parable On Brotherly Love, A (r .), vi,
aj^; X. 53 n.

Paris, 1, xo, 34, 46, 1X4-X19. 200. a«2.
313; iv, 149, 398; V, 270; vi, 471,
474; vii, 115, 395, 397; viii, 23, 25.
a8, 34, 45, 54. 74, 88, 96, 1x6, xa6,
156, 179, 200, 20X, 203, 223, 229, 283,
312, 476, 477, 483, 484, 485, 486, 492,
494, 496, 5>3. 5^6, 525, 532, 541.
544, 549. 558, 565, 609, 629, 635.
638; IX, 6, X2, 31, 32, 70, 95. 97, I 21,
X26, 128, 136, 157, 158, 192, 196, 225,
aso, 3^3. 328, 361. 368. 387, 404,
463, 465, 570, 571, 576, 604. 605, 647,
655, 656, 659, 668, 672; X, 35, 303,
314, 3*1. 326, 359, 361, 301, 39.1,
395, 440, 456, 467, 490; '• 5 worl^
published in, i, 23, 24, 26, 30, 419;
iii, 98; balloon ascensions, i, 78; ix,
115, 125; electrical experiments, i,
98, 106, 420; La Chariie, 121; iz,
53', 533. mesmerism, i, 122; Didot
and rierres, printers, 215; viii, 336
and n. ; improvements in printing, ix,
194; ingenious fireplace, iii, 469 '^ a
comet visible (1767), v, 45; F.'s visit
to, 47, 95; magnificence and n^-
ligcnce, 52; the mode is sacrednr
followed, 54; Gassendi's obser-
vations (1631), 248; house fires,
266; ix, 614; powdered heads,
vii, 26; monument to General Mont-
gomery, 162; viii, 578; a myste-
rious assignation, vu, 170; Stor-
mont's reputation in, x^8; La-
fayette's return to Amenca, 313;
diversions of, viii, 30; the opera,
xoo; American bankers at, 289; iz,
254, 619; Paul I's \isit to, viii, 502:
the Tuileries, ix, 119; treaty signed
at, 130; X, 400; consumption of
candles, ix, 186, 187; les Enfants
trouvfo, 265, 334, 335; throngs of
visitors intrude upon F., 317; con-
sumption of wooa, 434; revolution
in, X, 68, 70; booksellers' shops,
78; excitement over Burgoyne's sur-
render, 328; F. portraits and F.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

617

toves, 358; Academy of Sciences,
, 138; iz, 679; z, 498; Bois de
Boulogne, ix, 106; Champs de Mar,

78; ix, 79, 80, 83; Erm^aonville,

411; Estrapade, i, 98; Faculty
Medicine, lai; Foundling
ospital, ix, 334, 336; H6tel de
iauinont, x, 306 n.; Hdtel
Hambourg, 305, 310; Hdtel de
cardie (me de Seine), viii, 16 n.:
fttel de York, x, 397; H6tei
ilentinois^ 305; Jardin de la
uette, viii, 159; Jardin des Plantcs,
34; Javellc (on the Seine), ix, 387,
2; Montmartre, viii, 156; Moulin
li, i, x8a; vii, 306 n., 307, 308;
i, 100 and n. ; x, 406; Pire-lachaise,
I; Port St. Denis, v, 53; Palace la
lette, ix, 1x3; Palais Royal, x,
{; St. Cloud (balloon ascensions),
;; St. Sulpice, i, xi8; Tuileries,

ix, 119; X, 3x3.
iment, i, 314, 388, 408, 435; ii,
, 380; iii, s, 43, 47f »o». 293i 301.
,312, 398, 401, 445 ; iv, 118, 338-
, 243, 245 n., 363, 389, 444; V,

72-76, 99, xoo, 117, I30, X49,
, 253, 384, 385, 333, 328, 339, 350,
, 382, 390, 391, 444, 449; vi, 49,

73-75. 77, 84, 87, 88, 116, 144,
. 151. 177. »92, 235, 329, 239. 247.

308, 3x5; vii, 69, 109, 180, 308,
; viii, 36, 153, 403, 405, 412, 420,
; IX, 33, 33, 33, 146, 193, 3C5, 535,
; X, 91 ; set also On the Elective
nchises Enjoyed By the Small
mghs of England; On the Rise

Progress of the Differences be-
n Great Britain And Her Ameri-
Colonies; Account of the Nego-
jns in London; Vindication and
' from Congress to Parliament;
■ of Union, Albany; Letters to
ley; Report of the Committee of

icvanccs . . . ; Letters Concern-
the Gratitude of America; Re-
by Benjamin Franklin of William
r Speech against the Stamp Act;
ies by Mr. Strahan, Respecting
'ican Affairs; Preface to the
rA Editor.

lent. Acts of, see Queen Anne;
y<7 Paper money ; 34 George II, v,

see also Duty Acts, Act for
>Iishing Courts.
xerUary History, vii, 255 n.
lerUary Register (Almon), vi,

Falls (N. J.), iii, x, 3 n.
•iquoddy Bay, x, 92, ^3.
, 146, 320, 330; viii, 460, 46X,

489, 490; ix, 123, 323. 471,

5X3, 567, 643; X, 336, 456. 460, 464;
F. surrounded by spies at, i, 3: x,
3x3; his house at, i, 13: geology
of, 55; viii, 600; Polly Baker
story, i, 172; F.'s private press at,
174, 187; his hospitality, 183; x,
406; ^pes made in F.'s house, i, 183,
184; Abt Vogler visits F. at, 3x3;
pleasant gardens of, viii, X56, 158;
peasants of, 160; climate of,
173; live toads found in stone, 4x7;
F.'s farewell^ to^ ix, 363, 466, 468;
Ies eaux epurees, ix, 495 ; Chaumont's
house at, x, 306; arrangements of
F.'s householo, 3x5; household ex-
penses, 3x8.

Paul and Amsterdam Islands, vi, i6x.

Paxton (Pa.), iv, 3x0; x, 3x5.

Pedagogy, i, 360, 371-374; "i, 2-3, 9,
X3-39, 48, 6X-63, 93, X36-X37, X3;x-
X33; see also Proposals Relating
to the Education of Youth in Penns^
vania. Observations Relative to the
Intentions of the Original Founders
of the Academy in Philadelphia.

Pekin, iv, 60; ix, 303.

Pendennis Castle, vii, 377.

Penelope, iv, 301.

Pennsbury Manor (Pa.), iv, X07 and n.

Penns Creek (Pa.), iii, 393.

Pennsylvania: i, 57, X37, X38, 350,
386, 308, 32X, 343, 360, 374, 377-378,
381, 389* ^90, 393. 412; ii, X55, X56,
337. 340; m, 124, X84 n., 337 n., 399,
3<>3f 319. 339» 354, 360, 363, 370,
425, 443, 448, 477; IV, 10, 41, 83, 86,

106, XII, X32, 327, 336, 364, 380,

386, 389, 3x3, 335, 345, 362, 4x3. 440,
444, 464f 468; V, 18, 19, 37, 38, 47,
98, X13, 153, x88, 306 and n., 471,
497, 500, 503. 504, 507, 514, 518, 530,
521, 523. $27; vi, X75, 177, 390, 3x6;
vii, 51; vm, 133, 172, 393, 437, 633;
IX, 35 and n., 145, 159, 309, 3x0, 311,
314, 488, 503, 535, 548, 568, 598, 639,
663, 695, 696; X, 55, 114, 313, 319,

324, 334, 335, 335 n., 471, 476, 493,
506; treaty with the Indians, i, 37S»
^87; ii, 379; V, 481, 483; the Qua-

kers of, i, 368, 160, 392; ii, 344; 1",
206; iv, 268; defence of the colony,
i, 161-X64, 363, 392; Braddock's ex-
pedition, 159, 160, 394-406, 416;
iii, 297 n., 399; paper money of, i,
139, 140, 306; V, 3, 5, 10, X2; ix,
561; X, 170; General Assembly of , i,
152, 154, 350, 361, 367; iv, 8-9; X.
x8o-i8i, X84, 185, x86, 187, 300, 313-

313, 3I6-33X, 333-334, 34X, 386,

500; Plan of Union, 1, 156: iii, 207
n.. 311, 312; price of lana, i, 305;
viii. 609; population of, iii, 65, 73;

6i8

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

iv, 415. 4x6; quietism in, Hi, 98; im-
ports irom England, iv, 68 and n.,
419; postal routes, 105; rava^
on the frontiers, 255; petition
to the king, 314; taxes, 417,
418, 432, 445, 446, 447; manu-
factures of. V, 116; X, 243; origin of
Bedford County, v, 522; limestone
and marble, vi, 221 ; Luzerne County,
viii, 29 n.; attractions to settlers,
354, 355. 604, 605; charter of, iv,
341. 344, 345. 445; V, 285; constitu-
tion of, iv, 228, 239, 267, 317, 319,
340. 341. 342, 343. 350. 351. 3^7; «,
55.559; X, 472, 473,475; B.F. agent
in London for, iii, 366, 367, 369-370,
377; iv, 86, 99-100, 223-225, 272,
361-362, 376, 377, 456; V, 47, 132;
see also Quertes and Remarks Re-
s feeling AUerations in the Constitu-
tion of Pennsylvania; Address of the
Assembly of Pennsylvania; Re-
marks on a Late Protest^ Petition to
the King for ... a Royal Govern-
ment; Preface to the Speech of Joseph
Galloway; Report of the Committee of
Aggrievances of the Assembly of
Pennsylvania; Cool Thoughts on the
Present Situation of Our Public
Affairs; Remarks on a Particular
MUitia BUI.

Pennsylvania (packet), x, 281.

Pennsylvania Archives, iv, 467 n.

Pennsylvania Chronicle, iii, 231.

Pennsylvania Fire-place, i, 1^, 127, 128,
129, 132, 370; 11, 256; ill, 268; iv,
3; ix, 439. 461.

Pennsylvania Gazette^ i, x^ 54, 163, t66,
167, 170, 171, 172, 173 n., 302 n.,
344, 346; ii, V, 155 n., 157 n., 163 n.,
170 n., 172 n., 182 n., 186 n., 189 n.,
198 n., 205 n., 232 n., 236 n., 353 n.,
357 n-. 358 n.; iii, 3, 45, 307; iv, 2 n.,
225. 3(>3\ V, 459; vii, 200 n.; ix, 628,
639; X, 1^6, 160, 165 andn., 167, 228.

Pennsylvania Historical Society, i, 9,
122 n.; ii, 100 n.; iv, 118 n., 130 n.,
273 n.; X, 143 and n.

Pennsylvania Journal^ vi, 402.

Pennsylvania Magazine of History and
Biography, i, xx6; vii, x8 n.; x,

143 n-
Pennsylvania, University of, i, 371-

374; iii, 2, 3, 9, 12-16 n., 21 and n.,
48, 53, 58, 92, 122, 126 n., 127, 132 n.,
X47, X89, 264, 267, 281 and n.,
347. 353. 380; X, 9-31, 207, 208; see
also Observations Relative to the
Intentions of the Original Founders of
the Academy in Philadelphia.
P-^nobscot, loss of American squadron
"ii, 380.

Pensacola (Fla.), vii, 40; viii, 303.

Perseverance (British frigate), is, 15a n.

Perspiration: v, 544; vi, 42; experi-
ments with Sanctorius's balance, i,
122, X23; ii, 305; vi, 26; "imbibing
state" of the body, ii, 284-388; iv,
X09; checking of, ii, 469, 470; vi,
60; viii, 418.

Perth Amboy, iv, xoo; x, 14X.

Peru, i, 86; iii, 2 n.

Peruvian bark, iii, 19, 420, 424 ; vi, 65 ;
viii, 3x7; ix, 272, 273.

Petit Code de PHumanitf (Duboux:g),
vi, 9 n.

Petition of Rights, iv, 445; vi, 306.

Petition of the Left Hand{F.),U 184;
X, 125.

Petition of the Letter Z (F.), v, 5^0.

Petition to the King^ i, 6, 7; vi, 303-
304, 315 and n., 342-344, 349, 352.
3^4, 359; X, 282-283.

Petition to the King for Changing the
Proprietary Government of Fenns^
vania into a Royal Government^ iv,
314 and n., 348 and n., 356, 364,
365, 366, 392; see also Preface to the
Speech of Joseph Galloway.

Petits Oiseaux, Les, i, 183, 2x2; x, 426.

Philadelphia: i, 50, 256, 264, 267, 373,
274, 276, 286, 289, 295, 297, 298, 308,

325, 356, 357, 390, 403, 404, 424,
426; li, 86, 36X; iii, 213, 227 n., 384,

303, 3»3. 332, 340, 341, 439. 478; iv,
I, 6, X7, 28, 99, X07, XX7, 119, 133,
202, 222, 224, 248, 280, 294, 297, 3x3,

326, 374. 413. 435. 464; ▼, 27.
29. 73. 185, 2x6, 282, 428, 504; vi,
124, 274, 306, 428, 448. 457; vii, 54,
X26, 275, 29X, 3x4; viii. 3, X7, 30, 40,
51, 55, 79, 170. 248, 293. 3x2, 335,
373. 395, 400, 504, 562, 632; IX. 27,
131, 140, X7X, 243, 244, 25X, 3x5, 335,

327, 337, 352, 353. 363. 367. 370.
371, 468, 535, 66x, 687, 696; X, xio,

161, X70, 17X, 182, 2x2, 290, 297, 298,

300, 342, 399, 402, 407, 454, 47 X, 489,

493, 495. 497, 498, 503. J506, 507; B.
F.'s private papers in, 1, 3, 23; ex-
periments in electricity, X5, 16, 87,
4x7,419,420; ii, 425; observation of
an eclipse of the moon, i, 58; iv, 16;
clearness of the air, i, 70; kite ex-
periment, xoi; iii, 99; fun on the
Schuylkill, i, 113; languishing trade
of (1723), 139; civil offices held by
B. F., X53, 374; rival political par-
ties, 155; incursions of Indians,
163; newspapers in, 346 n.; B.
F.'s first entrance into, 254-260; x,
r4x, 1^2; character of Governor
Keith, i. 262, 266, 288; public li-
brary of, 321, 322; post-office of.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

619

51; iii, 50, 440; iv, 100-104,
, 289; X, 173, 174; Academy

Pennsylvania, University oO;
1, home of James Logan, i, 73,
; Jersey market, 380; ii, 322

226; a. F. paves and lights,
; formation of the Junto, ii,

crown soap popular in, iii,
33; a hot Sunday in June,
448; number of printing-

475; Voltaire's reference
268: exports to Ireland,
ublic mature in, v, 505 ; horses
)y lightning, ix, xo8; cast-iron
>r covering houses, 277; the
dvantage London has over,
ncrease of buildings (1786),
nconsistenc^ in the name oi,
>ooked Billet (inn), i, 255;
; compared to Babylon,
I Masonic tragedy in, 161-
:he Paxton riots, 215; an
scene, 217; regiment of

of, 184; regiment of militia,

rolonel of, i, 362: bank, ix,

7; Carpenter's Wharf, i, 168,

.hrist Church, iii, 17 n.; vi,

Christ Church buriaJ-ground,

Custom House, i, 85; Epis-
Vcademy, ix, 515; Franklin
e, i, 59 n., 88; Hickory
, 494; High Street, 155; Sec-
reet, i, 169; Lower Ferry,
Market Street Wharf, 253;
n of Independence Hall, iii,

iv, 385 n., 409 n.; Pewter-
Alley, X, 494; postmaster of,
52; iv, 450;. 3f. 165, 167-170;
vania Hospital, i, 113, 376-
458; »v, 95, 186 n., 410; v, 24,
X, 500; Kidgway Library, i,
[ n. ; Roberts' (JofiFee House,

n.; St. Peter's Church, iii,
iri, 34 n.; State House, viii,
B; X, 472J Three Mariners,

Union Fire Company, 354,
>5t 368; Water Street, 289;

lia Academy, set Pennsyl-

Jniversity of.

xia Experifnents (M. de Lor),

iia Magazines and Their
Uors (Smyth), i, 299 n.; x.

Islands, iii, 131.
r, performed at Auteuil, x,

ia Sacra; or the Principles
ural Philosophy, Extracted
ivine Revelation (Pike), iii,

Philosophical and Miscellaneous Pa-
pers (F.), ix, 550 n.

Philosophical Essays of the Royal Phil-
osophical Society of Edinburgh, iv,
192.

Physical and Meteorological Observa-
tionSf Conjectures ana Suppositions
(F.). i, 59 n.

Phystocratte (Du Pont), v, 154, 155.

Physiocrats^ of France, i, 135, 147, 148;
X, 361.

Picardy, i, 106.

Pichawillanes (America), v, 485.

Pilgrim* s Progress (Bunyan), i, 238, 251.

Pisa, iv, 62.

Pisa, University of, iii, 346 n.

Pistoia, iv, 62.

Pittsburg (Pa.), iii, 471; iv, 285.

Plague at Constantinople, i, 116-1x7.

Plain Truth (¥.), i, 1 54, 161 ; ii, 336-354.

Plan for Benefiting Distant Unpro-
vided Countries (F.), v, 286 n., 340
and n.

Plan for Imf>roving the Condition of
the rree Blacks (F.), x, 127.

Plan for Saving One Hundred Thou-
sand Pounds (F.), iii, 293.

Plan for Settling Two Western Colonies
in North America^ with Reasons for
the Plan (F.), iii, v, 265, 266, 339,
358-366.

Plan of Union, iii, 26jr ; as outlined by
F., i, 154, 388 n.; iii, v, 207-226, 361 ;
reasons against partial union, 205;
Albany Convention, i, 156, 157, 386,

387. 393; »". 24a, 243, 358 n.; vi,
416; X, 181; how to be brought
about, iii, 40-45; necessity of, 276,

*93-
Pleurisy, B. F. falls ill of, i, 289; x,

15s; origin of, ii, 252, 265.
Plutarch's Lives, i, 23, 238, 318; x,

148.
Plymouth, ii, 66; vii, 72, 161, 254, 320,

377; viii, 67, 382, 545 ; «, 147.,
Poke-Weed, cure for cancer, 111, 86,

87 n.
Poland, iv, 253; ix, 603; x, 55.
Political Arithmetic (Petty), n, ^5.
Political Disquisitions (Burgh), viii,

457 n.
Political Economy: i, 135-150; iv,
243-245; V, 102, 187, 193, 195. 362,
368; ix, 243-248, 615; see also Pa-
per money. Observations Concerning
the Increase of Mankind . . .,
Interest of Great Britain Considered
. . ., On the Labouring Poor, Posi-
tions to Be Examined Concerning
National Wealth, On the Price of
Corn, and the Management of the
Poor,

630

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

PMkal JUfUcH&nt om ike DispmU be-
tween Great Britain and Her Colo-
nies Respeaing Her Right of Imposing
Taxes on Tlum without Their Con-
sent (Galloway), x, 224.

Poor kicha&o's Almanac: i, x, 36,
43t U^. 343, 343 ; ii. VI ; iii, 293, 406 n.,
407-4x8; vi, 32; X, 160, 170; tnnsla-
tions of, i, 44; the beginning of
American humour, 166; occasional
grossness of, 171; prefaces to, ii,

196, 200, 203, 208, 210, 213, 216, 231,

227 n., 239, 294, 299, 334, 38" ; "i. 9t
100, 167,475; iv, 269.
Population: i, 142-145, 149; iii, 96,

133-141,471; W. 244-345; ▼• X51-
152,157-158,407-408; ▼0,167-168;

ix, 222, 223 n., 263-264; see also
Observations Concerning the Increase
of Mankind . . . ; Plan for Settling
Two Western Colonies . . .; Interest
of Great Britain Considered . . .,
Examination of Dr. Franklin in the
British House of Commons ; Walpole*s
Grant; On the Labouring Poor; Plan
for BenefUing Distant Unprovided
Countries; Settlement on the Ohio
River; On the Price of Com and the
Management of the Poor* Internal
State of A merica ; Hints for Considera-
tion Respecting the Orphan School-
House in Philadelphia; Proposed Aa
of Parliawtent for Preventing Emi-
gration; Comparison of Great Britain
and the United States . . . ; Informa-
tion to Those Who Remove to A merica.

Port Folio^ iii, 16 n.; vi, 432 n., 455 **•

Portland (England), ii, 66.

Porto Rico, viii, 635.

Portraits: iii, 4a3» 439; »» 496, 509;
of William Penn, iv, 4-6; ot B. F.,
184; viii, 62, 6t; by Wilson, ▼, 338,
386; ix. 668 J by Nini, vii, 347; ix,
283; by Wnght, x, 396 n.; B. F.
objects to sitting, ^iii, no; of Bishop
Shipley, 149; by Miss Shipley, 243;
pro tile of B. F. Bache, 304; of G.
Whatley, ix, 331; Houdon of Wash-
in^on, 464; of Governor Yale, x, 83;
miniature of Louis XVI, x, 457.

Portsmouth (England), ii, 54, 55 and n.;
iii, 458; iv. 151, 180, 181, 288, 360;
vi, 162, 163; vii, 72, 320; viii, 382,
520, 545; IX. 72, 124; X, 331.

Portsmouth (Me.), iv, 207; vii, 391.

Portugal, iv, 64, 374, 417; ▼» 6. 29. 85,
90, 167; vi, 226, 323; vii, 33, 45, 191 ;
viii, 76, 260, 324. 3*8; «. 49. 64, 97.
112, 132, 133, 211, 288, 464, 537;
X, 80, 107, 108, 233. t32, 334. 357.

Positions to be examined concerning Na-
tional WeaUh (F.), v, 190 n., too.

Postchaise, travelling by, v, a8.

Postuaster-General nr Akerica:
B. F/s appointment, i, 385. 386, 393,
415; «▼. «55. 414; V, 32; vi, ai4;
X, 172-180. 244> 500, 504; how the
office was obtained, iii, 49-50;
business of the office, 332, 343; iv.
216, 44a. 443. 448, 450; V. 383. 384;
vi, 18, 175; advertising letters, iv, r;
po^al routes, 100-105; communi-
cation between cities, 214-215;
tour of inspef^n, 175; x, 213;
how regarded in England, v. 14s-
146; accounts of the, 183; vi, 54,
Z02-104 ; dismissed from omce. v, i«)3 ;
S89. 290; vi, 176, 191, 192, 195, ip7,
X98, 219, 232, 288; packet service,
ix, X40; United States office, x, 99 1.

Posfs Journal, iii, 470, 471.

Potash, iii, 58; iv, 59, 99 n.

Potomac River, iii, 173, 175; iv, 1x3;
V, 482, 506, 517.

Potsdam, vi, 123.

Powder, means of keeping dry, tv,-i86.

Prague, i. 212; viii, 21X.

Preface To An Abridgement Of The Booh
Of Common Prayer (F.), vi, 165 and n.

Preface to Joseph Galloway's Speech
(F.), i, 21 n., 154; iv, 415-358. 377 n.

Preface To Lopin*s Iransiatum Of
Cato Major (F.), ii, 244, a8o n.

Preface To The Letters From A Farmer
In Pennsylvania (F.), v, 127, 231
and n.

Preface To The Pennsylvania Gaaette, ii,
X55 and n.

Prague, University of, i, 213.

Prenditz (Moravia), i, 103.

Presbyterians, i, 324, 379; *▼. 9$6, 337
n. ; 36a. V, 207, 401 ; ix, 239, 303, 329 ;
X, 216. 217, 227.

Presbvterian prayers, ii. 983.

President of the Council oif Pennsyl-
vania, B. F. elected, ix, 467, 471. 473i
476. 488. 489, 505, 519, 547, 559, 563,
575. 579. 621, 637, 644. 645, 647,
657. 665, 671, 673, 675, 679; X, 1,
471. 476, 486, 403, 499.

Presquisle (on Lakt Erie), iv, 255. 985.

Preston (Lancashire), x, 254.

Prestonfield (Scotland), iv, x n., 210;

V, 347-
Prince (Machiavel), iv, 73.
Prince de Nassau (ship), vii, 158.
Prince Rupert drops, vi, 41.
Princeton University, i, $S, 909, 370 n.;

iii* 379 »•; >v. 104; vi, 927 and n.;

ix, 72 n., 124.
Principia (Newton), i, 978 n.
Principio Iron Works, i, 274 n.
Principles of Equity (Lord Kamet), iv,

12, 122; V, 99.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

621

«/ Trade (Whatley), i, xi,
264.

id printers : F/s friends in the
a 14, 315; his apprenticeship,
; X, 15a, 1C5, 156; in New
350; in Philadelphia, 2^6-
153; inventory 01 an omce,
367; at Palmer's, 377: x,
Watt's, i, 380; Chapel laws
toms in London, 381-283;
( shop, 388-395; F. pros-
business, 301-304, 308-310,

. 348, 349. 360. 373; ". 237,
366; lii, 4^9, 440; IV, 461;
71; an apology for printers,
179: stereotype printing,
Cfaslon's types, 343 and n.;
tools, 378; a printer in
ill, 87, 88; in Antigua,

S «44, 333-335; Basker-
II, iv, 86-88; Ilive's strange

2^i\ Dutch printer in
ania, iii, 440 n.; ▼, 443;
in imitation of paintings,
[49, 150; price ot a print-
, vii, 343. 344; types in
ter than English, 394; F.
ypes, 409; viii, 81: emula-
ren Paris and Madrid, 335,
>graphic printing, ix, 193-
isantries about, 263, 363;
Ison studies. 379; booksei-
ing of books, 305, 306;
iety of founts at Passy,
I.; Didot's printing letters,
erfections in founts, 580,

love of the business, x, 4;
I on Virginia, 45, 46; im-
t backward in the art, 79-83 ;
French printers to F., 493 ;
his London shop, 199; sets
I ache in business, 486, 498;
idex of Persons: Benjamin
fames Parker; Correspon-
1 William Strahan, David
1 Baskerville; Introduction
iphy.

;o; V, 35-36; vi, 118, 150;
cl n., 164, 347; viii,93, no,
51; ix, 473.

war, VII, 36-37, 69, 70-73,
r-io3, 103-104, 156, 165,
268, 387, 388, 399, 313,
375. 377, 386-387, 399,
^20; Viii, III, 165 and n.,
3a, 354, 397, 308, 333-334,
02,409, 411,415, 551, 571,
ix, 72 and n., 134, 143,

i, 7; iii, 71, 376, 395; iv,
iq6; ix, 4-7»40. 4i. 296,
; see also On the Criminal

Laws and the Practice of PrivaUer'
ing.
Privateers, iii, 71; vii, 55. 156, 157, x8o,
190, 19X, 198, 199, 365, 387, 388, 390;
viii, 13, 10X-104, 235, 336, 349, 333,

^ 570; «. 133. 38a-

Prize money, 1, 200; vii, 389, 419; viii,

19. 3a. 33. 41, 60, 73, 86, 87, 90, 137,
226, 227, 229, 553, 577, 578; ix. 68.
76 n.. 134, 174, 397.

Pnzes, vi, 448, 451. 472-474, 476; vii,
33. 34, 55. 57. «39. ao3, 340, 365,
373. 378. 388, 390, 396, 398, 399, 403.
407, 4SO-4a4 n.; viii, 19, 33, 33, 41.
56, 61, 65, 69, 70, 71, 75. 76, 81, 83.
87, 90, loi, X02, X03, X04, X06, X13,
114, 126, 130, 187, 335-337, 330,
348, 349, 25X, 355, 262, 296, 324,
384. 385. 388, 568, 639; ix, 29, 30.
64-66, 68, 133, 135, 143; X, 29^.

Proposal For Consideration In The Con-'
venlion For Forming The Constitu^
tion Of The United States (F.), ix,
602. 6x2.

Proposal for Promoting Useful Knowl-
cage among the British Plantations
in America (F.), i, 361; ii, 228; z,
197. X99.

Proposals for Employing the Poor
(Fielding^ iii, X43.

Proposal of an Experiment to measure
tne Time taken uf by an Electric
Spark in moving tnrough any given
5pac«. (Alexander), iii, 171.

Proposals Relating to the Education of
Youth in Pennsylvania (F.), i, 371;
ii, 386; X, 10.

Proposed New Version of the Bible (F.),
i, 177, 184; vii, 432.

Proprietary government of Pennsyl-
vania, i, xiv, 8, 137, 138; iii, 3, 266,
276, 438, 441. 442; »▼, 82, 85, 246,
258, 260; V, 44, 67, 105, X06, XI 2,
XI 8, X20, 132, X33, 388, 434, 526;
viii. 56; ix, 25, 26; X, 56, 200. 207,
212, 234, 335; the vast estate of
William Penn, i, 153-154; quarrel
between Assembly and governor,
157. 158, 160-164, 389-393; Keith
disregards instruction, 376; F.
opposes exemption of Penn's estates
from taxation, 415, 416, 423, 423;
iii, 35^ 368, 369; X, 56, 181, x83,
X83, 185, 186, 31 x; appeal for royal
government, i, 434-439; iii, 366, 367,
455, 456; iv. 37s n.. 3M-358, 364.
365. 366. 380; V, 33, X03, 104; paper
money and land values, ii, X4X, X43;
petitioned for cannon, 355, 3^7.
363; takes the Academy under
patronage, iii. 92, i47. 189, 347; F.'s
personal relations to the, 241,

622

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

348, 349; »v, aaa-224, 376; X, 216,
219, aao, aai ;• the case of William
Moore, iii, 443-445; charge of the
Indians against the, 47a; all are
heartily tired of the disputes of the
people and the, iv, aa7-a4i ; opposi-
tion to the militia bill, a65-a66;
opposition to F/s appointment as
a^ent to England, a73-a85j treaty
with the Indians, a90, api ; suffers dur-
ing the Revolution, ix, 309-312 ; x. 66.

Proprietary government of CaroUna,
iv, a32, 233.

Proprietary government of New Jersey,
iv, 2^3, 234.

Prosody made Easy (Nixon), viii, 298
and n.

Prospect of Quebec^ iv, a3.

Protection of Towns From Fire (F.), ii,
205.

Proust against the Bill to Repeal the
American Stamp Act (Paris, 1766),
X. 236.

Protestants of the Cevennes, i, 257 n.

Protestant succession in the House of
Hanover, ix, 350.

Protestor, The (conducted by James
Ralph), X, 197.

Provence (France), viii, 564.

Providence (U.S. frigate), vii, 159, 3a3.

Providentia (brig), ix, 66, 133.

Province Island, tv, 294.

Prudential or Moral Algebra, v, 438,
440; vH, 282; viii, 10 and n.

Prussia, vi, 33, 121, 122, 123; vii, 32;
viii, 234; IX. 67, ail, 604; x, 321,

334, 347. 352.
Public Happiness (De Chastellux), viii,

42 and n.
Public Ledger, v, go n.; vi, 2x4.
Public Record Office (of England), F.

letters preserved there, i, 7, 10.
Pulse-glass, i, 52; v, 139-142.
Purfleet Powder Magazine, protection

from lightning, i, 106-108; v, 397-

399, 416-430; vi, 28, 107, 142; vii,

64 n.
Puritans, iv, 156; v, 214,400; vi, a6o,

295-
Pyrmont, the waters of, iv, 459; x, a40.

Pyrotechny (Starkey), ii, 297.

luadrants (Hadley's), i, 299 and n.

fuakers, i, 232, 255; iii, 228, 345; »v,
227, 230, 235, 236, 361; V, 216; vi,
396; ix, 107, 680; X, 123, 214, 217.
324; their opposition to war, they re-
fuse to defend Pennsylvania, i, 153,
155, 160, 161. 163.363-369; ii, 344,

347-350; "t, 140, ao6. 377, 278. 2Q7
and n., 309-319, 443; dislike of the
proprietors, 472; iv, 32c; objection to
portraits, 5, 6; charj^ed with arming
Indians, 222; Voltaire's opinion of,
268; number in Pennsylvania, 4x6;
their church, viii, 154, 256, 257;
opposed to litigation, ix, 594.

Quartering Act, v, 82.

Quebec, in, X22; iv, 369, 468; ▼, 483,
49a; vi, 355. 376, 425, 453; vii, X45.
390, 398, 399; viii, 265; X, 274. 349;
Wolfe's victory at, i, 145; F. sug-
gests expedition by sea against, iii.
347, 474; X, X85; postal routes, iv,
4x4; X, 176; establishment of the
government of, v, 514; attack, Jan.
x« 1777* vii, 3'^* ^ re<^iQ°^ods the
reduction of, vii, 320.

Queries and Conjectures relating to Mag-
netism and the Theory of the ^arth, ix,
652.

Queries And Remarks Respecting Al-
terations In The Constitution of
Pennsylvania, x, 54 and n.

Queries oy William Strahan, Respecting
American Affairs, and Dr. Frank-
lin's Answers^ v, 236, 237, a6a n.

Queries On Electricity, From Dr. In-

fenhousz; With Answers By Dr.
'ranklin, viii, 189.
Quiberon Bay, vi, 469, 47«>f 47*. 473.

476; X, 301.
Quicksilver, congelation of, iv, 191, 192.
Quietists (of Pa.), iii, 98.
Quinine, see Peruvian bark.

Racoon Creek, ii, 367, 368.

Raleigh (U.S. frigate), vii, 73 n., 323.

Rancocas (N.J.), ix, 490 n., 571.

Range-finder, invention^ of, viii, 32.

Ranger (U.S. frigate), vii, 156 n.. 323.

Rappahanock River, iv, 1x3.

Raritan River, iv, X02, X03.

Rattlesnakes, iii, 46.

Reading (Pa.), iii, 320.

Rebecca and Susannah (packet), iii, 473.

Receipt to make a New England Fun-
eral Elegy, ii, 24, 35.

Rectorial Address at the University of
Glasgow (Rosebery), x, 247 n.

Red Bank (N.J.), x, 471.

Red Sea, iv, 60.

Red Stone Creek, v, ^97, 500, 506.

Reflections (Turgot), 1, X48. ^

Reflexions dun Etranger desinteresse
(Beaumont), v, 355.

Reflexions sur le Govemtment des
femmes (De Champigny), vii, 181 n.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

623

fiment d'Anhalt, viii, 48.
w/er (Henry), v, aa?.
gion of Nature DelineaUd (Wollas-
.n),i, 377; 1,154.

gious Courlship (Defoe), i, 251.
gious toleration, x, 133; in Amer-
1, ix, a66, 267, 354; in France,
7; religious tests, viii, 153, 154;
lintenance for clergy, 256, 357;
leism unknown, infidelity rare,
3, 614; see also Cool ihoughis
the Present Situation of Our Pub-
Affairs, Toleration in Old Eng-
d and New England,
ious Toleration (Voltaire), iv, 267,
• and n.; x, 77.

ious views held by B. F. : deism,
95; iii, 87; toleration of all doc-
es, ii, 314; iii, 88; x, 85; vital
;ion suffers from ejctreme ortho-
y, ii, 215; criticism of New Eng-
I doctnne, 338; deist, theist,

atheist, 333; religious argu-
ti iii> 93; ^ood works and
ven's happiness, 144-146;
observance of Sunday, iv, 185;
ortality, 348, a^o; v, soi, 393;
34; advice to his daughter, iv,

287; ceremonies and prayers,
2; vii, 413; ix, 6x5; priniitive
itianity, viii, 154; worship of

ix, 363, 333; inspiration of
!criptures, 366, 367; advices
st the publication of sceptical
ture, 530-533; F.*s opinion
sus Christ, x, 84; oriein of his
rism, 148, 154; profession of
lith and creed, 84, 85, 419:
3us reference*, 437, 438; see
iriicles of Belief and Acts of
on, Motion for Prayers in the
niton,

of Japhet; bein^ Historical
ries into the Ajfintty and Ori-
the European Languages (Par-
iii, 364 n.

ble Providences (Cotton
r). i, 40; X, 76.
And Facts Concerning Ameri-
per Money (F.), i, 140 and n.,
, I-I4-

Concerning The Savages of

America (F.), x, 97-105.

On A Late Protest Against

ppoirUment Of Mr. Franklin

nl For This Province^ iv, 373-

318, 21Q n.
On A Particular MUitia BiU
' By The Proprietor's Deputy
7rnor, iv, 261.
9n Captain Middleton's De-
, 278 and n.

Remarks on the Letter to two great Men, i,

M5; iv. 33.
Remarks On The Plan For Regulating

The Indian Affairs (F.), iv, 467-471.
Remarks upon the Navigation from

New Foundland to New York (F.),

ix, 405.
Remembrancer (Almon's), iii, 331 n.;

viii, 43 n., 534.
Report of Governor Hopkins to the

Board oj Trade, on the Numbers of

People tn Rhode Island, Copy of the,

iv, 68 n.
Report of the Commission for the inves-
tigation of Mesmerism, ix, 368 and n.
Report of the Committee of Aggrievances

of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, iii,

V. 370-377-
Report of the Lords Commissioners of

Trade and Plantations, v, 465, 467.
Report of William PiU's Speech Against

The !Stamp Act (F.), i, xi, xv; iv,

405-
Report On Lightning Conductors For

The Powder Magazines (F.), v, 4x6;

vii, 64 n.

Repository, ix, 300 n.

Repository for Select Papers on Agri-
culture, Arts, and Manufactures, v,

534.

Reprisal, vi, 469. 470; x, 30X, 3x0.

Resolution (English ship), ix, 300, 307.

Restoration of the Stuarts, v, 315, 360;
X, 79.

Result of England's Persistance In Her
Policy Towards The Colonies Illus-
trated, The (F.), vi, 390 and n.

Retort Courteous, The (F.), ix, 489 n.,
560 n., 681; X, 105 and n.

Retrospect (Miller), ii, 393.

Revenge (American cutter), vii, 190,
418 n.

Revenge (Young), quoted by Wedder-
burn, X, 369.

Revenue Acts, v, 343, 344; vi, 176.

Review of the Controversy between
Great Britain And her Colonies
(Edward Bancroft), vii, 143 n.

Rhode Island, i, 363, 403; iii, 306, 363;
iv, 306; V, 38; vi, 33, 58, 158; vii,
32. 235. 367; viii, X33, 393. 586;
IX, 395; X, no, 367, 488; issue of
paper money, i, 139; ix, 564, 568;
Plan of Union, iii, 307 n., 311, 313,
235t 335; population of, iv, 68 and
n.; manufactures of, v, ri6; main-
tenance of a bishopv fx, 356; d'Es-
taing's desertion of, vii, 194 n., 391 ;
considering the Constitution, x, 61 ;
printinjz-house in, x, 171.

Rhode Island Mercury and Gazette, iii,
V, 388 n. ; iv, x88 n., 305 n. ; vii, 1 1 3 n.

624

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

Rhubarb, introduced in America, i, 84;
medal for cultivation of, v, 345;
seven years* growth, vi, 8; best
quality in China, v, 43a; grown in
Scotland, 443*

Rice, iv, 63; v, 443; ^iif 3a«; viii. 63a
n.; ix, <i; x, 395.

Richmond (England), v, 9*7.

Riga, V, 505.

Riggite (a jester), F. considered "a
pretty good/' i, 166.

Rights 0] Man (Price), i, 35.

Riots, in Philadelphia, iv, 333-934, 377i
335. 353-355; the Pazton boys,
364. 375. 376; X. ai4, ««6; on the
frontier, iv, 385, 389, 390; v, 11 a.
118; viii, 561, 562, 580; Wilkes and
Liberty, v, 12 a, i33-i3<^; *. *45; in
Boston, V, 193, 193; in England, vi,
180, ai8; X, 339: No Popery, viii, 95,
99, 106; see also SUwUion of Ow
Affairs^ Narrative of the Late Mas-
sacres in Lancaster County.

Rise And Progress Of The Differences
Between Great Britain And Her
American Colonies^ The (F.)f vi,
305-318.

Rising States (privateer), vii, 55.

Riviera, i, aia.

Robin HooSs Songs, ii, 175.

Rochelle (France), ii, 67; vii, 83; viii,
30 n., xa6.

Rochfort, V, 318; viii, 639.

Rollin's Ancient History, lii, 35.

Roman Catholic clergy in America, ix,
13$ and n., 136 n.

Roman Catholic prayers, v, ^72.

Rome, ii, 37, 38; v, 336; vii, 15a; viii,
446' whirlwind in, iii, x 1 1, 1 19 ; West
stuaies in, iv, 194; Thayer's conver-
sion at, ix, 303 and n. ; the Pretender's
privation in, x, 354.

Romulus (ship), ix, 33.

Rotterdam, viii, 65, 8x.

Rouen, i, 74; viii, 335 n.; ix, 368, 510;
X, 460, 466, 468.

Roulier (ship), ix, %6q.
Royal George (English

591

war-vessel), viii.

Royal Highlanders, iv, 313: v, 3x7.

Royal Infirmary (Edinburgh), iv, i n.

Royal Society, i, 15, 47? "4. aio; ii,
330, 3x0 n., 334 n.; iii, 134, 425 "•;
VI, 335, 334, 455; w. 104; x. 5a;
F.'s correspondence, i, 10; iv, 370 n.;
V, 45 n.; papers read at, i, 59 n., 109;
ii, 393 n.; iii, 7 n., 53, 83 n., 99 n., 107
n., 169, X71 and n., 173 n., 173 n., 175
n., x86 n., 347 n., 369 n. ; v, 137, 347 n.;
vi, 153 n.; declines to publish ex-
periments with marsh-gas, i, 63;
vi, 327; balloons, i, 77; U, 479;

experiments in electricity, i, 98 n.,
99, 100, xoi} iv, 2x8 and n.; ap-
points committee to report on pro-
tection of powder magazines, i, 106;
V, 4x6-430; vi, 38, 107. 143; Pringlc
forced from the presidency, i, 107;
attitude toward electrical discoveries,
4x8. 4ao; ii, 364; Copley gold
medal, i, 421; iii, 73 n.; v, 69 n., 70;
Pringle elected president, 463; vi,
20; construction of air-pump, iii,
170, 379; F.'s election, 346; x, 197;
the armonica, iv, 167; cold oro-
duced by evaporation, 193; "thanks * '
to Beccaria, 457 and n. ; museum of, v,
40; ix, 384; embezzlement of funds,
V, 76; Berthier's nomination, 94;
LeRoy elected, 193 n.; vi, 59; ab-
sence of factions, v, 336; Feather-
stone elected, 313 n.; exchange with
A.P.S., 387; West's presidency, 303
and n.; electric properties of the
torpedo, 436 n.; sun spots, vi, 13;
gold medaJ in honour of Cook, vii,
34a n.; viii, 1x0 n.; ix, 358 n., 308;
X. 44« 3{fo and n.; infection after
death, viii, 386; Spottiswoode presi-
dent, 336 n.; Maty and Blasden
secretaries, ix, 73 n. ; astronomicaTdis-
coveries, 74 and n.; Banks president,
75f 85; quarrels in the, 354; busts of
Perronet and F., ^65 n.

Roy Voyageur, Lc, ix, 305.

Rules by which a Great Empire may
be reduced to a Small One (F.), i, 1 74 ;
vi. X35 n., 137-137, 145. »5«-

Rules For A Club Established For
Mutual Improvement, ii, 88 and n.

Russia, i, xa; ii, xoa; iv, 106; /, 1^7; viii,
36, 150, 196, 434, 481, 539; IX, 34a;
X, 347, 353» 359; exports, iv, 59, 60;
v> ^^Si ^ii> ^^i discovery of an
ancient sepulchre, v, ^4 ; houses roofed
with iron, 25X ; mediation of, vii, 40a ;
"free ships make free goods," viii,
76, 80, xa9; Dana's mission to,
313, 334; X, 320; establishments in
North America, viii, 486; anecdote
of Paul I, viii, 50a; resentment tow*
ard Holland, 534, 535, 540; war
with Sweden, ix, 676; Empress
favourably disposed toward America,
X, 343; aid to Captain Cook, 350 n.;
putrid fevers common in, 351.

Ryswick, Peace of (1697), v, 481.

Sabine girls, America as happy as the,

ix, X07.

Sable Island (Isle of Sables), a, 405.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

fas

drews, cathedral of, ix, 339.
drews, University of (Scotland), i,
324, 30X; iz, a I and n.; x, aoi
n.

>ix River, z, 9a.
mingo, iv, 81; x, 348, 349.
statia, vi, 436; vii, 34; viU, 348,

urge's Banks, ix, 405.

urge's Channel, i, 43a.

main, i, z6, 99; x, 465.

eria, vi, 10 x, 139; ix, 436.

ins (Nova Scotia), v, 471, 514;

25. 453-

ns (West Indies), iv, 79.

eph (Illinois country), viii, 435.

vrence River, iv, 4, 55; v, 470;

\^T\ x, 210.

us, Knights of, ix, 165.

ia, iv, 80; vii, 334; viii, 634.

o, ii, 360.

er, vii, 25; ix, loi.

I's Episcopal Church (N.Y.), vii,

I.; viii, 579 n.

jrsburg, viii, 150, 233, 333, 353,

X, 314; scientific experiments,

; fatality to Prof. Richmann,

1.; iii, 191 n.: trade with, iv,

\ \ V, 505 ; meoiation of court at,

30.

re de Chalon, Abbey of, i, 308.

re (Martinique), viii, 73 n., 490,

LStian, ix, 375.

mas, viii, 400.

>nica, picture of, i, 384.

ent, VI, 13; viii, 634.

ica, iv, 63.

Mass.), IX, 375.

The Hessians From The Count
hambergh To Baron Hohendorf,
landing The Hessian Troops In
ica. The (F.), vii, 37 and n.
y Plain, 1, 433.
[•e, vi, 314.

ce of, in April, 1779, vii, 293 n.;
of, iv, 15; duty upon, v,

in Coins, x, 83.

y, iii, 364; iv. 256, 357.

[00k, i, 426; iii, 405.

riii, 156; X, 406, 446, 448, 451.

ruz, iv, 79.

J, iv, 398, 303, 303, 310; X, 105 n.

. 3K, 353.

Young), i, 37p and n.

(France), viii, 68.

ii, 176.

(Ralph), i, 373.

m, 67, 73.

vi, 419; vii, 83-86; ix, 67.

VOL. X — 2 s

Scaniaderiada (hunting lands of Ohio),

V, 481.

Scarborough (England), vii, 370.

ScarronideSf or the First Book of Virgil
(Cotton), i, 353 n.

Scelta d'Opuscoli, iv, 163 n.

SchafiFhausen (Switzerland), i, 306.

Scheme For A New Alphabet And Re-
formed Mode of Spelling, A (F.), v,
169-178.

School for Lovers (Whitehead), iv, 149
and n.

Schuyler's Copper Mine, iii, i.

Schuylkill River, electrical party on, i,
113; measuring speed of electricitv,
iii, Z73, 173; mentioned in F.'s will,

X, 479. 503-
Sciewsa delta LegisloMione (Filangieri),

ix, I and n.
Scilly Isles, i, 433.
Scioto, Plains of, iv, 357 ;' river, iii, 363,

364; V, 486, 530.
Scotch Presbyterians, character of, iz,

397.
Scotch-Irish (in Pa.), x, 3x4, 31^.
Scotland, i, 417; iii, 11, 436; iv, 50,

i8x; V, X33, XS9, x6i, 196, 338, 509;

VI, 45. 158; vii, 369, 388; viii, 35,
608; ix, 689; X, 334; F.'s visit to, i,
113; iv, I, 7, 85, 95, 188; V, 33, 363;
X, 30I, 354; exports to America, iv,
67; F.'s affection for, X3x: x, 303;
songs of, iv, 3x0, 38 x; relations to
England, 399, 456; v, 31, ti^,
x68, 360, 361; vi, 36x, 334, 418; vii,
337; ix, 596, 597; exporting felons,
V, 86; ix, 639; rebellion 01, v, 88;
vi, 315; Karnes' invitation to F., v,
107, xxo; trade with, vi, 366; con-
version to Christianity, ix, 330, 358;
origin of estates in South of, 349;
forfeited estates, 6x6.

Scythians, x, 105 n.

Sea-sickness, v, 49. '

Sea- water, saltness of, i, 8x; iv, 14, 15,
109.

Sepovia, iv, 6^,

Seine (river), ix, 373, 381, 387, 465, 466,
468; X, 458, 460.

Selbstbiographie (Piitters), x, 34X n.

Sdect Letters on the Trade and Govern'
ment of America^ And the Principles
of Law and Polity applied to the
American Colonies (Bernard), vi,
X48 n.

Select Mechanical Exercises (Ferguson),

i. 53-

Select Transactions in Husbandry (Max-
well), iii, 59, 60.

Senator's Remembrancer , TA*, v, 337.

Senecjal, v, 509; vii, 313; viii, 634.

Senna (North America), vi, X3.

626

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

Sensible (French ship of war), viii, 38 n.
Serapis (English frigate), vii, 390, 395,

399, 408; viii, a, 6, 14, 46, 47, 67, 69,

87, 91, 226; IX, 174, 385.
Sermon (by Cooper), viii, 257 and n.;

Whitcfield's, i, ix.
Sermon on Education (Peters), iii, 21 n.
Servants, enlistment of, see Braddock's

expedition.
Settlement on the Ohio River (Almon),

V, 465-478; Je« a/j<} Wal pole's grant.
SetUement On The Ohio River (F.), v.

465-527; ▼»» 98.
Sevres China, x, ^^9.

Shamokin (Pa.), iii, 292.

Shavers and Trimmers (F.), ii, v, 232.

Shawanese River, iii, 57 n.

Sheffield, iii, 239; iv, 51, 56, 57; v, 321,

507-
Shenstone Green (Pratt), i, 208.

Sherburne town (now Nantucket), i,
23a and n.

Shipbuilding, i, 82, 431; ii, 136; ix,
148; see also Maritime Observations.

Short-hand (Benjamin Franklin, uncle
of B. F.), i, a30.

Siberia, iv, 60; remains of mastodon, i,
86; V, 40, 92 n.; astronomical ob-
servation, 137.

Sicil:^, silk culture in, v, 228.

Silesia (Austrian), v, 255.

Silk, culture of, i, 15; iv, 59, 503;
bountv of Society of Arts, 99 n.; in
Amerfca, 369; v, 271, 304, 331, 334,
335. 373. 388, 460; vi, 27, 104. 105,
455. 456; in France, v, 227; vin,
611; in Italy, v, 228; in China, 229,
336.389; in Spain. 305; in England,
vi, 10, 11; Piedmontese reel, v, 312;
X 0,000 weight of cocoons sold in Au-
gust, 1 77 1, in Philadelphia, 505;
the "filature," X, 277.

Simancas (Spain), i, 10; vii, 198 n.

Sketch of the Services of Benjamin
Franklin to the United States of
America^ ix, 692-697.

Sketch of Propositions For A Peace (F.),

vi, 452.

Sketches of the History of Man (Lord
Rames^, i, 180; iv, 3 n.

Slavery, 1, 199; iii, 66, 67, 68, 70, 71,
359; vii, 48, 69; X, 86, no, 127
n.; Benezet's protests against, v,
431 and n.,432; vi, 9; slavery in New
England, ix, 627; disposition to abol-
ish, vi, 39; F.'s sentiment concerning,
100, X02; \\it 402; ix. 6, 404; duty
upon negroes, iv, 413: ix, 249, 256,
475 and n. ; abolishing the trade, x, 61 ;
F.'s slaves, iii, 4 ; slaves carried from
America during Revolution, viii, 622,
632 n.; X, X 10-113; ^^^ ^^^ Plan for

Improving the Condition of the Free
Blacks,
Small-pox, i, 124; ii, i8x;, iv, 250; vi,
60, 230- vii, 368; ix, X50, 436; X,
X 1 1 ; mfection from opemng a grave,
i, X24; viii, 286; death of F.'s son,
i, 349; inoculation for, 349; iii, 18-
ao, 95, 96; iv, 264 J vi, 141 n.; x,
X50; m Pennsylvania, ii, 265; tonic
or bracing method of treatment, v,

152-

Smithfield (Pa.), iii, 321.

Smoke, i, 6x ; iii. 467; see also Pennsyl-
vania Fire- places^ On The Causes
and Cure of Smoky Chimneys, De-
scription of a New Stove for Burning
of Pa Coal.

Smuggling, v, 21, 223, 225; vi. 1, 2x8;
vii, 83; viii, 261, 280; see also On
Smu^gling^ Preface of the British
Edition.

Snake (sloop), viii, 323.

Snuff, i, 1x6; vii, 2^.

Societies: Dublin, ii, 2301 Harmonical,
of Bengal, i, 2x3; Kfinigliche Gesell-
schaft der Wissenschaiten, at Gdt-
tin^en. X766. x, 360; Literary and
Philosophical, of Manchester, i, 61 ;
Medical, of London, X7. 113; ix,
x6n.; New York Medical, ii. 2940.;
New York College of Physicians
and Surgeons, iv, ^73 n.; Prus-
sian Acaaemy of Sciences, vi, 237;
Royale de Physique d'Histoire Natu-
relle et des Arts d'Orleans. ix. 48 n.;
X, 3C9; Royal Academy of History of
Msjdrid, ix. 223 n.; x, 3^9;. Royal

Ro3ral Academj^f ^TClSces,Tans, i,
24, 68, X12, I2X, X26 n., 197, 420;
iii, 45 n.; v, 92 n., 192 n., 395,4x5
and n.; vi, 20, 28, 29, 107, 237;
vii, 209 n., 286 and n.; viii, 32 n.,
453; IX, 8x, 82, 255, 3t6, 346. 361.
444, 502» 536, 565 and n., 669 n.,
670 n.; X. 3S9. 406, 492; Royal
Academy of Sciences, Letters, and
Arts, at Padua, viii, 435 n.. 436 n.;
X. 359; Royal Acaidemy of Turin,
vi, 455; X. ^59; Royal Society
of Medicine, 1, 17, X14, X24; viii,
285 and n.; Royal Medical, i,
113; Royal Society of Montpelier,
17; Royal Philosophical, of Ediix-
burgh, X27; iv, 82 n., 84 and n., 1x6,
I2X, 127 n.. 154, 155; V, 195. 196;
X. 2, 204; Massachusetts Medical, vi,
105 n.; New York Historical, iii,
203 n.; i-r, 4" n., 463 n.; vi, 303 n.;
ix. loi n., 212 n., 224 n., 691 n.; for
Political Inquiries, x, i, 486; of the

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

627

Temple, iv, 194 n.; of the
js to the Cause of Liberty, x,
of the Attic Chest, aoj and n.;
•nest Whigs, viii. 8 and n.; for
Ration of the Gospel, v, 40Z, 41 5 :
?; X, 5; for promoting and
gating Useful Knowledge, ii,
\.\ for the Encouragement of

i, 118, 127; iii. 353; iv. 16 n.,
; V, 230 n., 245, 337. 3*7; «.
X, 63 n.; of Antiquaries, i, 15;
r Friends of Dr. Bray, 190; iv,

463 and n.; v, 308; of Phila-
ians in St. Domingo, ix, 526 and
Transactions of the Maryland
rical, X. 295 n. ; Supreme Execu-
3ouncil 01 Pennsylvania, 509;
iophical. of Manchester, ix, 2^8
I.; Massachusetts Historical, li,
. 207 n.; X, 145 n.; Chicago His-
1. ix, 669 n.
1/5 w, V, ^76.

. quartenng and billeting of, in
ica, iv, 388; V, 18, 19, 29, 41, 81,
3, 192, X93, 197. 242, 243. 259,
VI. 211, 213, 250, 329, 334-336,

directions for the Drawing out
one From the Glasses of the
nica (F.), vii. 438.
md Whig Principles (F.), x. 130.
Observations on North America
he British Colonies from verbal
tat ion furnished by Mr. B.
ilin (Acnenwald), x, 241.
hou^hts Concerning Education
e), n, 387 n.
e. X. 340.

». 85, 97; iv, 169-171.
merica, ix, 655; x, 461.
ipton, i, 119; ii. 57; IX. 251,
66. 473. 490, 530; X. 468, 469.
ipton (Lon^ Island), iii. 31.
^arolina (frigate), viii, 271 n.,

arolina Gautte, x. 171 n.

1 (Long Island), iii. 31.

;a, iii, 218, 361; v, 137; vi, 322;

9; ix. 386.

i, 10; iii. 71; iv, 50, 57. 61, 62,

. 73. 89. 130. 304. 374. 394. 413.
40; v. 6, 29, 99. 162. 284, 331;
76. 226. 246. 323. 437; vii, 19,
r, 82-86, 111, 151, 179, x8o,
78, 286, 334. 335; viii. 44. 70.
o. 212, 234, 260, 262, 292, 364,
82. 399. 421. 464. 466, 476, 481,
ix. Ill, 232, 275, 296: X. 89,
73. 294, 300. 304. 3". 314, 320.
jaa, 3*7. 352, 3")9. 367. 368,
Spanish honour, iv, 304; cost
gland of war of 1739. vii, 6;

B. F. appointed commissioner to, 32,
33; Pensacola promised to. 40; sue
cess of Galvez at Pensacola, viii, 203 ;
English prisoners in, vii, 193; viii.
2; loansto America, vii, 323, 383. 392;
viii, 143. 209, 240, 264. 266. 272, 357;
X. 326 n., 37<; a mediator between
England and America, vii, 329; B. F.
advises Lee's return from, 379; her
naval courage, viii, 30; her hospitality,
40; approves the protection of neutral
ships, 76, 80 ; dilatory politics. 434, 501 ;
ix. 545; negotiations for peace, viii,
486, 492, 509, 518, 519, 522. 534, 543.
554. $57. 579. 594 n., 602, 627. 635,
646; IX, 9, 97, 126, 128, 544; designs
to confine America withm the Alle-
ghany Mountains, viii, 580; offers
West Florida and the Bahamas for
Gibraltar, 634; law of entailments,
ix, 223; cultivation of the sweet po-
tato. 399; B. F.'s knowledge of
language of. i, 217, 347; viii, 205;
importation of fish, grain, etc., from
America, x, 107, 108; the tripartite
alliance, 328; the Inquisition, 349;
secret treaty between France and.
395; hatred of Portuguese, ▼, 245.

Spanish Main, iv, 80.

Specific gravity of bodies, v, 543, 547,
548.

Specifics in Medicine (Gastellier), i, 115.

Specimens of Newspaper Literature
(Buckingham), ii. i.

Spectacle di la Nature, iii, 26.

Spectator (Addison), i, 34-36. 241, 343;
11, 2; ill, 23, 28; X, 508.

Speech In A Committee Of The Con-
stitutional Convention, On The Pro-
portion of Representation And Votes
(F.), ix, 595 and n.

Speech intended to be delivered by the
Bishop of St. Asaph in the House 0)
Lords, i, 165; quoted, v, 456 n.; vi,
250.

Speech of Polly Baker, The, i, 172, 173
and n.; ii, 463.

Speech In The Constitutional Conven-
tion At The Conclusion Of Its De-
liberations, Sept. 17, 1787 (F.), ix,
607.

Speech in the Constitutional Convene
tion. On the Subject of Salaries, June
a, 1787 (F.). ix, spo.

Speeches (Edmund Burke's, 1774, 1775),
V, 239 n.

Spelling, i, vii, ix; reformed, v, 169-
177; ix. 508, 511, 5x4. 518, 522-523;
see also Scheme for A New Alphabet
A nd Reformed Mode of Spelling.

Spelling Books, Dyche's, ii, 298;
Owen's, 208.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

SlMts. i, 3; ¥Ji. II. 14a n.; i. 310-314,

Sptuneldi Weaven, petition to the

king, vi, sr

Siftiiht (HopUnsoi). ni'. 306 uid a.

StBmpAct. 1. xi; iv.ir, 363, 411 410.491,
434. 416, 43>-435> 44', 443> 444. 447 :
T, 15, 81, 381, 4^4; vi, 260; 1. 177,
140. 147, >74; Its effect upon pnnt-
era, iv._ 353; _v, 159; X. "7; F->
opposition to, IV, y^a, 41a, 4B>; vi,
i6t \ ii, 605 ; 1, 134 ; its repcHj tbe best
measure for EnKland, iv, 403. 400'
411 ; madness to eiccutc the Act b}-
force, 404; Pitt colli it the" unhaD^
Act." 403 and n.; licstructinn lo lib-
ertT, 4ol; colonies unable lo pay.
415; repeal oi the, 44QI v, 198. 161,
337. »4o. "86. »95; .". TS. "6. 181;
Bute ■ connection with, iv. 450; the
mother of mischief, 454; x, laj;
oppositioQ of the merchants, v, iS;
Grenville the proposer o( the, 89;
*i, 116; vii. 118, no- establish-
ment ot offices in America, v. 45Qi
¥1,180,181.198,103; F.recommends
stomp officer. 300-303; unnecessary
and unjust, lod; Hillsborough's atti-
tude toward, 307 and n, ; injur; done
by the mobs, 331; Amencan sen.

115; jet aito LtUirs Cenctming
tkt F.xaminaiian of Dr. Benjamin
Frankiin in t)u Britith Home oj
Cemmom.

Slanwick (Derbyshire), i. j6.

Staten Island, iv, 103; vi, 457, 463, 464,
465; I, 74. jgo-

States-General of France, x. 6, tii.

States-General of Holland, i, 175; vii,
34, 3'3. 4ii»; viii. 4 n.. 13 n.. 148,
300, 3«|;. Af^. Ill, 534; », 335, 341.

Slrambo;!!, i, "<■'. 1 iq; ix, bjq.

SlQckhdm, vi'i, 'j7,i: x. 314-

Slocks, purthjisi- Lif, iv. 118. 119, 130.
131, 181, 383, 383.

Slooe in the liladLler, Mrs. Stevens's
medicine for, ii, 181, j8j; useol flex-
ible catheter, iii. 104, (05; F. wffera
(lom. ii, T jj, 142, i;o. 131.180,304
aiul n., 30B, 314. 318. 333, 333. 560,

^Jf?

., 330, 480.

MonehenEe, 1, 433.
S,-._.. ii^ii,nd, ii, 149, »54->s5 356,
•ntia, 349, 150; Buxa-

■ F.'^4

Chiiiese.'ix. .„ . ,

Pennsylvania fire-place, i, ii^-iaq;
description of oew stove, viix, 344,
143; le* also Detcriptkm of JVnv
Slove for Burning Pit Coai.

Stove chimneys, v. 334.

Stowe (Buckioghanishire), iv, j.

Straits of Magellan, i*, ^69.

Slraaburg, Tower of, viu, 115.

Stratford (Conn.), iu, 16.

Street paving, cleaning, and lightiD^ i,
380-385; in Paris, T, sj.

Strelham (Enaland), ii, 438. 439.

Striking Sun Dial, A, iii, 406.

>, effect ot, i, ^y 76; ir, 114-

433 and !<■. 437. 448.
Sht les ArO ei ks itaieri, ix, 6;*, 664.

478. ,

'.307:

Sutherland (Eni^and), vi, t^s. 193.

Sweden, ii, 361; iii. 70; viii, ijo, 481 ;
U, 69, .39, j,o, 664; X. 314, JJ>. 35<;.
free navigation for neutral ships, viu,
76. 80; treaty of commerce with
America, 503, 514, SS'. SS«. 635;
■ ■" '■ - ' "" -■' "77:

entertainment in Paris of
imtdish Stiilmu h* i4iw«

(«*.

'. S43-SSa; I. 154,
F.'s tliought of

Sword, presented by Congress to La-
fayette, vii. 370. 371. ^87.
Syiumymts Framaatt. 11, 144,
Syria, iv, 76.
Sysltma Vigelabiitam (Lioncua), x.

Table Eamomique (Dupont), vC, 41J

raUu and TrtOi rdoMw to itvtral
Artt and Scitntst (Fernuaon), i 73.

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

629

IX, ^00.

«. »» S3; ". 313-314; iv, a43-
• 193; vii, 176; viii, 360-361;
245; s€€ also Free trade, Ex-
'■on of Dr. Benjamin Franklin
British House of Commons^
Uion to Those Who Would
to America.

». 135-

lotea, i, 47; iiif x>4; imita-

V, 550 and n.; x, 508.

viii, 347.

no Tyranny (Johnson), z, 1x0.

of America by Parliament, iv,

4, 38S, 390; V, 18, 19, 41-43.
-116, 127-139, 149, 160-165,
$, 220, 351-254, 259-362, 280,
2-296, 317-330. 333-335, 351.

179. 34S» 3"-3i4; vu, 105,
2; IX, 613; X, 231, 333; see also

by Mr. Strahan Respecting
m Affairs; Preface of t)u

Editor; On the Rise And
ices between Great Britain and
nerican Colonies; Stamp Act;
\ation of Dr. Franklin in the
House of Commons; Causes
American Discontents Before
letters to Shirley; True His-

tfte Difference Between the
^ And the Author of the Stamp
tport of WiUiam PiU*s Speech

the Stamp Aa; Letter Con^

the Gratitude of America;
elative To the Affair of the
\son Letters; The Result of
^s Persistance in Her Policy
iccount of Negotiations in

38. 144-145 n-. 578. 6x5. 638,
also Of tfte Paper Money of
^d States.

tg, i.e., Tfte Art of Procuring

nd Lon^ Life^ Cninese trea-

Halde), li, 353 n.

3; substitutes for, iy, 39^,

uld half choak a true Amen-

88; vii, 83, 258, 290. 391,

sal to take, vi, 151, 152; the

a party, 176-180, 187, 192,

223, 23a, 274, 337, 383, 396,

, 5; Massachusetts refuses

, vi, 241 ; act imposing duty

, 359» 454; vi, 3, 19, 23, 57,

328, 331, 378; vii, i>6;

s to pay for the destroyed,

75, 384, 390, 394; X, 286;

t, ix, 206; lives risked in

104.

Ilackbeard), the pirate, B.

I upon, i, 239.

lerschel's, ix, 347; Isaac 1

Norris's, iii, 455 ; Winthrop's, v, 136,

137. X98, 199-
Teneriffe, i, 124; ii, 31a; vii, 198;

viii, 286, 387.
Tennessee, origin of, ix, ^34 n.; x, 483.
Tension of ship cables, ix, 377-370.
Testament de M. Fortune Rtcard (Ma-

thon de la Cour), ix, 386 and n., 306,

36^ and n., 477.
Texel, vii, 365, 395, 399; viii, 33, 34,

337, 9s8; X, 369.
Thames, i, 145; iv, 113, 114; v, 130;

vi, 29s; viii, 447; X, 154.
Thanksgiving Day, x, 117.
Theory of the Earth (Burnet's or Whis-

ton*s). i. 90; ii, 305.
Tfierise (ship), vii, 391.
Thermometers, it 50; iii, 54^ 366-, elec-
trical, iv, 142; Fahrenheit's, ii, 454;

ix, 538, 539; also see On Tfurmome-

ters.
ThermoOTlae, vii, 28.
Thistle, Knights of the, ix, 165.
Thoroughfare of Duck Creek in Dela-
ware, i, 307.
Thoughts on Executive Justice (F.), ix,

291 n., 292, 293, 561.
Ticonderoga, v, 310.
Ticdcksouchrondite, hunting lands of

the Ohio, v, 481.
Tides, i, 81; iv, 36-31, 97, 98; ix, 317.
Times or Dail^ Universal Register, The

[London Times]^ ix, 193 n.
Timothy Horsefield's Papers Chiefly

on Indian Affairs of Pennsylvania,

iii, 304 n., 336 n.
Tioga River, iii, 361.
Tirondequat (on Lake Ontario), iii,

365.

Tishhoch (Pa.), iii, 331.

Toads, longevity of, vi, 43-43; see also
Account of Toads Found Enclosed
in Solid Stone.

Tobacco: iv, 63, 447; ▼. 188, 503,
504; viii, 632 n.; ix, 51, 404; x, 395;
effects of using, i, 116; alleged cure
for dropsy, 118-119; duty upon,
iv, 431; viii, 260, 361; cultivation in
Virginia, iv, 448; effect of the war
upon, V, 4; vii, 316; x, 110, 11 1;
delivered to the fanners general, vii,
358, 333. 336, 3M, 373; ix, 139, 517,
518; methodsof selling, 336; **damn
your souls; raise tobacco/' 340.

Tobago, iv, 80; ix, 311.

Tolcoo (Spain), iv, 63.

Toleration In Old England and New
England (P.), v, 399-405.

Toleration (Price), viii, 1^3.

Topsham, whirlwind at, lu, 109.

Torricellian tube, vi, 221.

Toulon, correspondence with a galley

630

INDEX OF PLACES AND SUBJECTS

slave of, i. 199; separation of the

fleets of Brest and, x, 356.
Tow of the Hebrides (Boswell), iz,

550 n.
Tourmalines, iii, 479-482.
Trade-winds, iii, 130-x^i, xSa-iSj.
Trading Companies, viii, 107-108.
TraUe des triangles, rectangles en nom-

bre (Frenicle), ii, 456 n.
Transylvania, ui, 25a.
Tratudos historicos, poliiicos, ethicos y

religiosos de la monarchia de China

(Navarrctc), v, 246 n.
Travels of Cyrus, iii, 28, 30 n.
Travels oj the Heart (Pratt), i, 208.
Travels through North America (Kalm),

iii, 8; v, 387 n.
Travels through Jndostan (Bernier), iii,

447; iv, 192.
Travels through the Middle SeUltments

in North America in the Years

1750 and 1760 (Burnaby), iii, 2.
Travels through Virginia (Bossu), v,

387 n.
Treaties: of Utrecht, iv, 439; v, 484;

'« 333 marginal; of Aix-la-Chapelle,

V, 485; X, 171.
Treaties of Ahity and Commerce:

with Denmark, ix, 29, 31, 49, 64, 66,

70, 97, 111, 132, 192, 211, 225, 288,

464; with France, vii, 141; viu, 147;

ix. 134, 139, 211, 269; X, 82, 306,.

329; with Great Britain, ix, 93, 100,

loi, 129, 130, 151, 178, 192, 198,

210, 212, 225, 226, 241. 285, 551,

588; X, 397, 402; with Portugal,

IX, 49i 64, 97f "2, 132, 193, 211,
288, 464, 499, 537; with Prussia,

67. ^i^i a", 299 "m 363, 463, 520;

X, 460; with Spain, viii, 210, ^47,
559, 580; ix, 544, 545 ; '^'^^^ Sweden,
vih, 635, 646; ix, x8, 31, 48, 49» 53-
54 and n., 64, iii, 134, 177, 225;
Saxony, 67; with Amsterdam, viii,
6t; with Austria, ix, 44, 248-249;
with Holland, viii, 422, 480, 519, 534;
ix, 29, 130; with Ireland, 130.

Treatise of Cyder-making, iii, 396.

Treatise of Snip-Building (Murray), iii,
267.

Treatise on the Passions, A, ii, 387 n.

Treaty of Alliance, i, 182; vii, 184, 314,
425; viii, 119, 132, 208, 361, 512, 533,
534; Izard's complaint concerning,
vii, 97 n.; signed by the plenipoten-
tiaries, no, XII, XX2, X13, 176, 177;

circumstances which occasioned
X. 328-330.
of Pea(

177;
the.

Treaty of Peace, ix, 27; correspondence
of F. and David Hartley, i, xiv;
correspondence of the English com-
missioners, 7; preUminar>' articles,

«. 9. >8. 55. 56, 58, 59. 78. 79. »oo.
141 ; reciprocity in the, 22, 23; defini-
tive treaty, 31, 3a. 49. 5®. 77. 86, 90,
93. 96. 97. 98, 101. X30, X54, 177. 179.

190, X9I, 198, 210, 2XX, 2X2, 2x9-321,

226, 227; articles respecting com-
merce, 38, 62; fisheries, boundaries,
royalists, 60, 6x, ox, 92 and n.;
charges respecting r.'s conduct, 95;
favourable character of, 174, 175;
Whitefoord's services, 330 and n.;
F.'s joy at the signing, x, 3x5; when
and where signed, 397; see also
Negotiations for Peace, and Resolu-
tions of the Commissioners in Paris.

Trebisonde, iv, 60.

Trenton, i, 176, 404; iv. 103, 104,
105: vi,427; vii. 27.

Tris humble Requete Presentee a Ma^
dame Helvetius par ses Chats (with,
translation), (Abb^ Morellct), i, jct,
185; ix, 505.

Trevose (Pa.), Joseph Galloway's coun-
try seat, i, X ; vi, 196.

Tricomia, vii, 43 n.

Trieste, ix, 70, 71.

Tripoli, iv, 49; X. 352. 403.

True Constitutional Means of Putting
an End to the Disputes between Great
Britain and the American Colonies,
The (London, 1769), x, 237.

True History of the Difference between
the Colonies and (he Author of the
Stamp Act, A (F.), vii, xx8-iao.

Tunbridge Wells (England), iii, 11. 458.

Tunis, iv, 49 j x. 352, 403.

Turin, i, 9; iii, 8, 229; iv. 163 and n.; v,
165.

Turin, Universitjr of, v, 165 n.

Turkey, i, xx6; iv, 298, 301, 309; viii, •
535; ix, X46, 624, 62J5.

Tuscany, iii, 346 n.; vu, 32, 97 n., 178;
viii, 234; X, 320.

Tweed River, iv. 4.

Two Letters to the Prelates, v. 399 n.

Twyford (Hampshire), i, 226; viii,
243t 454; X. 160, 252.

U

Ukraine, iv, 59.

Ulster in the days of Elizabeth, iv, 72.

Ulysses, iv, 2^0-301 ; viii. 247.

Union (English ship), vii. 420, 421.

United Netherlands, ix, 250.

United States Bank, ix, 54^ n.

Universal Chronicle or Weekly Ca-

tette, iii, 304 n.
Universal Dictionary of All the Arts

and Sciences (Chambers), x. x^6.
Universal History, ii. 3x5, 394; iii, 51,

82.